Tf.f  PACIFIC  COLLEGE  OF  Osrt 

^06  ANGELES,    GAL 


(7 


MEMOIES 


OF 


NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE 


LOUIS  ANTOINEJFAUVELET  DE  BOURRIENNE 


HIS  PRIVATE  SECRETARY 


FO  WHICH  ABE  ADDED  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  IMPORTANT  EVENTS  OP  THE  HUNDBBE 

DAYS,  OP   NAPOLEON'S   SUBBENDEB  TO   THE   ENGLISH,  AND  OP   HIS 

RESIDENCE  AND  DEATH  AT  ST.  HELENA,  WITH  ANECDOTES 

AND  ILLUSTRATIVE    EXTRACTS   FROM  ALL  THE 

MOST   AUTHENTIC   SOURCES 


EDITED   BY   K.  W.   PHIPPS 

COLONEL,  LATE  ROYAL  ARTILLERY 


Veto  and  lUfctsct) 

WITH    NUMEROUS    ILLUSTRATIONS 
VOL.  I 


NEW  YORK 
CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 

1905 


PEEFAOE 

BY  THE  EDITORS  OF  THE  1836  EDITION. 

IN  introducing  the  present  edition  of  M.  de  Bourrienne's 
Memoirs  to  the  public  we  are  bound,  as  Editors,  to  say  a  few 
words  on  the  subject.  Agreeing,  however,  with  Horace  Wai- 
pole,  that  an  editor  should  not  dwell  for  any  length  of  time  on 
the  merits  of  his  author,  we  shall  touch  but  lightly  on  this 
part  of  the  matter.  We  are  the  more  ready  to  abstain  since 
the  great  success  in  England  of  the  former  editions  of  these 
Memoirs,  and  the  high  reputation  they  have  acquired  on  the 
European  Continent,  and  in  every  part  of  the  civilised  world 
where  the  fame  of  Bonaparte  has  ever  reached,  sufficiently 
establish  the  merits  of  M.  de  Bourrienne  as  a  biographer. 
These  merits  seem  to  us  to  consist  chiefly  in  an  anxious  desire 
to  be  impartial,  to  point  out  the  defects  as  well  as  the  merits 
of  a  most  wonderful  man ;  and  in  a  peculiarly  graphic  power 
of  relating  facts  and  anecdotes.  With  this  happy  faculty 
Bourrienne  would  have  made  the  life  of  almost  any  active 
individual  interesting  ;  but  the  subject  of  which  the  most  fa- 
vourable circumstances  permitted  him  to  treat  was  full  ol 
events  and  of  the  most  extraordinary  facts.  The  hero  of  his 
history  was  such  a  being  as  the  world  has  produced  only  on 
the  rarest  occasions,  and  the  complete  counterpart  to  whom 
has,  probably,  never  existed ;  for  there  are  broad  shades  of 
difference  between  Napoleon  and  Alexander,  Caesar,  and 
Charlemagne ;  neither  will  modern  history  furnish  more  exact 
parallels,  since  Gustavus  Adolphus,  Frederick  the  Great, 
Cromwell,  Washington,  or  Bolivar  bear  but  a  small  resem- 


PREFACE  BY  THE  EDITORS. 


blance  to  Bonaparte  either  in  character,  fortune,  or  extent  of 
enterprise.  For  fourteen  years,  to  say  nothing  of  his  projects 
in  the  East,  the  history  of  Bonaparte  was  the  history  of  all 
Europe ! 

With  the  copious  materials  he  possessed,  M.  de  Bourrienne 
has  produced  a  work  which,  for  deep  interest,  excitement,  and 
amusement,  can  scarcely  be  paralleled  by  any  of  the  numer- 
ous and  excellent  memoirs  for  which  the  literature  of  France 
is  so  justly  celebrated. 

M.  de  Bourrienne  shows  us  the  hero  of  Marengo  and  Aus- 
terlitz  in  his  night-gown  and  slippers — with  a  trait  de  plume 
he,  in  a  hundred  instances,  places  the  real  man  before  us,  with 
all  his  personal  habits  and  peculiarities  of  manner,  temper, 
and  conversation. 

The  friendship  between  Bonaparte  and  Bourrienne  began  in 
boyhood,  at  the  school  of  Brienne,  and  their  unreserved  inti- 
macy continued  during  the  most  brilliant  part  of  Napoleon's 
career.  We  have  said  enough, — the  motives  for  his  writing 
this  work  and  his  competency  for  the  task  will  be  best  ex- 
plained in  M.  de  Bourrienne's  own  words,  which  the  reader 
will  find  in  the  Introductory  Chapter. 

M.  de  Bourrienne  says  little  of  Napoleon  after  his  first  abdi- 
cation and  retirement  to  Elba  in  1814  :  we  have  endeavoured 
to  fill  up  the  chasm  thus  left  by  following  his  hero  through 
the  remaining  seven  years  of  his  life,  to  the  "  last  scenes  of 
all "  that  ended  his  "  strange,  eventful  history," — to  his  death- 
bed and  alien  grave  at  St.  Helena.  A  completeness  will  thus 
be  given  to  the  work  which  it  did  not  before  possess,  and 
which  we  hope  will,  with  the  other  additions  and  improve- 
ments already  alluded  to,  tend  to  give  it  a  place  in  every  well- 
selected  library,  as  one  of  the  most  satisfactory  of  all  the  lives 
of  Napoleon. 
LONDON,  1836. 


PREFACE 

BY  THE  EDITOR  OF  THE  1885  EDITION. 

THE  Memoirs  of  the  time  of  Napoleon  may  be  divided  into 
two  classes — those  by  marshals  and  officers,  of  which  Suchet's 
is  a  good  example,  chiefly  devoted  to  military  movements,  and 
those  by  persons  employed  in  the  administration  and  in  the 
Court,  giving  us  not  only  materials  for  history,  but  also  valu- 
able details  of  the  personal  and  inner  life  of  the  great  Em- 
peror and  of  his  immediate  surroundings.  Of  this  latter  class 
the  Memoirs  of  Bourrienne  are  among  the  most  important. 

Long  the  intimate  and  personal  friend  of  Napoleon  both 
at  school  and  from  the  end  of  the  Italian  campaigns  in  1797 
till  1802 — working  in  the  same  room  with  him,  using  the  same 
purse,  the  confidant  of  most  of  his  schemes,  and,  as  his  sec- 
retary, having  the  largest  part  of  all  the  official  and  private 
correspondence  of  the  time  passed  through  his  hands,  Bour- 
rienne occupied  an  invaluable  position  for  storing  and  record- 
ing materials  for  history.  The  Memoirs  of  his  successor,  Me- 
neval,  are  more  those  of  an  esteemed  private  secretary ;  yet, 
valuable  and  interesting  as  they  are,  they  want  the  peculiarity 
of  position  which  marks  those  of  Bourrienne,  who  was  a  com- 
pound of  secretary,  minister,  and  friend.  The  accounts  of 
such  men  as  Miot  de  Melito,  Ecederer,  etc.,  are  most  valuable, 
but  these  writers  were  not  in  that  close  contact  with  Napoleon 
enjoyed  by  Bourrienne.  Bourrienne's  position  was  simply 
unique,  and  we  can  only  regret  that  he  did  not  occupy  it  till 
the  end  of  the  Empire.  Thus  it  is  natural  that  his  Memoirs 
should  have  been  largely  used  by  historians,  and  to  properly 


PREFACE. 


understand  the  history  of  the  time,  they  must  be  read  by  all 
students.  They  are  indeed  full  of  interest  for  every  one. 
But  they  also  require  to  be  read  with  great  caution.  When 
we  meet  with  praise  of  Napoleon,  we  may  generally  believe 
it,  for,  as  Thiers  (Consulat,  ii.  279)  says,  Bourrienne  need 
be  little  suspected  on  this  side,  for  although  he  owed  every- 
thing to  Napoleon,  he  has  not  seemed  to  remember  it.  But 
very  often  in  passages  in  which  blame  is  thrown  on  Napoleon, 
Bourrienne  speaks,  partly  with  much  of  the  natural  bitterness 
of  a  former  and  discarded  friend,  and  partly  with  the  curious 
mixed  feeling  which  even  the  brothers  of  Napoleon  display  in 
their  Memoirs,  pride  in  the  wonderful  abilities  evinced  by  the 
man  with  whom  he  was  allied,  and  jealousy  at  the  way  in 
which  he  was  outshone  by  the  man  he  had  in  youth  regarded 
as  inferior  to  himself.  Sometimes  also  we  may  even  suspect 
the  praise.  Thus  when  Bourrienne  defends  Napoleon  for  giv- 
ing,%s  he  alleges,  poison  to  the  sick  at  Jaffa,  a  doubt  arises 
whether  his  object  was  to  really  defend  what  to  most  Eng- 
lishmen of  this  day,  with  remembrances  of  the  deeds  and  reso- 
lutions of  the  Indian  Mutiny,  will  seem  an  act  to  be  pardoned, 
if  not  approved ;  or  whether  he  was  more  anxious  to  fix  the 
committal  of  the  act  on  Napoleon  at  a  time  when  public 
opinion  loudly  blamed  it.  The  same  may  be  said  of  his  de- 
fence of  the  massacre  of  the  prisoners  of  Jaffa. 

Louis  Antoine  Fauvelet  de  Bourrienne  was  born  in  1769, 
that  is,  in  the  same  year  as  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  and  he 
was  the  friend  and  companion  of  the  future  Emperor  at  the 
military  school  of  Brienne-le-Chateau  till  1784,  when  Napoleon, 
one  of  the  sixty  pupils  maintained  at  the  expense  of  the  State, 
was  passed  on  to  the  Military  School  of  Paris.  The  friends 
again  met  in  1792  and  in  1795,  when  Napoleon  was  hanging 
about  Paris,  and  when  Bourrienne  looked  on  the  vague  dreams 
of  his  old  schoolmate  as  only  so  much  folly.  In  1796,  as 
soon  as  Napoleon  had  assured  his  position  at  the  head  of  the 
army  of  Italy,  anxious  as  ever  to  surround  himself  with  known 


PREFACE. 


faces,  he  sent  for  Bourrienne  to  be  his  secretary.  Bourrienne 
had  been  appointed  in  1792  as  secretary  of  the  Legation  at 
Stuttgart,  and  had,  probably  wisely,  disobeyed  the  orders 
given  him  to  return,  thus  escaping  the  dangers  of  the  Revo- 
lution. He  only  came  back  to  Paris  in  1795,  having  thus 
become  an  e*migre".  He  joined  Napoleon  in  1797,  after  the 
Austrians  had  been  beaten  out  of  Italy,  and  at  once  assumed 
the  office  of  secretary  which  he  held  for  so  long.  He  had 
sufficient  tact  to  forbear  treating  the  haughty  young  General 
with  any  assumption  of  familiarity  in  public,  and  he  was 
indefatigable  enough  to  please  even  the  never-resting  Napo- 
leon. Talent  Bourrienne  had  in  abundance ;  indeed  he  is 
careful  to  hint  that  at  school  if  any  one  had  been  asked  to 
predict  greatness  for  any  pupil,  it  was  Bourrienne,  not  Napo- 
leon, who  would  have  been  fixed  on  as  the  future  star.  He 
went  with  his  General  to  Egypt,  and  returned  with  him  to 
France.  While  Napoleon  was  making  his  formal  entry  into 
the  Tuileries,  Bourrienne  was  preparing  the  cabinet  he  was 
still  to  share  with  the  Consul.  In  this  cabinet — our  cabinet,  as 
he  is  careful  to  call  it — he  worked  with  the  First  Consul  till 
1802. 

During  all  this  time  the  pair  had  lived  on  terms  of  equality 
and  friendship  creditable  to  both.  The  secretary  neither  asked 
for  nor  received  any  salary  :  when  he  required  money,  he  sim- 
ply dipped  into  the  cash-box  of  the  First  Consul.  As  the 
whole  power  of  the  State  gradually  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  Consnl,  the  labours  of  the  secretary  became  heavier.  His 
successor  broke  down  under  a  lighter  load,  and  had  to  receive 
assistance  ;  but,  perhaps  borne  np  by  the  absorbing  interest 
of  the  work  and  the  great  influence  given  by  his  post,  Bour- 
rienne stuck  to  his  place,  and  to  all  appearance  might,  except 
for  himself,  have  come  down  to  us  as  the  companion  of  Na- 
poleon during  his  whole  life.  He  had  enemies,  and  one  of 
them  '  has  not  shrunk  from  describing  their  gratification  at 

1  Bouhiy  de  la  Meurthe. 


PREFACE. 


the  disgrace  of  the  trusted  secretary.  Any  one  in  favour,  or 
indeed  in  office,  under  Napoleon  was  the  sure  mark  of  calumny 
for  all  aspirants  to  place  ;  yet  Bourrienne  might  have  weathered 
any  temporary  storm  raised  by  unfounded  reports  as  success- 
fully as  Meneval,  who  followed  him.  But  Bourrienne's  hands 
were  not  clean  in  money  matters,  and  that  was  an  unpardon- 
able sin  in  any  one  who  desired  to  be  in  real  intimacy  with 
Napoleon.  He  became  involved  in  the  affairs  of  the  House  of 
Coulon,  which  failed,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  notes,  at  the  time 
of  his  disgrace  ;  and  in  October  1802  he  was  called  on  to  hand 
over  his  office  to  Meneval,  who  retained  it  till  invalided  after 
the  Russian  campaign. 

As  has  been  said,  Bourrienne  would  naturally  be  the  mark  for 
many  accusations,  but  the  conclusive  proof  of  his  misconduct 
— at  least  for  any  one  acquainted  with  Napoleon's  objection 
and  dislike  to  changes  in  office,  whether  from  his  strong  belief 
in  the  effects  of  training,  or  his  equally  strong  dislike  of  new 
faces  round  him — is  that  he  was  never  again  employed  near  his 
old  comrade  ;  indeed  he  really  never  saw  the  Emperor  again 
at  any  private  interview,  except  when  granted  the  usual  official 
reception  in  1805,  before  leaving  to  take  up  his  post  at  Ham- 
burg, which  he  held  till  1810.  We  know  that  his  re-employ- 
ment was  urged  by  Josephine  and  several  of  his  former  com- 
panions. Savary  himself  says  he  tried  his  advocacy ;  but 
Napoleon  was  inexorable  to  those  who,  in  his  own  phrase, 
had  sacrificed  to  the  golden  calf. 

Sent,  as  we  have  said,  to  Hamburg  in  1805,  as  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  to  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  the  Duke  of 
Mecklenburg-Schwerin,  and  to  the  Hanse  towns,  Bourrienne 
knew  how  to  make  his  post  an  important  one.  He  was  at  one 
of  the  great  seats  of  the  commerce  which  suffered  so  fearfully 
from  the  Continental  system  of  the  Emperor,  and  he  was 
charged  to  watch  over  the  German  press.  How  well  he  ful- 
filled this  duty  we  learn  from  Metternich,  who  writes  in  1805  : 
"  I  have  sent  an  article  to  the  newspaper  editors  in  Berlin  and 


PREFACE. 


to  M.  de  Hofer  at  Hamburg.  I  do  not  know  whether  it  has 
been  accepted,  for  M.  Bourrienne  still  exercises  an  authority 
so  severe  over  these  journals  that  they  are  always  submitted  to 
him  before  they  appear,  that  he  may  erase  or  alter  the  articles 
which  do  not  please  him." 

His  position  at  Hamburg  gave  him  great  opportunities  for 
both  financial  and  political  intrigues.  In  his  Memoirs,  as 
Meneval  remarks,  he  or  his  editor  is  not  ashamed  to  boast  of 
being  thanked  by  Louis  XVIII.  at  St.  Ouen  for  services  ren- 
dered while  he  was  the  minister  of  Napoleon  at  Hamburg.  He 
was  recalled  in  1810,  when  the  Hanse  towns  were  united,  or,  to 
use  the  phrase  of  the  day,  re -united  to  the  Empire.  He  then 
hung  about  Paris,  keeping  on  good  terms  with  some  of  the 
ministers — Savary,  not  the  most  reputable  of  them,  for  ex- 
ample. In  1814  he  was  to  be  found  at  the  office  of  Lavallette, 
the  head  of  the  posts,  disguising,  his  enemies  said,  his  delight 
at  the  bad  news  which  was  pouring  in,  by  exaggerated  expres- 
sions of  devotion.  He  is  accused  of  a  close  and  suspicious 
connection  with  Talleyrand,  and  it  is  odd  that  when  Talleyrand 
became  head  of  the  Provisional  Government  in  1814,  Bour- 
rienne of  all  persons  should  have  been  put  at  the  head  of  the 
posts.  Received  in  the  most  flattering  manner  by  Louis  XVIII. , 
he  was  as  astonished  as  poor  Beugnot  was  in  1815,  to  find  him- 
self on  13th  May  suddenly  ejected  from  office,  having,  however, 
had  time  to  furnish  post-horses  to  Maubreuil  for  the  mysteri- 
ous expedition,  said  to  have  been  at  least  known  to  Talleyrand, 
and  intended  certainly  for  the  robbery  of  the  Queen  of  West- 
phalia, and  probably  for  the  murder  of  Napoleon. 

In  the  extraordinary  scurry  before  the  Bourbons  scuttled 
out  of  Paris  in  1814,  Bourrienne  was  made  Pre*fet  of  the  Police 
for  a  few  days,  his  tenure  of  that  post  being  signalised  by  the 
abortive  attempt  to  arrest  Touche",  the  only  effect  of  which 
was  to  drive  that  wily  minister  into  the  arms  of  the  Bonapart- 
ists. 

He  fled  with  the  King,  and  was  exempted  from  the  amnesty 


xli  PREFACE. 


proclaimed  by  Napoleon.  On  the  return  from  Ghent  he  was 
made  a  Minister  of  State  without  portfolio,  and  also  became 
one  of  the  Council.  The  ruin  of  his  finances  drove  him  out  of 
France,  but  he  eventually  died  in  a  madhouse  at  Caen. 

When  the  Memoirs  first  appeared  in  1829  they  made  a  great 
sensation.  Till  then  in  most  writings  Napoleon  had  been 
treated  as  either  a  demon  or  as  a  demi-god.  The  real  facts  of 
the  case  were  not  suited  to  the  tastes  of  either  his  enemies  or 
his  admirers.  While  the  monarchs  of  Europe  had  been  dis- 
puting among  themselves  about  the  division  of  the  spoils  to 
be  obtained  from  France  and  from  the  unsettlement  of  the  Con- 
tinent, there  had  arisen  an  extraordinarily  clever  and  unscru- 
pulous man  who,  by  alternately  bribing  and  overthrowing  the 
great  monarchies,  had  soon  made  himself  master  of  the  main- 
land. His  admirers  were  unwilling  to  admit  the  part  played 
in  his  success  by  the  jealousy  of  his  foes  of  each  other's  share 
in  the  booty,  and  they  delighted  to  invest  him  with  every 
great  quality  which  man  could  possess.  His  enemies  were 
ready  enough  to  allow  his  military  talents,  but  they  wished  to 
attribute  the  first  success  of  his  not  very  deep  policy  to  a  mar- 
vellous duplicity,  apparently  considered  by  them  the  more 
wicked  as  possessed  by  a  parvenu  emperor,  and  far  removed, 
in  a  moral  point  of  view,  from  the  statecraft  so  allowable  in  an 
ancient  monarchy.  But  for  Napoleon  himself  and  his  family 
and  Court  there  was  literally  no  limit  to  the  really  marvellous 
inventions  of  his  enemies.  He  might  enter  every  capital  on 
the  Continent,  but  there  was  some  consolation  in  believing 
that  he  himself  was  a  monster  of  wickedness,  and  his  Court 
but  the  scene  of  one  long  protracted  orgie. 

There  was  enough  against  the  Emperor  in  the  Memoirs  to 
make  them  comfortable  reading  for  his  opponents,  though 
very  many  of  the  old  calumnies  were  disposed  of  in  them. 
They  contained  indeed  the  nearest  approximation  to  the 
truth  which  had  yet  appeared.  Metternich,  who  must  have 
been  a  good  judge,  as  no  man  was  better  acquainted  with  what 


PREFACE. 


he  himself  calls  the  "  age  of  Napoleon,"  says  of  the  Memoirs  : 
"If  you  want  something  to  read,  both  interesting  and  amus- 
ing, get  the  Mdmoires  de  Bourrienne.  These  are  the  only 
authentic  Memoirs  of  Napoleon  which  have  yet  appeared. 
The  style  is  not  brilliant,  but  that  only  makes  them  the  more 
trustworthy."  Indeed,  Metternich  himself  in  his  own  Me- 
moirs often  follows  a  good  deal  in  the  line  of  Bourrienne: 
among  many  formal  attacks,  every  now  and  then  he  lapses 
into  half  involuntary  and  indirect  praise  of  his  great  antag- 
onist, especially  where  he  compares  the  men  he  had  to  deal 
with  in  aftertimes  with  his  former  rapid  and  talented  inter- 
locutor. To  some  even  among  the  Bonapartists,  Bourrienne 
was  not  altogether  distasteful.  Lucien  Bonaparte,  remarking 
that  the  time  in  which  Bourrienne  treated  with  Napoleon  as 
equal  with  equal  did  not  last  long  enough  for  the  secretary, 
says  he  has  taken  a  little  revenge  in  his  Memoirs,  just  as  a 
lover,  after  a  break  with  his  mistress,  reveals  all  her  defects. 
But  Lucien  considers  that  Bourrienne  gives  us  a  good  enough 
idea  of  the  young  officer  of  the  artillery,  of  the  great  General, 
and  of  the  First  Consul.  Of  the  Emperor,  says  Lucien,  he 
was  too  much  in  retirement  to  be  able  to  judge  equally  well. 
But  Lucien  was  not  a  fair  representative  of  the  Bonapartists ; 
indeed  he  had  never  really  thought  well  of  his  brother  or  of 
his  actions  since  Lucien,  the  former  "  Brutus "  Bonaparte, 
had  ceased  to  be  the  adviser  of  the  Consul.  It  was  well  for 
Lucien  himself  to  amass  a  fortune  from  the  presents  of  a  cor- 
rupt  court,  and  to  be  made  a  Prince  and  Duke  by  the  Pope, 
but  he  was  too  sincere  a  republican  not  to  disapprove  of  the 
imperial  system.  The  real  Bonapartists  were  naturally  and 
inevitably  furious  with  the  Memoirs.  They  were  not  true, 
they  were  not  the  work  of  Bourrienne,  Bourrienne  himself  was 
a  traitor,  a  purloiner  of  manuscripts,  his  memory  was  as  bad 
as  his  principles,  he  was  not  even  entitled  to  the  de  before  his 
name.  If  the  Memoirs  were  at  all  to  be  pardoned,  it  was  be- 
cause his  share  was  only  really  a  few  notes  wrung  from  him  by 


PREFACE. 


large  pecuniary  offers  at  a  time  when  he  was  pursued  by  hia 
creditors,  and  when  his  brain  was  already  affected. 

The  Bonapartist  attack  on  the  Memoirs  was  delivered  in 
full  form,  in  two  volumes,  Bourrienne  et  ses  Erreurs,  Volon- 
taires  et  Involontaires  (Paris,  Heideloff,  1830),  edited  by  the 
Comte  d'Aure,  the  Ordonnateur  en  Chef  of  the  Egyptian  ex- 
pedition, and  containing  communications  from  Joseph  Bona- 
parte, Gourgaud,  Stein,  etc.1 

Part  of  the  system  of  attack  was  to  call  in  question  the 
authenticity  of  the  Memoirs,  and  this  was  the  more  easy  as 
Bourrienne,  losing  his  fortune,  died  in  1834  in  a  state  of 
imbecility.  But  this  plan  is  not  systematically  followed,  and 
the  very  reproaches  addressed  to  the  writer  of  the  Memoirs 
often  show  that  it  was  believed  they  were  really  written  by 
Bourrienne.  They  undoubtedly  contain  plenty  of  faults.  The 
editor  (Villemarest,  it  is  said)  probably  had  a  large  share  in 
the  work,  and  Bourrienne  must  have  forgotten  or  misplaced 
many  dates  and  occurrences.  In  such  a  work,  undertaken  so 
many  years  after  the  events,  it  was  inevitable  that  many  errors 
should  be  made,  and  that  many  statements  should  be  at  least 
debatable.  But  on  close  investigation  the  work  stands  the 
attack  in  a  way  that  would  be  impossible  unless  it  had  really 
been  written  by  a  person  in  the  peculiar  position  occupied  by 
Bourrienne.  He  has  assuredly  not  exaggerated  that  position  : 
he  really,  says  Lucien  Bonaparte,  treated  as  equal  with  equal 
with  Napoleon  during  a  part  of  his  career,  and  he  certainly 
was  the  nearest  friend  and  confidant  that  Napoleon  ever  had 
in  his  life. 

Where  he  fails,  or  where  the  Bonapartist  fire  is  most  tell- 
ing, is  in  the  account  of  the  Egyptian  expedition.  It  may 
seem  odd  that  he  should  have  forgotten,  even  in  some  thirty 
years,  details  such  as  the  way  in  which  the  sick  were  removed ; 
but  such  matters  were  not  in  his  province ;  and  it  would  be 

1  In  the  notes  in  this  present  edition  these  volumes  are  referred  to  in  brief  M 
"  Erreurt." 


PREFACE.  xt 


easy  to  match  similar  omissions  in  other  works,  such  as  the 
accounts  of  the  Crimea,  and  still  more  of  the  Peninsula.  It 
is  with  his  personal  relations  with  Napoleon  that  we  are  most 
concerned,  and  it  is  in  them  that  his  account  receives  most 
corroboration. 

It  may  be  interesting  to  see  what  has  been  said  of  the 
Memoirs  by  other  writers.  We  have  quoted  Metternich,  and 
Lucien  Bonaparte ;  let  us  hear  Meneval,  his  successor,  who 
remained  faithful  to  his  master  to  the  end  :  "  Absolute  confi- 
dence cannot  be  given  to  statements  contained  in  Memoirs 
published  under  the  name  of  a  man  who  has  not  composed 
them.  It  is  known  that  the  editor  of  these  Memoirs  offered  to 
M.  de  Bourrienne,  who  had  then  taken  refuge  in  Holstein 
from  his  creditors,  a  sum  said  to  be  thirty  thousand  francs  to 
obtain  his  signature  to  them,  with  some  notes  and  addenda. 
M.  de  Bourrienne  was  already  attacked  by  the  disease  from 
which  he  died  a  few  years  latter  in  a  maison  de  sant6  at  Caen. 
Many  literary  men  co-operated  in  the  preparation  of  his 
Memoirs.  In  1825  I  met  M.  de  Bourrienne  in  Paris.  He 
told  me  it  had  been  suggested  to  him  to  write  against  the 
Emperor.  'Notwithstanding  the  harm  he  has  done  me,'  said 
he,  '  I  would  never  do  so.  Sooner  may  my  hand  be  withered.' 
If  M.  de  Bourrienne  had  prepared  his  Memoirs  himself,  he 
would  not  have  stated  that  while  he  was  the  Emperor's  minis- 
ter at  Hamburg  he  worked  with  the  agents  of  the  Comte  de 
Lille  (Louis  XVIII.)  at  the  preparation  of  proclamations  in 
favour  of  that  Prince,  and  that  in  1814  he  accepted  the  thanks 
of  the  King,  Louis  XVIII.,  for  doing  so ;  he  would  not  have 
said  that  Napoleon  had  confided  to  him  in  1805  that  he  had 
never  conceived  the  idea  of  an  expedition  into  England,  and 
that  the  plan  of  a  landing,  the  preparations  for  which  he  gave 
such  publicity  to,  was  only  a  snare  to  amuse  fools.  The  Em- 
peror well  knew  that  never  was  there  a  plan  more  seriously 
conceived  or  more  positively  settled.  M.  de  Bourrienne  would 
not  have  spoken  of  his  private  interviews  with  Napoleon,  nor 


PREFACE. 


of  the  alleged  confidences  entrusted  to  him,  while  really 
Napoleon  had  no  longer  received  him  after  the  20th  October 
1802.  When  the  Emperor,  in  1805,  forgetting  his  faults, 
named  him  Minister  Plenipotentiary  at  Hamburg,  he  granted 
him  the  customary  audience,  but  to  this  favour  he  did  not 
add  the  return  of  his  former  friendship.  Both  before  and 
afterwards  he  constantly  refused  to  receive  him,  and  he  did 
not  correspond  with  him "  (Meneval,  ii.  378-79).  And  in 
another  passage  Meneval  says  :  "  Besides,  it  would  be  wrong 
to  regard  these  Memoirs  as  the  work  of  the  man  whose  name 
they  bear.  The  bitter  resentment  M.  de  Bourrienne  had 
nourished  for  his  disgrace,  the  enfeeblement  of  his  faculties, 
and  the  poverty  he  was  reduced  to,  rendered  him  accessible 
to  the  pecuniary  offers  made  to  him.  He  consented  to  give 
the  authority  of  his  name  to  Memoirs  in  whose  composition 
he  had  only  co-operated  by  incomplete,  confused,  and  often 
inexact  notes,  materials  which  an  editor  was  employed  to  put 
in  order."  And  Meneval  (iii.  29-30)  goes  on  to  quote  what  he 
himself  had  written  in  the  Spectateur  Militaire,  in  which  he 
makes  much  the  same  assertions,  and  especially  objects  to  the 
account  of  conversations  with  the  Emperor  after  1802,  except 
always  the  one  audience  on  taking  leave  for  Hamburg.  Mene- 
val also  says  that  Napoleon,  when  he  wished  to  obtain  intelli- 
gence from  Hamburg,  did  not  correspond  with  Bourrienne, 
but  deputed  him,  Meneval,  to  ask  Bourrienne  for  what  was 
wanted.  But  he  corroborates  Bourrienne  on  the  subject  of 
the  efforts  made,  among  others  by  Josephine,  for  his  reappoint- 
ment. 

Such  are  the  statements  of  the  Bonapartists  pure ;  and  the 
reader,  as  has  been  said,  can  judge  for  himself  how  far  the 
attack  is  good.  Bourrienne,  or  his  editor,  may  well  have  con- 
fused the  date  of  his  interviews,  but  he  will  not  be  found 
much  astray  on  many  points.  His  account  of  the  conversation 
of  Josephine  after  the  death  of  the  Due  d'Enghien  may  be 
rompared  with  what  we  know  from  Madame  de  Bdmusat, 


PREFACE.  xvii 


who,  by  the  way,  would  have  been  horrified  if  she  had  known 
that  he  considered  her  to  resemble  the  Empress  Josephine  in 
character. 

We  now  come  to  the  views  of  Savary,  the  Due  de  Bovigo, 
who  avowedly  remained  on  good  terms  with  Bourrienne  after 
his  disgrace,  though  the  friendship  of  Savary  was  not  exactly 
a  thing  that  most  men  would  have  much  prided  themselves 
on.  "  Bourrienne  had  a  prodigious  memory ;  he  spoke  and 
wrote  in  several  languages,  and  his  pen  ran  as  quickly  as  one 
could  speak.  Nor  were  these  the  only  advantages  he  pos- 
sessed. He  knew  the  routine  of  public  business  and  public 
law.  His  activity  and  devotion  made  him  indispensable  to 
the  First  Consul.  I  knew  the  qualities  which  won  for  him 
the  unlimited  confidence  of  his  chief,  but  I  cannot  speak  with 
the  same  assurance  of  the  faults  which  made  him  lose  it. 
Bourrienne  had  many  enemies,  both  on  account  of  his  charac- 
ter and  of  his  place  "  (Savary,  i.  418-19). 

Marmont  ought  to  be  an  impartial  critic  of  the  Memoirs. 
He  says,  "  Bourrienne  .  .  .  had  a  very  great  capacity,  but 
he  is  a  striking  example  of  the  great  truth  that  our  passions 
are  always  bad  counsellors.  By  inspiring  us  with  an  immod- 
erate ardour  to  reach  a  fixed  end,  they  often  make  us  miss  it. 
Bourrienne  had  an  immoderate  love  of  money.  With  his  tal- 
ents and  his  position  near  Bonaparte  at  the  first  dawn  of 
greatness,  with  the  confidence  and  real  good-will  which  Bona- 
parte felt  for  him,  in  a  few  years  he  would  have  gained  every- 
thing in  fortune  and  in  social  position.  But  his  eager  impa- 
tience ruined  his  career  at  the  moment  when  it  might  have 
developed  and  increased "  (Marmont,  i.  64).  The  criticism 
appears  just.  As  to  the  Memoirs,  Marmont  says  (ii.  224),  "In 
general,  these  Memoirs  are  of  great  veracity  and  powerful 
interest  so  long  as  they  treat  of  what  the  author  has  seen  and 
heard  ;  but  when  he  speaks  of  others,  his  work  is  only  an  as- 
semblage of  gratuitous  suppositions  and  of  false  facts  put  for- 
ward for  special  purposes." 


xviU  PREFACE. 


The  Comte  Alexandra  de  Puymaigre,  who  arrived  at  Ham- 
burgh soon  after  Bourrienne  had  left  it  in  1810,  says  (page 
135)  of  the  part  of  the  Memoirs  which  relates  to  Hamburg, 
"I  must  acknowledge  that  generally  his  assertions  are  well 
founded.  This  former  companion  of  Napoleon  has  only  for- 
gotten to  speak  of  the  opinion  that  they  had  of  him  in  this 
town. 

"The  truth  is,  that  he  was  believed  to  have  made  much 
money  there." 

Thus  we  may  take  Bourrienne  as  a  clever,  able  man,  who 
would  have  risen  to  the  highest  honours  under  the  Empire 
had  not  his  short-sighted  grasping  after  lucre  driven  him  from 
office,  and  prevented  him  from  ever  regaining  it  under  Napo- 
leon. 

In  the  present  edition  the  translation  has  been  carefully 
compared  with  the  original  French  text.  Where  in  the  orig- 
inal text  information  is  given  which  has  now  become  mere 
matter  of  history,  and  where  Bourrienne  merely  quotes  the 
documents  well  enough  known  at  this  day,  his  possession  of 
which  forms  part  of  the  charges  of  his  opponents,  advantage 
has  been  taken  to  lighten  the  mass  of  the  Memoirs.  This  has 
been  done  especially  where  they  deal  with  what  the  writer  did 
not  himself  see  or  hear,  the  part  of  the  Memoirs  which  are 
of  least  value  and  of  which  Marmont's  opinion  has  just  been 
quoted.  But  in  the  personal  and  more  valuable  part  of  the 
Memoirs,  where  we  have  the  actual  knowledge  of  the  secretary 
himself,  the  original  text  has  been  either  fully  retained,  or 
some  few  passages  previously  omitted  restored.  Illustrative 
notes  have  been  added  from  the  Memoirs  of  the  successor  of 
Bourrienne,  Meneval,  Madame  de  Bemusat,  the  works  of 
Colonel  lung  on  Bonaparte  et  Son  Temps,  and  on  Lucien  Bona- 
parte, etc.,  and  other  books.  Attention  has  also  been  paid  to 
the  attacks  of  the  Erreurs,  and  wherever  these  criticisms  are 
more  than  a  mere  expression  of  disagreement,  their  purport 
has  been  recorded  with,  where  possible,  some  judgment  of  the 


PREFACE.  xlx 


evidence.  Thus  the  reader  will  have  before  him  the  materials 
for  deciding  himself  how  far  Bourrienne's  statements  are  in 
agreement  with  the  facts  and  with  the  accounts  of  other 
writers. 

At  the  present  time  too  much  attention  has  been  paid  to 
the  Memoirs  of  Madame  de  Eemusat.  She,  as  also  Madame 
Junot,  was  the  wife  of  a  man  on  whom  the  full  shower  of 
imperial  favours  did  not  descend,  and,  womanlike,  she  saw 
and  thought  only  of  the  Court  life  of  the  great  man  who  was 
never  less  great  than  in  his  Court.  She  is  equally  astonished 
and  indignant  that  the  Emperor,  coming  straight  from  long 
hours  of  work  with  his  ministers  and  with  his  secretary,  could 
not  find  soft  words  for  the  ladies  of  the  Court,  and  that,  a  hor- 
rible thing  in  the  eyes  of  a  Frenchwoman,  when  a  mistress 
threw  herself  into  his  arms,  he  first  thought  of  what  political 
knowledge  he  could  obtain  from  her.  Bourrienne,  on  the 
other  hand,  shows  us  the  other  and  the  really  important  side 
of  Napoleon's  character.  He  tells  us  of  the  long  hours  in  the 
Cabinet,  of  the  never -res ting  activity  of  the  Consul,  of  Napo- 
leon's dreams,  no  ignoble  dreams  and  often  realised,  of  great 
labours  of  peace  as  well  as  of  war.  He  is  a  witness,  and  the 
more  valuable  as  a  reluctant  one,  to  the  marvellous  powers  of 
the  man  who,  if  not  the  greatest,  was  at  least  the  one  most 
fully  endowed  with  every  great  quality  of  mind  and  body  the 
world  has  ever  seen. 

B.  W.  P. 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION. 

THE  desire  of  trading  upon  an  illustrious  name  can  alone 
have  given  birth  to  the  multitude  of  publications  under 
the  titles  of  historical  memoirs,  secret  memoirs,  and  other 
rhapsodies  which  have  appeared  respecting  Napoleon.  On 
looking  into  them  it  is  difficult  to  determine  whether  the 
impudence  of  the  writers  or  the  simplicity  of  certain 
readers  is  most  astonishing.  Yet  these  rude  and  ill- 
digested  compilations,  filled  with  absurd  anecdotes,  fabri- 
cated speeches,  fictitious  crimes  or  virtues,  and  disfigured 
by  numerous  anachronisms,  instead  of  being  consigned  to 
just  contempt  and  speedy  oblivion,  have  been  pushed  into 
notice  by  speculators,  and  have  found  zealous  partisans 
and  enthusiastic  apologists.1 

For  a  time  I  entertained  the  idea  of  noticing,  one  by 
one,  the  numerous  errors  which  have  been  written  re- 
specting Napoleon  ;  but  I  have  renounced  a  task  which 
would  have  been  too  laborious  to  myself,  and  very  tedious 
to  the  reader.  I  shall  therefore  only  correct  those  which 
come  within  the  plan  of  my  work,  and  which  are  con- 
nected with  those  facts,  to  a  more  accurate  knowledge  of 
which  than  any  other  person  can  possess  I  may  lay  claim. 
There  are  men  who  imagine  that  nothing  done  by  Napo- 
leon will  ever  be  forgotten  ;  but  must  not  the  slow  but 
inevitable  influence  of  time  be  expected  to  operate  with 
respect  to  him  ?  The  effect  of  that  influence  is,  that  the 
most  important  event  of  an  epoch  soon  sinks,  almost  im- 

1  This  Introduction  has  been  reprinted  as  bearing  upon  the  character  of  the  work, 
but  refers  very  often  to  events  of  the  day  at  the  time  of  its  first  appearance. 


xxii  AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION. 

perceptibly  and  almost  disregarded,  into  the  immense 
mass  of  historical  facts.  Time,  in  its  progress,  diminishes 
the  probability  as  well  as  the  interest  of  such  an  event,  as 
it  gradually  wears  away  the  most  durable  monuments. 

I  attach  only  a  relative  importance  to  what  I  am  about 
to  lay  before  the  public.  I  shall  give  authentic  docu- 
ments. If  all  persons  who  have  approached  Napoleon,  at 
any  time  and  in  any  place,  would  candidly  record  what 
they  saw  and  heard,  without  passion,  the  future  historian 
would  be  rich  in  materials.  It  is  my  wish  that  he  who 
may  undertake  the  difficult  task  of  writing  the  history  of 
Napoleon  shall  find  in  my  notes  information  useful  to  the 
perfection  of  his  work.  There  he  will  at  least  find  truth. 
I  have  not  the  ambition  to  wish  that  what  I  state  should 
be  taken  as  absolute  authority  ;  but  I  hope  that  it  will 
always  be  consulted. 

I  have  never  before  published  anything  respecting 
Napoleon.  That  malevolence  which  fastens  itself  upon 
men  who  have  the  misfortune  to  be  somewhat  separated 
from  the  crowd  has,  because  there  is  always  more  profit 
in  saying  ill  than  good,  attributed  to  me  several  works  on 
Bonaparte ;  among  others,  Les  Memoires  secrets  d'un 
Homme  qui  ne  l'a  pas  quitte,  par  M.  B ,  and  Me- 
moires secrets  sur  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  par  M.  de  B , 

and  Le  Precis  Historique  sur  Napoleon.  The  initial  of  my 
name  has  served  to  propagate  this  error.  The  incredible 
ignorance  which  runs  through  those  memoirs,  the  ab- 
surdities and  inconceivable  silliness  with  which  they 
abound,  do  not  permit  a  man  of  honour  and  common 
sense  to  allow  such  wretched  rhapsodies  to  be  imputed  to 
him.  I  declared  in  1815,  and  at  later  periods,  in  the 
French  and  foreign  journals,  that  I  had  no  hand  in  those 
publications,  and  I  here  formally  repeat  this  declaration. 

But  it  may  be  said  to  me,  Why  should  we  place  more 
confidence  in  you  than  in  those  who  have  written  before 
you? 


A  UTHOR  '8  1NTROD  UCTION. 


My  reply  shall  be  plain.  I  enter  the  lists  one  of  the 
last.  I  have  read  all  that  my  predecessors  have  published. 
I  am  confident  that  all  I  state  is  true.  I  have  no  interest 
in  deceiving,  no  disgrace  to  fear,  no  reward  to  expect.  I 
neither  wish  to  obscure  nor  embellish  his  glory.  However 
great  Napoleon  may  have  been,  was  he  not  also  liable  to 
pay  his  tribute  to  the  weakness  of  human  nature  ?  I  speak 
of  Napoleon  such  as  I  have  seen  him,  known  him,  fre- 
quently admired  and  sometimes  blamed  him.  I  state 
what  I  saw,  heard,  wrote,  and  thought  at  the  time,  under 
each  circumstance  that  occurred.  I  have  not  allowed  my- 
self to  be  carried  away  by  the  illusions  of  the  imagination, 
nor  to  be  influenced  by  friendship  or  hatred.  I  shall  not 
insert  a  single  reflection  which  did  not  occur  to  me  at  the 
very  moment  of  the  event  which  gave  it  birth.  How 
many  transactions  and  documents  were  there  over  which 
I  could  but  lament ! — how  many  measures,  contrary  to  my 
views,  to  my  principles,  and  to  my  character ! — while  the 
best  intentions  were  incapable  of  overcoming  difficulties 
which  a  most  powerful  and  decided  will  rendered  almost 
insurmountable. 

I  also  wish  the  future  historian  to  compare  what  I  say 
with  what  others  have  related  or  may  relate.  But  it  will 
be  necessary  for  him  to  attend  to  dates,  circumstances, 
difference  of  situation,  change  of  temperament,  and  age, — 
for  age  has  much  influence  over  men.  We  do  not  think 
and  act  at  fifty  as  at  twenty-five.  By  exercising  this  cau- 
tion he  will  be  able  to  discover  the  truth,  and  to  establish 
an  opinion  for  posterity. 

The  reader  must  not  expect  to  find  in  these  Memoirs 
an  uninterrupted  series  of  all  the  events  which  marked 
the  great  career  of  Napoleon  ;  nor  details  of  all  those 
battles,  with  the  recital  of  which  so  many  eminent  men 
have  usefully  and  ably  occupied  themselves.  I  shall  say 
little  about  whatever  I  did  not  see  or  hear,  and  which  is 
not  supported  by  official  documents. 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION. 


Perhaps  I  shall  succeed  in  confirming  truths  which 
have  been  doubted,  and  in  correcting  errors  which  have 
been  adopted.  If  I  sometimes  differ  from  the  observations 
and  statements  of  Napoleon  at  St.  Helena,  I  am  far  from 
supposing  that  those  who  undertook  to  be  the  medium  of 
communication  between  him  and  the  public  have  misrep- 
resented what  he  said.  I  am  welLconvinced  that  none  of 
the  writers  of  St.  Helena  can  be  taxed  with  the  slightest 
deception  ; — disinterested  zeal  and  nobleness  of  character 
are  undoubted  pledges  of  their  veracity.  It  appears  to  me 
perfectly  certain  that  Napoleon  stated,  dictated,  or  cor- 
rected all  they  have  published.  Their  honour  is  unques- 
tionable ;  no  one  can  doubt  it.  That  they  wrote  what  he 
communicated  must  therefore  be  believed  ;  but  it  cannot 
with  equal  confidence  be  credited  that  what  he  communi- 
cated was  nothing  but  the  truth.  He  seems  often  to  have 
related  as  a  fact  what  was  really  only  an  idea, — an  idea, 
too,  brought  forth  at  St.  Helena,  the  child  of  misfortune, 
and  transported  by  his  imagination  to  Europe  in  the  time 
of  his  prosperity.  His  favourite  phrase,  which  was  every 
moment  on  his  lips,  must  not  be  forgotten — "What  will 
history  say — what  will  posterity  think  ?  "  This  passion 
for  leaving  behind  him  a  celebrated  name  is  one  which 
belongs  to  the  constitution  of  the  human  mind  ;  and  with 
Napoleon  its  influence  was  excessive.  In  his  first  Italian 
campaign  he  wrote  thus  to  General  Clarke  :  "  That  am- 
bition and  the  occupation  of  high  offices  were  not  suffi- 
cient for  his  satisfaction  and  happiness,  which  he  had 
early  placed  in  the  opinion  of  Europe  and  the  esteem  of 
posterity."  He  often  observed  to  me  that  with  him  the 
opinion  of  posterity  was  the  real  immortality  of  the  soul. 

It  may  easily  be  conceived  that  Napoleon  wished  to  give 
to  the  documents  which  he  knew  historians  would  consult 
a  favourable  colour,  and  to  direct,  according  to  his  own 
views,  the  judgment  of  posterity  on  his  actions.  But  it 
is  only  by  the  impartial  comparison  of  periods,  positions, 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION. 


and  age  that  a  well-founded  decision  will  be  given.  About 
his  fortieth  year  the  physical  constitution  of  Napoleon 
sustained  considerable  change ;  and  it  may  be  presumed 
that  his  moral  qualities  were  affected  by  that  change.  It  is 
particularly  important  not  to  lose  sight  of  the  premature 
decay  of  his  health,  which,  perhaps,  did  not  permit  him 
always  to  possess  the  vigour  of  memory  otherwise  con- 
sistent enough  with  his  age.  The  state  of  our  organisation 
often  modifies  our  recollections,  our  feelings,  our  manner 
of  viewing  objects,  and  the  impressions  we  receive.  This 
will  be  taken  into  consideration  by  judicious  and  thinking 
men  ;  and  for  them  I  write. 

What  M.  de  Las  Casas  states  Napoleon  to  have  said  in 
May  1816  on  the  manner  of  writing  his  history  corrob- 
orates the  opinion  I  have  expressed.  It  proves  that  all 
the  facts  and  observations  he  communicated  or  dictated 
were  meant  to  serve  as  materials.  We  learn  from  the 
Memorial  that  M.  de  Las  Casas  wrote  daily,  and  that  the 
manuscript  was  read  over  by  Napoleon,  who  often  made 
corrections  with  his  own  hand.  The  idea  of  a  journal 
pleased  him  greatly.  He  fancied  it  would  be  a  work  of 
which  the  world  could  afford  no  other  example.  But  there 
are  passages  in  which  the  order  of  events  is  deranged ;  in 
others  facts  are  misrepresented  and  erroneous  assertions 
are  made,  I  apprehend,  not  altogether  involuntarily. 

I  have  paid  particular  attention  to  all  that  has  been  pub- 
lished by  the  noble  participators  of  the  imperial  captivity. 
Nothing,  however,  could  induce  me  to  change  a  word  in 
these  Memoirs,  because  nothing  could  take  from  me  my 
conviction  of  the  truth  of  what  I  personally  heard  and 
saw.  It  will  be  found  that  Napoleon  in  his  private  con- 
versations often  confirms  what  I  state ;  but  we  sometimes 
differ,  and  the  public  must  judge  between  us.  However, 
I  must  here  make  one  observation. 

When  Napoleon  dictated  or  related  to  his  friends  in  St. 
Helena  the  facts  which  they  have  reported  he  was  out  of 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION. 


the  world, — he  had  played  his  part.  Fortune,  which,  ac- 
cording to  his  notions,  had  conferred  on  him  all  his  power 
and  greatness,  had  recalled  all  her  gifts  before  he  sank 
into  the  tomb.  His  ruling  passion  would  induce  him  to 
think  that  it  was  due  to  his  glory  to  clear  up  certain  facts 
which  might  prove  an  unfavourable  escort  if  they  accom- 
panied him  to  posterity.  This  was  his  fixed  idea.  But  is 
there  not  some  ground  for  suspecting  the  fidelity  of  him 
who  writes  or  dictates  his  own  history  ?  Why  might  he 
not  impose  on  a  few  persons  in  St.  Helena,  when  he  was 
able  to  impose  on  France  and  Europe,  respecting  many 
acts  which  emanated  from  him  during  the  long  duration 
of  his  power  ?  The  life  of  Napoleon  would  be  very  un- 
faithfully written  were  the  author  to  adopt  as  true  all  his 
bulletins  and  proclamations,  and  all  the  declarations  he 
made  at  St.  Helena.  Such  a  history  would  frequently  be 
in  contradiction  to  facts  ;  and  such  only  is  that  which 
might  be  entitled,  The  History  of  Napoleon,  written  by 
Himself. 

I  have  said  thus  much  because  it  is  my  wish  that  the 
principles  which  have  guided  me  in  the  composition  of 
these  Memoirs  may  be  understood.  I  am  aware  that  they 
will  not  please  every  reader ;  that  is  a  success  to  which  I 
cannot  pretend.  Some  merit,  however,  may  be  allowed 
me  on  account  of  the  labour  I  have  undergone.  It  has 
neither  been  of  a  slight  nor  an  agreeable  kind.  I  made  it 
a  rule  to  read  everything  that  has  been  written  respecting 
Napoleon,  and  I  have  had  to  decipher  many  of  his  auto- 
graph documents,  though  no  longer  so  familiar  with  his 
scrawl  as  formerly.  I  say  decipher,  because  a  real  cipher 
might  often  be  much  more  readily  understood  than  the 
handwriting  of  Napoleon.  My  own  notes,  too,  which 
were  often  very  hastily  made,  in  the  hand  I  wrote  in  my 
youth,  have  sometimes  also  much  embarrassed  me. 

My  long  and  intimate  connection  with  Bonaparte  from 
boyhood,  my  close  relations  with  him  when  General,  Con- 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION.  xxvii 

sul,  and  Emperor,  enabled  me  to  see  and  appreciate  all 
that  was  projected  and  all  that  was  done  during  that  con- 
siderable and  momentous  period  of  time.  I  not  only  had 
the  opportunity  of  being  present  at  the  conception  and 
the  execution  of  the  extraordinary  deeds  of  one  of  the 
ablest  men  mature  ever  formed,  but,  notwithstanding  an 
almost  unceasing  application  to  business,  I  found  means 
to  employ  the  few  moments  of  leisure  which  Bonaparte 
left  at  my  disposal  in  making  notes,  collecting  documents, 
and  in  recording  for  history  facts  respecting  which  the 
truth  could  otherwise  with  difficulty  be  ascertained ;  and 
more  particularly  in  collecting  those  ideas,  often  profound, 
brilliant,  and  striking,  but  always  remarkable,  to  which 
Bonaparte  gave  expression  in  the  overflowing  frankness  of 
confidential  intimacy. 

The  knowledge  that  I  possessed  much  important  infor- 
mation has  exposed  me  to  many  inquiries,  and  wherever  I 
have  resided  since  my  retirement  from  public  affairs  much 
of  my  time  has  been  spent  in  replying  to  questions.  The 
wish  to  be  acquainted  with  the  most  minute  details  of  the 
life  of  a  man  formed  on  an  unexampled  m .  del  is  very  nat- 
ural ;  and  the  observation  on  my  replies  by  those  who  heard 
them  always  was,  "  You  should  publish  your  Memoirs !  " 

I  had  certainly  always  in  view  the  publication  of  my 
Memoirs  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  I  was  firmly  resolved  not 
to  publish  them  until  a  period  should  arrive  in  which  I 
might  tell  the  truth,  and  the  whole  truth.  While  Napo- 
leon was  in  the  possession  of  power  I  felt  it  right  to  resist 
the  urgent  applications  made  to  me  on  this  subject  by 
some  persons  of  the  highest  distinction.  Truth  would 
then  have  sometimes  appeared  flattery,  and  sometimes, 
also,  it  might  not  have  been  without  danger.  Afterwards, 
when  the  progress  of  events  removed  Bonaparte  to  a  far 
distant  island  in  the  midst  of  the  ocean,  silence  was  im- 
posed on  me  by  other  considerations, — by  considerations 
of  propriety  and  feeling. 


xxviii  AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION. 

After  the  death  of  Bonaparte,  at  St.  Helena,  reasons  of 
a  different  nature  retarded  the  execution  of  my  plan.  The 
tranquillity  of  a  secluded  retreat  was  indispensable  for 
preparing  and  putting  in  order  the  abundant  materials  in 
my  possession.  I  found  it  also  necessary  to  read  a  great 
number  of  works,  in  order  to  rectify  important  errors  to 
which  the  want  of  authentic  documents  had  induced  the 
authors  to  give  credit.  This  much-desired  retreat  was 
found.  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  introduced,  through 
a  friend,  to  the  Duchesse  de  Brancas,  and  that  lady  in- 
vited me  to  pass  some  time  on  one  of  her  estates  in  Hai- 
nault.  Received  with  the  most  agreeable  hospitality,  I 
have  there  enjoyed  that  tranquillity  which  could  alone 
have  rendered  the  publication  of  these  volumes  practicable. 

FAUVELET  DE  BOUKEIENNE. 


CONTENTS. 

CHRONOLOGY  OP  BONAPARTE'S  LIFE pages  xliii-liii 

CHAPTEK    L 

1769-1783. 

Authentic  date  of  Bonaparte's  birth — His  family  ruined  by  the  Jesuits — 
His  taste  for  military  amusements — Sham  siege  at  the  College  of 
Brienne — The  porter's  wife  and  Napoleon — My  intimacy  with  Bona- 
parte at  college — His  love  for  the  mathematics,  and  his  dislike  of 
Latin — He  defends  Paoli  and  blames  his  father — He  is  ridiculed  by 
his  comrades — Ignorance  of  the  monks — Distribution  of  prizes  at 
Brienne — Madame  de  Montesson  and  the  Duke  of  Orleans — Report  of 
M.  Keralio  on  Bonaparte — He  leaves  Brienne 1-12 

CHAPTEE    K 

1784-1794. 

Bonaparte  enters  the  Military  College  of  Paris — He  urges  me  to  embrace 
the  military  profession — His  report  on  the  state  of  the  Military 
School  of  Paris — He  obtains  a  commission — I  set  off  for  Vienna — Re- 
turn to  Paris,  where  I  again  meet  Bonaparte — His  singular  plans  for 
raising  money — Louis  XVI.  with  the  red  cap  on  his  head — The  10th 
of  August — My  departure  for  Stuttgart — Bonaparte  goes  to  Corsica — 
My  name  inscribed  on  the  list  of  emigrants — Bonaparte  at  the  siege 
of  Toulon — Le  Souper  de  Beaucaire — Napoleon's  mission  to  Genoa — 
His  arrest — His  autographical  justification — Duroc's  first  connection 
with  Bonaparte 13-27 


CONSENTS. 


CHAPTER  HI. 

1794-1795. 

Proposal  to  send  Bonaparte  to  La  Vendee — He  is  struck  off  the  list  of 
general  officers — Salicetti — Joseph's  marriage  with  Mademoiselle  Clary 
— Bonaparte's  wish  to  go  to  Turkey — Note  explaining  the  plan  of  his 
proposed  expedition — Madame  Bourrienne's  character  of  Bonaparte, 
and  account  of  her  husband's  arrest — Constitution  of  the  year  III.— • 
The  13th  Vendemiaire — Bonaparte  appointed  second  in  command  of 
the  army  of  the  interior — Eulogium  of  Bonaparte  by  Barras,  and  its 
consequences — St.  Helena  manuscript 38-44 


CHAPTER    IV. 

1795-1797. 

On  my  return  to  Paris  I  meet  Bonaparte — His  interview  with  Josephine 
— Bonaparte's  marriage,  and  departure  from  Paris  ten  days  after — 
Portrait  and  character  of  Josephine — Bonaparte's  dislike  of  national 
property — Letter  to  Josephine — Letter  of  General  Colli,  and  Bona- 
parte's reply — Bonaparte  refuses  to  serve  with  Kellerman — Marmont's 
letters — Bonaparte's  order  to  me  to  join  the  army — My  departure  from 
Sens  for  Italy — Insurrection  of  the  Venetian  States 45-58 


CHAPTER  V. 

1797. 

Signature  of  the  preliminaries  of  peace — Pall  of  Venice — My  arrival  and 
reception  at  Leoben — Bonaparte  wishes  to  pursue  his  success — The 
Directory  opposes  him — He  wishes  to  advance  on  Vienna — Movement 
of  the  army  of  the  Sainbre-et-Meuse — Bonaparte's  dissatisfaction 
— Arrival  at  Milan — We  take  up  our  residence  at  Montebello — Napo- 
leon's j  udgment  respecting  Dandolo  and  Melzi 59-64 

CHAPTER  VL 

1797. 

Napoleon's  correspondence — Release  of  French  prisoners  at  Olmutz — 
Negotiations  with  Austria — Bonaparte's  dissatisfaction — Letter  of 
complaint  from  Bonaparte  to  the  Executive  Directory — Note  respect- 


CONTENTS. 


ing  the  affairs  of  Venice  and  the  Club  of  Clichy,  written  by  Bonaparte 
and  circulated  in  the  army — Intercepted  letter  of  the  Emperor 
Francis  . .  . .  65-72 


CHAPTER    VH. 

1797. 

Unfounded  reports — Carnot — Capitulation  of  Mantua — General  Clarke— 
The  Directory  yields  to  Bonaparte — Berthier — Arrival  of  Eugene 
Beauharnais  at  Milan — Comte  Delannay  d'Entraigues — His  inter- 
view with  Bonaparte — Seizure  of  his  papers — Copy  of  one  describing  a 
conversation  between  him  and  Comte  de  Montgaillard — The  Em- 
peror Francis — The  Prince  de  Conde  and  General  Pichegru. . .  73-84 


CHAPTER    VUl 
1797. 

The  royalists  of  the  interior — Bonaparte's  intention  of  marching  on  Paris 
with  25,000  men — His  animosity  against  the  emigrants  and  the 
Clichy  Club — His  choice  between  the  two  parties  of  the  Directory — 
Augereau's  order  of  the  day  against  the  word  Monsieur — Bonaparte 
wishes  to  be  made  one  of  the  five  Directors — He  supports  the  ma- 
jority of  the  Directory — La  Vallette,  Augereau,  and  Bernadotte 
sent  to  Paris — Interesting  correspondence  relative  to  the  18th  Fruc- 
tidor..  ,...  85-94 


CHAPTER   IX. 

1797. 

Bonaparte's  joy  at  the  result  of  the  18th  Fructidor. — His  letter  to  An- 
gereau — His  correspondence  with  the  Directory  and  proposed  resigna- 
tion— Explanation  of  the  Directory — Bottot— General  Clarke — Let- 
ter from  Madame  Bacciocchi  to  Bonaparte — Autograph  letter  of  the 
Emperor  Francis  to  Bonaparte — Arrival  of  Count  Cobenteel — Auto- 
graph note  of  Bonaparte  on  the  conditions  of  peace, .........  95-103 


xxxii  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  X. 

1797. 

Influence  of  the  18th  Fructidor  on  the  negotiations — Bonaparte's  sus- 
picion of  Bottot — His  complaints  respecting  the  non-erasure  of 
Bourrienne — Bourrienne's  conversation  with  the  Marquis  of  Gallo — 
Bottot  writes  from  Paris  to  Bonaparte  on  the  part  of  the  Directory — 
Agents  of  the  Directory  employed  to  watch  Bonaparte — Influence  of 
the  weather  on  the  conclusion  of  peace — Remarkable  observation  of 
Bonaparte — Conclusion  of  the  treaty — The  Directory  dissatisfied 
with  the  terms  of  the  peace — Bonaparte's  predilection  for  representa- 
tive government — Opinion  on  Bonaparte 103-112 


CHAPTEE  XI. 

1797. 

Effect  of  the  18th  Fructidor  on  the  peace— The  standard  of  the  army  of 
Italy — Honours  rendered  to  the  memory  of  General  Hoche  and  of 
Virgil  at  Mantua — Remarkable  letter — In  passing  through  Switzer- 
land Bonaparte  visits  the  field  of  Morat — Arrival  at  Rastadt—Letter 
from  the  Directory  calling  Bonaparte  to  Paris— Intrigues  against 
Josephine — Grand  ceremony  on  the  reception  of  Bonaparte  by  the 
Directory — The  theatres — Modesty  of  Bonaparte — An  assassination 
—Bonaparte's  opinion  of  the  Parisians — His  election  to  the  National 
Institute — Letter  to  Camus — Projects — Reflections 113-126 


CHAPTER  XEL 

1798. 

Bonaparte's  departure  from  Paris — His  return — The  Egyptian  expedition 
projected — M.  de  Talleyrand — General  Desaix— Expedition  against 
Malta — Money  taken  at  Berne — Bonaparte's  ideas  respecting  the 
East — Monge — Non-influence  of  the  Directory — Marriages  of  Mar- 
mont  and  La  Valette — Bonaparte's  plan  of  colonising  Egypt — His 
camp  library — Orthographical  blunders — Stock  of  wines — Bona- 
parte's arrival  at  Toulon — Madame  Bonaparte's  fall  from  a  balcony — 
Execution  of  an  old  man — Simon < .  127-138 


CONTENTS.  -cam 


CHAPTER 

1798. 


Departure  of  the  squadron — Arrival  at  Malta — Dolomien — General  Bara- 
guay  d'Hilliers— Attack  on  the  western  part  of  the  island — Caffarelli's 
remark — Deliverance  of  the  Turkish  prisoners — Nelson's  pursuit  of 
the  French  fleet — Conversations  on  board — How  Bonaparte  passed  his 
time — Questions  to  the  Captains — Propositions  discussed — Morning 
music — Proclamation — Admiral  Brueys — The  English  fleet  avoided — 
Dangerous  landing  —Bonaparte  and  his  fortune — Alexandria  taken — 
Kleber  wounded — Bonaparte's  entrance  into  Alexandria  ....  139-151 


CHAPTER    XT7. 

1798. 


The  mirage — Skirmishes  with  the  Arabs — Mistake  of  General  Desaix's 
division — Wretchedness  of  a  rich  sheik — Combat  beneath  the 
General's  window — The  flotilla  on  the  Nile — Its  distress  and  danger 
— The  battle  of  Chebreisse — Defeat  of  the  Mamelukes — Bonaparte's 
reception  of  me — Letter  to  Louis  Bonaparte — Success  of  the  French 
army — Triumphal  entrance  into  Cairo — Civil  and  military  organisa- 
tion of  Cairo — Bonaparte's  letter  to  his  brother  Joseph — Plan  of 
colonisation  . .  , .  152-159 


CHAPTER    XV. 

1798. 

Establishment  of  a  divan  in  each  Egyptian  province— Desaix  in  Upper 
Egypt — Ibrahim  Bey  beaten  by  Bonaparte  at  Salehye'h — Sulkowsky 
wounded — Disaster  at  Aboukir — Dissatisfaction  and  murmurs  of  the 
army — Dejection  of  the  General-in-Chief — His  plan  respecting  Egypt — 
Meditated  descent  upon  England — Bonaparte's  censure  of  the  Di- 
rectory— Intercepted  correspondence 160-165 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   XVL 

1798. 

The  Egyptian  Institute — Festival  of  the  birth  of  Mahomet — Bonaparte'* 
prudent  respect  for  the  Mahometan  religion — His  Turkish  dress — 
Djezzar,  the  Pasha  of  Acre — Thoughts  of  a  campaign  in  Germany — 
Want  of  news  from  France — Bonaparte  and  Madame  Foures — The 
Egyptian  fortune-teller,  M.  Berthollet,  and  the  Sheik  El  Bekri— The 
air  "  Marlbrook" — Insurrection  in  Cairo — Death  of  General  Dupuis 
— Death  of  Sulkowsky — The  insurrection  quelled — Nocturnal  execu- 
tions— Destruction  of  a  tribe  of  Arabs — Convoy  of  sick  and 
wounded — Massacre  of  the  French  in  Sicily — Projected  expedition 
to  Syria— Letter  to  Tippoo  Saib , 166-179 


CHAPTER    XVH. 

1798-1799. 

Bonaparte's  departure  for  Suez — Crossing  the  desert — Passage  of  the  Red 
Sea — The  fountain  of  Moses — The  Cenobites  of  Mount  Sinai — Danger 
in  recrossing  the  Red  Sea — Napoleon's  return  to  Cairo — Money  bor- 
rowed at  Genoa — New  designs  upon  Syria — Dissatisfaction  of  the 
Ottoman  Porte — Plan  for  invading  Asia — Gigantic  schemes — General 
Berthier's  permission  to  return  to  France — His  romantic  love  and  the 
adored  portrait — He  gives  up  his  permission  to  return  home — Louis 
Bonaparte  leaves  Egypt — The  first  Cashmere  shawl  in  France — Inter- 
cepted correspondence — Departure  for  Syria — Fountains  of  Messou- 
diah — Bonaparte  jealous — Discontent  of  the  troops — El-Arish  taken — 
Aspect  of  Syria — Ramleh — Jerusalem 180-193 


CHAPTEE  XVHL 

1799. 

Arrival  at  Jaffa — The  siege — Beauharnais  and  Croisier — Four  thousand 
prisoners — Scarcity  of  provisions — Councils  of  war — Dreadful  neces- 
sity— The  massacre — The  plague — Lannes  and  the  mountaineers— 


CONTENTS. 


Barbarity  of  Djezzar — Arrival  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  and  abortive 
attacks — Sir  Sidney  Smith — Death  of  Caffarelli — Duroo  wounded — 
Bash  bathing — Insurrections  in  Egypt 193-205 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

1799. 

The  siege  of  Acre  raised — Attention  to  names  in  bulletins — Gigantic  pro- 
ject— The  Druses — Mount  Carmel — The  wounded  and  infected — 
Order  to  march  on  foot — Loss  of  our  cannon — A  Nablousian  fires  at 
Bonaparte — Return  to  Jaffa — Bonaparte  visits  the  plague  hospital — A 
potion  given  to  the  sick— Bonaparte's  statement  at  St.  Helena.  206-320 


CHAPTER    XX. 

1799. 

Murat  and  Monrad  Bey  at  the  Natron  Lakes — Bonaparte's  departure  for 
the  Pyramids — Sudden  appearance  of  an  Arab  messenger — News  of 
the  landing  of  the  Turks  at  Aboukir — Bonaparte  marches  against 
them — They  are  immediately  attacked  and  destroyed  in  the  battle  of 
Aboukir — Interchange  of  communication  with  the  English — Sudden 
determination  to  return  to  Europe — Outfit  of  two  frigates — Bona- 
parte's dissimulation — His  pretended  journey  to  the  Delta — Generous 
behaviour  of  Lanusse — Bonaparte's  artifice — Hia  bad  treatment  of 
General  Kleber ...  . .  221-230 


CHAPTER    XTT. 

1799. 

Our  departure  from  Egypt— Nocturnal  embarkation— M.  Paraeval  Grand- 
maison — Our  course — Adverse  winds — Fear  of  the  English — Favour- 
able weather — Vingt-et-un — Chess — We  land  at  Ajaccio — Bonaparte's 
pretended  relations — Family  domains — Want  of  money — Battle  of  Novi 
— Death  of  Joubert — Visionary  schemes — Purchase  of  a  boat — Depart- 
ure from  Corsica — The  English  squadron — Our  escape — The  roads  of 
Frejus — Our  landing  in  France — The  plague  or  the  Austrians — Joy  of 
the  people — The  sanitary  laws — Bonaparte  falsely  accused  . .  231-240 


xxxvi  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    XXH. 
1799. 

Effect  produced  by  Bonaparte's  return — His  justification — Melancholy 
letter  to  my  wife — Bonaparte's  intended  dinner  at  Sens — Louis  Bona- 
parte and  Josephine — He  changes  his  intended  route — Melancholy 
situation  of  the  provinces — Necessity  of  a  change — Bonaparte's  am- 
bitious views — Influence  of  popular  applause — Arrival  in  Paris — His 
reception  of  Josephine — Their  reconciliation — Bonaparte's  visit  to  the 
Directory— His  contemptuous  treatment  of  Si6yes 241-348 


CHAPTER  XXHL 
1799. 

Moreau  and  Bernadotte — Bonaparte's  opinion  of  Bernadotte— False  re- 
port— The  crown  of  Sweden  and  the  Constitution  of  the  year  III. — 
Intrigues  of  Bonaparte's  brothers — Angry  conversation  between  Bona- 
parte and  Bernadotte — Bonaparte's  version — Josephine's  version — An 
unexpected  visit— The  Manege  Club — Salicetti  and  Joseph  Bonaparte 
— Bonaparte  invites  himself  to  breakfast  with  Bernadotte — Country 
excursion — Bernadotte  dines  with  Bonaparte — The  plot  and  con- 
spiracy— Conduct  of  Lucien — Dinner  given  to  Bonaparte  by  the 
Council  of  the  Five  Hundred — Bonaparte's  wiah  to  be  chosen  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Directory — His  reconciliation  with  Sieyes — Offer  made  by 
the  Directory  to  Bonaparte— He  is  falsely  accused  by  Barras.  249-361 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 

1799. 

Cambac^res  and  Lebrun — Gohier  deceived — My  nocturnal  visit  to  Barras 
— The  command  of  the  army  given  to  Bonaparte — The  morning  of  the 
18th  Brumaire — Meeting  of  the  generals  at  Bonaparte's  house — Ber- 
nadotte's  firmness — Josephine's  interest  for  Madame  Gohier — Disap- 
pointment of  the  Directors — Review  in  the  gardens  of  the  Tuileries 
— Bonaparte's  harangue — Proclamation  of  the  Ancients — Moreau, 
jailer  of  the  Luxembourg — My  conversation  with  La  Vallette — Bon- 
aparte at  St.  Cloud  363-273 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

1799. 

The  two  Councils — Ban-as1  letter — Bonaparte  at  the  Council  of  the  Five 
Hundred — False  reports — Tumultuous  sitting — Lucien's  speech — He 
resigns  the  Presidency  of  the  Council  of  the  Five  Hundred — He  is 
carried  out  by  grenadiers — He  harangues  the  troops — A  dramatic 
scene— Murat  and  his  soldiers  drive  out  the  Five  Hundred —Council 
of  Thirty — Consular  commission — Decree — Return  to  Paris — Conver- 
sation with  Bonaparte  and  Josephine  respecting  Gohier  and  Berna- 
dotte — The  directors  Gohier  and  Moulins  imprisoned 274-285 


CHAPTER  XXVL 

1799. 

General  approbation  of  the  18th  Brnmaire — Distress  of  the  treasury — M. 
Collet's  generosity — Bonaparte's  ingratitude — Gohier  set  at  liberty — 
Constitution  of  the  year  VIII. — The  Senate,  Tribunate,  and  Council 
of  State — Notes  required  on  the  character  of  candidates — Bonaparte's 
love  of  integrity  and  talent — Influence  of  habit  over  him — His  hatred 
of  the  Tribunate — Provisional  concessions — The  first  Consular  Min- 
istry—  Mediocrity  of  La  Place — Proscription  lists  —  Cambaceres' 
report — M.  Moreau  de  Worms — Character  of  Sie'yes — Bonaparte  at  the 
Luxembourg — Distribution  of  the  day  and  visits — Lebrun's  opposi- 
tion— Bonaparte's  singing — His  boyish  tricks — Resumption  of  the 
titles  "  Madame  "  and  "  Monseigneur  " — The  men  of  the  Revolution 
and  the  partisans  of  the  Bourbons — Bonaparte's  fears — Confidential 
notes  on  candidates  for  office  and  the  assemblies. ..  . .  286-297 


CHAPTER  XXVH 

1799-1800. 

Difficulties  of  a  new  Government — State  of  Europe— Bonaparte's  wish 
for  peace — M.  de  Talleyrand  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs — Negotia- 
tions with  England  and  Austria — Their  failure — Bonaparte's  views  on 
the  East — His  sacrifices  to  policy — General  Bonaparte  denounced  to 
the  First  Consul — KleTjer's  letter  to  the  Directory — Accounts  of  the 
Egyptian  expedition  published  in  the  Mbniteur — Proclamation  to  the 
army  of  the  East — Favour  and  disgrace  of  certain  individuals  ac- 
counted for.  .  , 298-306 


xxxvHi  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXVm. 

1800. 

Great  and  common  men — Portrait  of  Bonaparte — The  varied  expression  of 
his  countenance — His  convulsive  shrug — Presentiment  of  his  cor- 
pulency— Partiality  for  bathing — His  temperance — His  alleged  capa- 
bility of  dispensing  with  sleep — Good  and  bad  news — Shaving,  and 
reading  the  journals — Morning  business — Breakfast — Coffee  and  snuff 
— Bonaparte's  idea  of  his  own  situation — His  ill  opinion  of  mankind — 
Hia  dislike  of  a  tete-d-tete — His  hatred  of  the  Revolutionists — Ladies 
in  white — Anecdotes — Bonaparte's  tokens  of  kindness,  and  his  droll 
compliments — His  fits  of  ill  humour — Sound  of  bells — Gardens  of 
Malmaison — Hia  opinion  of  medicine — His  memory — His  poetic  in- 
sensibility— His  want  of  gallantry — Cards  and  conversation — The 
dress-coat  and  black  cravat — Bonaparte's  payments — His  religious 
ideas— ilia  obstinacy, 306-328 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

1800. 

Bonaparte's  laws — Suppression  of  the  festival  of  the  21st  of  January— 
Official  visits — The  Temple — Louis  XVL  and  Sir  Sidney  Smith — 
Peculation  during  the  Directory — Loan  raised — Modest  budget — The 
Consul  and  the  Member  of  the  Institute — The  figure  of  the  Republic — 
Duroc's  missions — The  King  of  Prussia — The  Emperor  Alexander — 
General  Latour-Foissac — Arbitrary  decree — Company  of  players  for 
Egypt — Singular  ideas  respecting  literary  property — The  preparatory 
Consulate — The  journals — Sabres  and  muskets  of  honour — The  First 
Consul  and  his  Comrade — The  bust  of  Brutus — Statues  in  the  gallery 
of  the  Tuileries — Sections  of  the  Council  of  State — Costumes  of 
public  functionaries — Masquerades — The  opera-balls — Recall  of  the 
oxilea 329-344 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

1800. 

Bonaparte  and  Paul  L— Lord  Whitworth— Baron  Sprengporten's  arrival 
at  Paris— Paul's  admiration  of  Bonaparte — Their  close  connection 
and  correspondence — The  royal  challenge — General  Mack — The  road 


CONTENTS.  xxxlx 


to  Malmaison — Attempts  at  assassination — Death  of  Washington — 
National  mourning — Ambitious  calculation — M.  de  Fontanes,  the 
skilful  orator — Fete  at  the  Temple  of  Mars — Murat's  marriage  with 
Caroline  Bonaparte — Madame  Bonaparte's  pearls 845-360 


CHAPTER    XXXL 

1800. 

Police  on  police — False  information — Dexterity  of  Fouch^ — Police  agents 
deceived — Money  ill  applied — Inutility  of  political  police — Bonaparte's 
opinion — General  considerations — My  appointment  to  the  Prefecture 
of  police 861-367 


CHAPTER  XTKTT. 

1800. 

Successful  management  of  parties — Precautions — Removal  from  the 
Luxembourg  to  the  Tuileries — Hackney-coaches  and  the  Consul's 
white  horses — Royal  custom  and  an  inscription — The  review — Bona- 
parte's homage  to  the  standards — Talleyrand  in  Bonaparte's  cabinet — 
Bonaparte's  aversion  to  the  cap  of  liberty  even  in  painting — The  state 
bed— Our  cabinet...  ..  S6&-377 


CHAPTER  XXXm. 
1800. 

The  Tuileries— Royalty  in  perspective— Remarkable  obierration— Pres- 
entations— Assumption  of  the  prerogative  of  mercy — M.  Defeu — M. 
de  Frotte — Georges  Cadondal's  audience  of  Bonaparte — Rapp's  pre- 
caution and  Bonaparte's  confidence — The  dignity  of  France — Napper 
Tandy  and  Blackwell  delivered  up  by  the  Senate  of  Hamburg — Con- 
tribution in  the  Egyptian  style — Valueless  bill — Fifteen  thousand 
francs  in  the  drawer  of  a  secretaire — Josephine's  debts — Evening 
walks  with  Bonaparte 378-391 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

1800. 

War  and  monuments — Influence  of  the  recollections  of  Egypt — First 
improvements  in  Paris — Malmaison  too  little — St.  Cloud  taken — The 
Pont  des  Arts — Business  prescribed  for  me  by  Bonaparte — Pecuniary 
remuneration — The  First  Consul's  visit  to  the  Pritanee — His  exami- 
nation of  the  pupils — Consular  pensions — Tragical  death  of  Miack- 
zinski — Introduction  of  vaccination — Recall  of  the  members  of  the 
Constituent  Assembly — The  "  canary  "  volunteers — Tronchet  and 
Target — Liberation  of  the  Austrian  prisoners — Longchamps  and 
sacred  music — ANNEX....  , 395-411 


CHAPTER    XXXV. 

1800. 

The  Memorial  of  St.  Helena — Louis  XVllI.'s  first  letter  to  Bonaparte— 
Josephine,  Hortense,  and  the  Faubourg  St.  Germain — Madame  Bona- 
parte and  the  fortune-teller — Louis  XVITL's  second  letter — Bona- 
parte's answer — Conversation  respecting  the  recall  of  Louis  XVIII. — 
Peace  and  war — A  battle  fought  with  pins — Genoa  and  Melas — Real- 
isation of  Bonaparte's  military  plans — Ironical  letter  to  Berthier — De- 
parture from  Paris — Instructions  to  Lucien  and  Cambaceres — Joseph 
Bonaparte  appointed  Councillor  of  State — Travelling  conversation — 
Alexander  and  Caesar  judged  by  Bonaparte 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTKATIONS 

TO  FAOB 

I.  NAPOLEON  I.  (First  Portrait)        ....  Title 

II.  LETITIA  BAMOLINO 2 

HI.  THE  EMPKESS  JOSEPHINE  (First  Portrait)    .        .  46 

IV.  EUGENE  BEAUHARNAIS 76 

V.  GENERAL  EL^EER         ......  150 

VI.  MABSHAL  LANNES        ......  200 

VII.  TALLEYRAND 300 

VILE.  GENERAL  DUROO 334 

IX.  MURAT,  KING  OF  NAPLES 358 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  BONAPARTE'S  LIFE. 


AOB.   DATE.  EVENT. 

...  1769.  Aug.  15. — Napoleon  Bonaparte  born  at  Ajaccio,  in  Corsica. 
Fourth  child  of  Charles  Bonaparte  and  of  Letitia,  ndt 
Ramolino. 

1.  1771.  July  21. — Napoleon  Bonaparte  baptized  in  the  Cathedral  of 
Ajaccio. 

9.  1778.  Dec.  15. — Napoleon  embarks  for  France  with  his  father,  his 
brother  Joseph,  and  his  uncle  Fesch. 

"9.     1779.     Jan.  1. — Napoleon  enters  the  College  of  Autun  with  Joseph. 

9.  1779.  April  25. — Napoleon  enters  the  Royal  Military  School  of 
Brienne-le-Chateau. 

15.    1784.    Oct.  23.— Napoleon  enters  the  Royal  Military  School  of 
Paris. 

15.  1785.     Feb.  24. — Charles  Bonaparte,  father  of  Napoleon,  dies  from 

cancer  in  the  stomach,  aged  thirty-eight  years. 

16.  1785.     Sept.  1. — Napoleon  appointed  Lieutenant  en  second  in  the 

Compagnie  d'Autume  of  Bombardiers  of  the  5th  Bri- 
gade of  the  1st  Battalion  of  the  (Artillery)  Regiment 
de  la  Fere,  then  quartered  at  Valence. 

16.    1785.    Oct.  29.— Napoleon  leaves  the  Military  School  of  Paris. 

16.  1785.    Nov.  5  to  Aug.  11, 1786.— Napoleon  at  Valence  with  hia 

regiment. 

17.  1786.    Aug.  15  to  Sept.  20,  1786.— Napoleon  at  Lyons  with  regi- 

ment. 

17.    1786.     Oct.  17  to  Feb.  1,  1787.— Napoleon  at  Douai  with  regiment 

17.  1787.    Feb.  1  to  Oct.  14,  1787.— Napoleon  on  leave  to  Corsica. 

18.  1787.     Oct.  15  to  Deo.  24,  1787.— Napoleon  quits  Corsica,  arrives 

in  Paris,  obtains  fresh  leave,  and 


xliv        CHRONOLOGY  OF  BONAPARTE'S  LIFE. 


AGE. 
18. 


18-19. 
19. 

19-20. 
30-21. 

21-23. 
23. 


DATB.  EVENT. 

1787.  Dec.  25  to  May  1788.— Napoleon  proceeds  to  Corsica  and 

returns  early  in  May. 

1788.  May  to  April  4,  1789. — Napoleon  at  Auxonnc  with  regi* 

ment 

1789.  April  5  to  April  30. — Napoleon  at  Seurre  in  command  of  a 

detachment. 


1789.  May  1  to  Sept.  15,  1789. — Napoleon  at  Auxonno  with  regi- 
ment. 

1789.  Sept.  16  to  June  1,  1791. — Napoleon  proceeds  to  Corsica; 
engages  in  revolutionary  movements ;  returns  on  13th 
February  1791,  having  overstayed  leave  from  15th 
October  1790 ;  absence  excused  on  account  of  contrary 
winds. 

1791.  June  2  to  Aug.  29, 1791.— Napoleon  joins  the  4th  Regiment 
of  Artillery  at  Valence  as  Lieutenant  en  premier. 

1791.  Aug.  30. — Napoleon  starts  for  Corsica  on  leave  for  three 
months  ;  elected  in  April  1792  as  second  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  of  3d  Battalion  of  Corsican  Volunteers ;  en- 
gages in  fresh  revolutionary  attempts ;  quits  Corsica, 
3d  May  1793,  for  France,  where  he  has  been  dismissed 
for  absence  without  leave. 

22.  1791.  Dec.  12. — Marie  Louise,  daughter  of  Emperor  Francis, 
born. 

22.  1792.  June  20. — Attack  of  mob  on  Tuileries  ;  Kong  wears  cap  of 
liberty  ;  Napoleon  looking  on. 

22.  1792.     Aug.  10.— Sack  of  Tuileries ;  slaughter  of  Swiss  Guard  ; 

King  suspended  from  his  functions. 

23.  1793.    Aug.  30. — Napoleon  reinstated ;  explaining  his  absence  as 

serving  with  volunteers,  and  is  promoted  as  Captain  of 
4th  Class,  with  ante-date  of  6th  February  1792. 

23.  1792.  Sept.  14  to  June  11,  1793. — Napoleon  in  Corsica  engaged  in 
revolutionary  attempts,  till,  having  declared  against 
Paoli,  he  and  his  family  have  to  quit  Corsica.  Mean- 
while France  declared  a  Republic,  21st  September 
1792 ;  Louis  XVI.  guillotined  21st  January  1793. 

23.    1793.     June  13  to  July  14,  1793. — Napoleon  with  his  company  at 

Nice. 

38-24.    1793.    July  14  to  Oct.  9,  1793.— Napoleon  with  army  of  Carteau* 
in  the  south,  acting  against  Marseilles  and  Toulon. 


CHRONOLOG  Y  OF  BONAPARTE'S  LIFE.          xlv 


AGE.  DATE.  EVENT. 

24.  1793.  Oct.  9  to  Dec.  19. — Napoleon  placed  in  command  of  part 
of  artillery  of  army  of  Carteaux  before  Toulon ;  made 
Chef  deBataJllon  (Major),  19th  October ;  Toulon  taken, 
19th  December. 

24,  1793.  Dec.  22. — Napoleon  nominated  provisionally  General  of 
Brigade ;  approved  later ;  receives  commission,  16th 
February  1794. 

24.  1793.  Dec.  36  to  April  1,  1794. — Napoleon  appointed  Inspector  of 
the  coast  from  the  Rhone  to  the  Var,  and  on  inspection 
duty. 

24.  1794.     April  1  to  Aug.  5,  1794.— Napoleon  with  army  of  Italy 

under  Dumerbion ;  preparing  plans,  etc. ,  with  the 
younger  Robespierre,  etc.  ;  at  Genoa  15th-21st  July. 

34-25.  1794.  Aug.  6  to  Aug.  20,  1794.— Napoleon  in  arrest  after  fall  of 
Robespierre  on  suspicion  of  treachery. 

25.  1794.     Sept.  14  to  March  29, 1 795.  — Napoleon  commanding  artillery 

of  an  intended  maritime  expedition  to  Corsica. 

25.  1795.    March  27  to  May  10. — Napoleon  ordered  from  the  sotfth  to 

join  the  army  in  La  Vendee  to  command  its  artillery ; 
arrives  in  Paris,  10th  May. 

25-26.  1795.  June  13.  — Napoleon  ordered  to  join  Hoche's  army  at  Brest, 
to  command  a  brigade  of  infantry  ;  remains  in  Paris ; 
21st  August,  attached  to  Comite"  de  Salut  Public  as 
one  of  four  advisers  ;  15th  September,  struck  off  list  of 
employed  generals  for  disobedience  of  orders  in  not 
proceeding  to  the  west. 

26.  1795.     Oct.  5,  13th  Vendemiaire  (Jour  des  Sections). — Napoleon 

defends  the  Convention  from  the  revolt  of  the  Sections, 
and  fires  on  the  people,  as  second  in  command  under 
Barras. 

26.  1795.  Oct.  16. — Napoleon  appointed  provisionally  General  of  Di- 
vision. 

26.  1795.  Oct.  20.— Napoleon  appointed  General  of  Division  and 
Commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Interior  (i.e.  of  Paris). 

96.  1796.  March  2. — Napoleon  appointed  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
Army  of  Italy ;  9th  March,  marries  Josephine  Tascher 
de  la  Pagerie,  Vicomtesse  de  Beauharnais,  widow  of 
General  Vicomte  Alexandre  de  Beauharnais,  and  leaves 
Paris  for  Italy  on  11  th  March. 


xlvi         CHRONOLOGY  OF  BONAPARTE'S  LIFE. 


AQE.  DATE.  EVEHT. 

26.  1796. — First  Italian    campaign    of  Napoleon  against  Austrian* 

under  Beaulieu,  and  Sardinians  under  Colli.  Battle  of 
Montenotte,  13th  April ;  Millesimo,  13th  April ;  Dego, 
14th  and  15th  April ;  Mondovi,  21st  April ;  Armistice 
of  Cherasco  with  Sardinians,  28th  April ;  Battle  of 
Lodi,  9th  May ;  Austrians  beaten  out  of  Lombardy 
and  Mantua  besieged. 

36.  1796.  July  and  Aug. — First  attempt  of  Austrians  to  relieve  Man- 
tua ;  battle  of  Lonato,  31st  July ;  Lonato  and  Casti- 
glione,  3d  August ;  and,  again,  Castiglione,  5th  and  6th 
August ;  Wurmser  beaten  off,  and  Mantua  again  in- 
vested. 

27.  1796.     Sept. — Second  attempt  of  Austrians  to  relieve  Mantua; 

battles  of  Galliano,  4th  September ;  Primolano,  7th 
September ;  Bassano,  8th  September ;  St.  Georges, 
15th  September  ;  Wurmser  driven  into  Mantua  and  in- 
vested there.  Meanwhile  Jourdan  has  been  forced 
back  across  the  Rhine  by  the  Archduke  Charles  on 
21st  September ;  Moreau,  after  two  celebrated  re- 
treats, recrosses  the  Rhine,  25th  October. 

27.  1796.  Nov. — Third  attempt  of  Austrians  to  relieve  Mantua ; 
battles  of  Caldiero,  llth  November,  and  Arcola,  15th, 
16th,  and  17th  November  ;  Alvinzi  driven  off. 

27.  1797.  Jan. — Fourth  attempt  to  relieve  Mantua ;  battles  of  Rivoli, 
14th  January,  and  Favorita,  16th  January ;  Alvinzi 
again  driven  off. 

27.     1797.     Feb.  2. — Wurmser  surrenders  Mantua  with  18,000  men. 

27.  1797.     March  10. — Napoleon  commences  his  advance  on  the  Arch- 

duke Charles  ;  beats  him  at  the  Tagliamento,  16th 
March ;  7th  April,  armistice  of  Judenbourg ;  18th 
April,  Provisional  Treaty  of  Leoben  with  Austria,  who 
cedes  the  Netherlands,  and  is  to  get  the  Venetian  ter- 
ritory on  the  mainland ;  Hoche  advances,  crosses  the 
Rhine  same  day,  and  Moreau  on  20th  April,  till  stopped 
by  news  of  peace. 

28.  1797.     Sept  4.— Coup  d'etat  of  18th  Fructidor  ;  majority  of  Di- 

rectors, supported  by  the  Jacobins  and  by  Napoleon, 
put  down  Royalist  movement  and  banish  many  deputies 
to  Cayenne. 

88.  1797.  Oct.  17. — Treaty  of  Campo-Formio  between  France  and 
Austria  to  replace  that  of  Leoben ;  Venice  partitioned, 
and  itself  now  falls  to  Austria. 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  BONAPARTE'S  LIFE.       xlvii 


AGE.   DATE.  EVENT. 

28.  1798.  Jan.  19. — Congress  of  Rastadt  formally  opens,  continues 
till  28th  April  1799. 

28.  1798. — Egyptian  expedition.     Napoleon  sails  from  Toulon,  19th 

May ;  takes  Malta,  12th  June  ;  lands  near  Alexandria, 
1st  July ;  Alexandria  taken,  2d  July  ;  battle  of  the 
Chebreisse,  13th  July ;  battle  of  the  Pyramids,  21st 
July ;  Cairo  entered,  23d  July. 

2a    1798.    Aug.  1.— Battle  of  the  Nile. 

29.  1799.    March  3.— Napoleon  starts  for  Syria ;   7th  March,  takes 

Jaffa;  18th  March,  invests  St.  Jean  d'Acre;  16th 
April,  Battle  of  Mount  Tabor ;  22d  May,  siege  of  Acre 
raised  ;  Napoleon  reaches  Cairo,  14th  June. 

29.  1799.    July  25.— Battle  of  Aboukir;    Turks    defeated.      Mean- 

while the  Austrians  and  Russians  have  driven  the 
French  out  of  Italy,  Macdonald  being  beaten  by  Su- 
warrow  on  the  Trebbia,  18th  to  20th  June,  and  Hoche 
being  defeated  and  killed  at  Novi,  15th  August; 
French  in  same  position  as  when  Napoleon  took  com- 
mand in  1796. 

30.  1799.     August  (22d  August,  Thiers ;  24th  August,  Bourrienne ; 

10th  September,  Marmont). — Napoleon  sails  from 
Egypt;  lands  at  Frej  us,  6th  October.  Meanwhile  Mas- 
se'na  beats  the  Russians  and  Austrians,  25th  and  26th 
September,  at  Zurich  ;  Suwarrow  forces  his  way  over 
the  Alps,  but  withdraws  his  army  in  disgust  with  the 
Austrians  in  October. 

30.  1799.  Oct.  9  and  10,  18th  and  19th  Brumaire.— Napoleon  seizes 
power.  Provisionary  Consulate  formed — Napoleon, 
Sieyes,  and  Roger  Ducos. 

30.  1799.  Dec.  25. — Napoleon,  First  Consul ;  Cambaceres,  Second 
Consul ;  Lebrun,  Third  Consul. 

30.  1800.  April  25. — Moreau  commences  his  advance  into  Germany, 
and  forces  Austrians  back  on  Ulm. 

80.  1800.  May  and  June. — Marengo  campaign.  14th  May,  Napoleon 
commences  passage  of  St.  Bernard ;  2d  June,  enters 
Milan  ;  4th  June,  Massena  surrenders  Genoa  to  Aus- 
trians ;  9th  June,  Lannes  gains  battle  of  Montebello  ; 
14th  June,  battle  of  Marengo  ;  Decaix  killed  (Kleber 
assassinated  in  Egypt  same  day) ;  armistice  signed  by 
Napoleon  with  Melas,  15th  June;  Genoa  and  Italian 
fortresses  surrendered  to  French  ;  Moreau  concludes 
armistice,  15th  July,  having  reached  middle  of  Bavaria. 


xlviii       CHRONOLOGY  OF  BONAPARTE'S  LIFE. 


AGE.  DATE.  EVENT. 

31.  1800.  Nov.  28. — Rupture  of  armistice  with  Austria ;  3d  Decenu 
ber,  Moreau  gains  battle  of  Hohenlinden. 

81.  1800.  Dec.  24.  (3d  Nivose).— Affair  of  the  Rue  St.  Nicaise ; 
attempt  to  assassinate  Napoleon  by  infernal  machine. 

81.  1801.  Feb.  9. — Treaty  of  Luneville  between  France  and  Ger- 
many ;  Venice  partitioned ;  left  bank  of  Rhine  and 
the  Austrian  Netherlands  secured  to  France. 

31.  1801.    July  15. — Concordat  with  Rome  ;  Roman  Catholic  religion 

restored  in  France. 

32.  1801.     Oct.  1. — Preliminaries  of  peace  between  France  and  Eng- 

land signed  at  London. 

32.  1803.     Jan.  26. — Napoleon  Vice-President  of  Italian  Republic. 

33.  1803.     March  27. — Treaty  of  Amiens  ;  England  restores  all  con- 

quests except  Ceylon  and  Trinidad ;  French  to  evacuate 
Naples  and  Rome ;  Malta  to  be  restored  to  Knights. 

32.  1803.  May  19. — Legion  of  Honour  instituted ;  carried  out  14th 
July  1814. 

32.  1802.     Aug.  4.— Napoleon  First  Consul  for  life. 

33.  1803.     Feb.  25.— Recess  (or  Reichs  Deputation)  of  the  German 

Empire ;  mediatisation  of  the  smaller  and  of  the  eccle- 
siastical States  of  Germany. 

33.  1803.     May.— War  between  France  and  England. 

83.  1803.     March  5.— Civil  Code  (later,  Code  Napoleon)  decreed. 

84.  1804.    March  21. — Due  d'Enghien  shot  at  Vincennea. 

34.  1804.     May  18. — Napoleon,  Empereur  des  Francais;  crowned  2d 

December. 

86.  1805. — Ulm  campaign;  25th  September,  Napoleon  crosses  the 
Rhine ;  14th  October,  battle  of  Elchingen  ;  20th  Oc- 
tober, Mack  surrenders  Ulm. 

86.    1805.     Oct.  21.— Battle  of  Trafalgar. 

36.    1805.     Dec.  3. — Russians  and  Austrians  defeated  at  Austerlitz. 

86.  1805.  Dec.  26. — Treaty  of  Presburg  ;  Austria  cedes  her  share  of 
Venetian  lands  to  Kingdom  of  Italy,  and  the  Tyrol  to 
Bavaria,  which,  with  Wurtemberg,  is  recognised  as  a 
Kingdom. 


CHRONOLOGY  OP  BONAPARTE'S  LIFE.        xlix 

AOE.  DATE.  EVEHT. 

36.     1806.     Feb.  15.— Joseph  Bonaparte  enters  Naples  as  King. 

36.    1806.     Jane  5. — Louis  Bonaparte,  King  of  Holland. 

36.  1806.    July  1. — Confederation  of  the  Rhine  formed;  Napoleon 

protector ;  German  Empire  dissolved  6th  August ; 
Francis  I.  takes  title  of  Francis  II.  of  Austria. 

87.  1806.— Jena  campaign  with  Prussia.  Battle  of  Saalfeld,  10th 
October ;  battles  of  Jena  and  of  Auerstadt,  14th  Oc- 
tober ;  Berlin  occupied,  25th  October. 

37.  1806.    Nov.  21.— Berlin  decrees  issued. 

37.  1807.  Feb.  8.— Battle  of  Eylau  with  Russians,  indecirive ;  14th 
June,  battle  of  Friedland,  decisive. 

37.  1807.  July  7.— Treaty  of  Tilsit.  Prussia  partitioned;  Polish 
provinces  forming  Duchy  of  Warsaw  under  Saxony ; 
provinces  on  left  of  Elbe,  with  Hesse  Cassel,  made 
into  Kingdom  of  Westphalia  for  Jerome  Bonaparte. 

37.  1807.     Aug.  and  Sept. — English  expedition  against  Copenhagen. 

38.  1807.     Oct.  27. — Secret  treaty  of  Fontainebleau  between  France 

and  Spain  for  the  partition  of  Portugal ;  Jnnot  enters 
Lisbon,  30th  November ;  Royal  Family  withdraw  to 
Brazil. 

38.  1808.  March. — French,  under  Murat,  gradually  occupy  Spain 
under  pretence  of  march  on  Portugal ;  2d  May,  insur- 
rection at  Madrid ;  9th  May,  treaty  of  Bayonne ; 
Charles  IV.  of  Spain  cedes  throne  ;  Joseph  Bonaparte 
transferred  from  Naples  to  Spain ;  replaced  at  Naples 
by  Murat. 

38.  1808,     July  22. — Dupont  surrenders  to  Spaniards  at  Baylen ;  this 

leads  to  evacuation  of  Madrid  by  French. 

3ft  1808.  Aug.  17.— Wellesley  defeats  Laborde  at  Rolica,  and  Junot 
on  21st  at  Vimiera  ;  30th  August,  Convention  of  Cintra 
for  evacuation  of  Portugal  by  Junot. 

39.  1808,    Sept.  27  to  Oct.  14.— Conferences  at  Erfurt  between  Na- 

poleon, Alexander,  and  German  Sovereigns. 

39.  1808.  Nov.  and  Dec. — Napoleon  beats  the  Spanish  armies  ;  enters 
Madrid  ;  marches  against  Moore,  but  suddenly  returns 
to  France  to  prepare  for  Austrian  campaign. 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  BONAPARTE'S  LIFE. 


AGE.  DATE.  EVENT. 

39.     1809.     Jan.  16.—  Battle  of  Corunna. 

39.  1809.  —  Campaign  of  Wagram.     Austrians  advance,  10th  April  ; 

battle  of  Abensberg,  20th  April  ;  Eckmuhl,  22d  April  ; 
Napoleon  occupies  Vienna,  13th  May  ;  beaten  back  at 
Eesling,  22d  May  ;  finally  crosses  Danube,  4th  July, 
and  defeats  Austrians  at  Wagram,  6th  July  ;  Armis- 
tice of  Znaim,  12th  July. 

40.  1809.     Oct.  14.  —  Treaty  of  Schoenbrunn  or  of  Vienna  ;  Austria 

cedes  Istria,  Carinthia,  etc.,  to  France,  and  Salzburg 
to  Bavaria. 

40.     1809.     Dec.  15-16.  —  Josephine  divorced. 

40.     1810.     April  1  and  2.—  Marriage  of  Napoleon,  aged  40,  with  Marie 
Louise,  a 


40.  1810.     July  3.  —  Louis  Bonaparte    abdicates  crown  of  Holland, 

which  is  annexed  to  French  Empire  on  9th  July. 

41.  1810.     Dec.  13.  —  Hanseatic  towns  and  all  northern  coast  of  Ger- 

many annexed  to  French  Empire. 

41.     1811.     March  20.—  The  King  of  Rome,  son  of  Napoleon,  born. 

42-43.  1812.  June  23.  —  War  with  Russia;  Napoleon  crosses  the  Nie- 
men  ;  7th  September,  battle  of  Moskwa  or  Borodino  ; 
Napoleon  enters  Moscow,  14th  September  ;  commences 
his  retreat,  19th  October. 

43.     1812.     Oct.  22-23.—  Conspiration  of  General  Malet  at  Paris. 

48.  1813.  Nov.  26-28.—  Passage  of  the  Beresina  ;  5th  December,  Na- 
poleon leaves  his  army;  arrives  at  Paris,  18th  De- 
cember. 

48-44.  1818.  —  Leipsic  campaign.  2d  May,  Napoleon  defeats  Russians 
and  Prussians  at  Lutzen  ;  and  again  on  20-21st  May 
at  Bautzen  ;  (21st  June,  battle  of  Vittoria,  Joseph  de- 
cisively defeated  by  Wellington)  ;  26th  June,  inter- 
view of  Napoleon  and  Metternich  at  Dresden;  10th 
August,  midnight,  Austria  joins  the  allies  ;  26-27th 
August,  Napoleon  defeats  allies  at  Dresden,  but  Van- 
damme  is  routed  at  Kulm  on  30th  August,  and  on  16th- 
19th  October,  Napoleon  is  beaten  at  Leipsic  ;  30th 
October,  Napoleon  sweeps  Bavarians  from  his  path  at 
Hauau. 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  BONAPARTE1 8  LIFE. 


AGE.  DATE.  EVENT. 

44.  1814. — Allies  advance  into  France ;  29th  January,  battle  of 
Brienne  ;  1st  February,  battle  of  La  Rothiere. 

44.     1814     Fab.  5  to  March  18.— Conferences  of  Chatillon  (sur  Seine). 

44.  1814.  Feb.  11.— Battle  of  Montmirail ;  14th  February,  of  Vau- 
champs  ;  18th  February,  of  Montereau. 

44.  1814.  Feb.  23-24  — Wellington  crosses  the  Adour,  and  beats 
Soult  at  Orthes  on  27th  February. 

44.  1814.  March  7.— Battle  of  Craon;  9th-10th  March,  Laon;  20tfc 
March,  Arcis  sur  1'Aube. 

44.  1814.  March  21. — Napoleon  commences  his  march  to  throw  him- 
self on  the  communicationa  of  the  allies  ;  25th  March, 
allies  commence  their  march  on  Paris ;  Battle  of 
La  Fere  Champenoise,  Marmont  and  Mortier  beat- 
en ;  28th  March,  Napoleon  turns  back  at  St.  Dizier 
to  follow  allies  ;  29th  March,  Empress  and  Court  leave 
Paris. 

44.  1814.  March  30. — Paris  capitulates ;  Allied  Sovereigns  enter  on 
31st  March. 

44.  1814.  April  2. — Senate  declare  the  dethronement  of  Napoleon, 
who  abdicates,  conditionally,  on  4th  April  ID  favour  of 
his  son,  and  unconditionally  on  6th  April ;  Marmont's 
corps  marches  into  the  enemy's  lines  on  5th  April ; 
on  llth  April  Napoleon  signs  the  treaty  giving  him 
Elba  for  life  ;  20th  April,  Napoleon  takes  leave  of  the 
Guard  at  Fontainebleau ;  3d  May,  Louis  XVIIL  enters 
Paris ;  4th  May,  Napoleon  lands  in  Elba. 

44.  1814.     May  30.— First  Treaty  of  Paris ;   France  restricted  to  Units 

of  1792,  with  some  slight  additions,  part  of  Savoy,  etc. 

45.  1814.     October  3. — Congress  of  Vienna  meets  for  settlement  of 

Europe ;  actually  opens  3d  November. 

45.  1815.  Feb.  26. — Napoleon  quits  Elba;  lands  near  Cannes,  1st 
March  ;  19th  March,  Louis  XVIII.  leaves  Paris  about 
midnight ;  20th  March,  Napoleon  enters  Paris. 

45.  1815.  16th  June. — Battle  of  Ligny  and  Quatre  Bras ;  18th  June, 
Battle  of  Waterloo. 

45-46.  1815.  June  29. — Napoleon  leaves  Mabnaison  for  Rochefort ;  sur- 
renders to  English,  15th  July ;  sails  for  St.  Helena, 
8th  August ;  arrives  at  St.  Helena,  15th  October. 


Hi  CHRONOLOGY  OF  BONAPARTE'S  LIFE. 


AGE.  DATE.  EVENT. 

46.  1815.  Nov.  20.— Second  Treaty  of  Paris ;  France  restricted  to 
limits  of  1790 ;  losing  Savoy,  etc.,  pays  an  indemnity, 
and  receives  an  army  of  occupation. 

51  yrs.  Smths.     1821.     May  5.—  Napoleon  dies  5.4=5  P.M.  ;  buried  8th  May. 

1840.  Oct.  15. — Body  of  Napoleon  disentombed  ;  embarked  in 
the  Belle  Poule,  commanded  by  the  Prince  de  Joinville, 
son  of  Louis  Philippe,  on  16th  October  ;  placed  in  the 
Invalides  15th  December  1840. 


NOTE. 

THE  Editor  of  the  1836  edition  had  added  to  the  Memoirs, 
several  chapters  taken  from  or  founded  on  other  works  of  the 
time,  so  as  to  make  a  more  complete  history  of  the  period. 
These  materials  have  been  mostly  retained,  but  with  the  cor- 
rections which  later  publications  have  made  necessary.  A 
chapter  has  now  been  added  to  give  a  brief  account  of  the 
part  played  by  the  chief  historical  personages  during  the  Cent 
Jours,  and  another  at  the  end  to  include  the  removal  of  the 
body  of  Napoleon  from  St.  Helena  to  France. 

Two  special  improvements  have,  it  is  hoped,  been  made  in 
this  edition.  Great  care  has  been  taken  to  get  names,  dates, 
and  figures  rightly  given, — points  much  neglected  in  most 
translations,  though  in  some  few  cases,  such  as  Davoust,  the 
ordinary  but  not  strictly  correct  spelling  has  been  followed  to 
suit  the  general  reader.  The  number  of  references  to  other 
works  which  are  given  in  the  notes  will,  it  is  believed,  be  of 
use  to  any  one  wishing  to  continue  the  study  of  the  history  of 
Napoleon,  and  may  preserve  them  from  many  of  the  errors 
too  often  committed.  The  present  Editor  has  had  the  great 
advantage  of  having  his  work  shared  by  Mr.  Eichard  Bentley, 
who  has  brought  his  knowledge  of  the  period  to  bear,  and 
who  has  found,  as  only  a  busy  man  could  do,  the  time  to 
minutely  enter  into  every  fresh  detail,  with  the  ardour  which 
soon  seizes  any  one  who  long  follows  that  enticing  pursuit, — 
the  special  study  of  an  historical  period. 

B.  W.P. 

January  188*. 


MEMOIRS 

NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE. 

CHAPTER    L 
1769-1783. 

Authentic  date  of  Bonaparte's  birth — His  family  ruined  by  the  Jesuits— 
His  taste  for  military  amusements — Sham  siege  at  the  College  of 
Brienne — The  porter's  wife  and  Napoleon — My  intimacy  with  Bona- 
parte at  college — His  love  for  the  mathematics,  and  his  dislike  of 
Latin — He  defends  Paoli  and  blames  his  father — He  is  ridiculed  by 
his  comrades — Ignorance  of  the  monks — Distribution  of  prizes  at 
Brienne — Madame  de  Montesson  and  the  Duke  of  Orleans — Report  of 
M.  Keralio  on  Bonaparte — He  leaves  Brienne. 

NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE  was  born  at  Ajaccio,  in  Corsica, 
on  the  15th  of  August  1769  ; 1  the  original  orthography 
of  his  name  was  Buonaparte,  but  he  suppressed  the  u 
during  his  first  campaign  in  Italy.  His  motives  for  so 

1  The  qnegtion  as  to  the  date  of  Napoleon's  birth  is  fully  gone  into  in  Colonel  lung's 
•work,  Bonaparte  et  Son  Tempt  (tome  i.  pp.  39-52),  from  which  the  following  sum- 
mary is  made.  The  first  two  children  of  Charles  Bonaparte — a  son  born  in  1765,  and 
a  daughter  born  1767 — both  died  young.  A  third  child,  a  son,  was  born  on  7th  Jan- 
uary 1768,  at  Corte ;  and  a  fourth  child,  also  a  son,  was  born  on  15th  August  1769 
at  Ajaccio.  There  is  no  doubt  as  to  these  dates,  or  as  to  Joseph  and  Napoleon  being 
the  two  sons  so  born  ;  the  question  is,  was  Napoleon  the  second  or  first  of  these  two  ? 
By  the  copy  of  an  "  Acte  de  Naissance"  preserved  in  the  French  War  Office,  the  child 
born  on  7th  January  1768  was  baptized  "  Arabulione."  In  the  archives  of  Ajaccio,  a 
copy  of  a  non-existing  original  record  of  baptism  gives  the  name  of  the  child  then 
born  as  "  Joseph,  ATabulion."  By  the  official  records  of  Corsica,  Napoleone  Bona- 
parte, born  15th  August  1769,  was  baptized  21st  July  1771.  Colonel  lung  inclines  to 
the  belief  that  Napoleon  was  born  on  7th  January  1768  at  Corte,  and  Joseph  on  15th 
August  1769.  He  suggests  that  when,  in  1778,  Charles  Bonaparte  obtained  permis- 
sion for  one  son  to  enter  Brienne  at  the  cost  of  the  State,  finding  that  the  age  of  the 
child  must  be  under  ten  years,  and  Napoleon,  the  son  chosen  to  tnter,  being  really 


2  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1769- 

doing  were  merely  to  render  the  spelling  conformable 
with  the  pronunciation,  and  to  abridge  his  signature.  He 
signed  Buonaparte  even  after  the  famous  13th  Vende- 
miaire. 

It  has  been  affirmed  that  he  was  born  in  1768,  and  that 
he  represented  himself  to  be  a  year  younger  than  he 
really  was.  This  is  untrue.  He  always  told  me  the  9th 
of  August  was  his  birthday,  and  as  I  was  born  on  the  9th 
of  July  1769,  our  proximity  of  age  served  to  strengthen 
our  union  and  friendship  when  we  were  both  at  the  Mili- 
tary College  of  Brienne. 

The  false  and  absurd  charge  of  Bonaparte  having  mis- 
represented his  age,  is  decidedly  refuted  by  a  note  in  the 
register  of  M.  Berton,  sub-principal  of  the  College  of 
Brienne,  in  which  it  is  stated  that  M.  Napoleon  de  Buona- 
parte, ecuyer,  born  in  the  city  of  Ajaccio,  in  Corsica,  on 
the  15th  of  August  1.769,  left  the  Koyal  Military  College 
of  Brienne  on  the  17th  October  1784. 


over  the  age,  he  used  the  baptismal  record  of  the  second  son  for  the  first  Napoleon. 
To  support  this  theory,  he  throws  doubt  on  the  copy  preserved  in  Ajaccio,  saving 
that  the  name  Joseph  is  given  in  the  French  form  at  the  time  the  French  language 
was  not  used  In  Corsica.  In  1794,  when  Joseph  married,  the  witnesses  brought  to 
prove  his  age  and  place  of  birth,  because  the  records  could  not  be  then  got  at,  testi- 
fied that  Joseph,  aged  about  25,  was  born  at  Ajaccio,  that  is,  at  the  place  where  the 
son  was  born  on  15th  August  1769.  But  nothing  seems  really  proved,  except  that, 
whether  by  error  or  fraud,  the  Bonapartes  were  unfortunate  in  their  dates,  and  were 
fond  of  giving  the  same  name  to  child  after  child.  Thus  there  were  several  Marie- 
Annes.  In  the  marriage-contract  of  Napoleon  with  Josephine,  his  date  of  birth  is 
given  as  5th  February  1768,  while  she,  really  born  on  23d  July  1763,  is  stated  to 
have  been  born  on  23d  June  1767,  the  ages  of  the  pair  being  thus  made  to  approxi- 
mate, Instead  of  a  real  difference  of  at  least  five  years.  Even  in  Napoleon's  name  the 
greatest  uncertainty  appears  to  have  prevailed.  It  figures  in  the  different  docu- 
ments as  Nabulione,  Napoleone,  Napoloeone,  Napolione,  and,  on  the  Vendome  col- 
umn, as  "  Neapolio.  im  Aug."  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  document  given  by  Bour- 
rienne  and  the  statements  of  Napoleon  to  him  really  prove  little  or  nothing,  as  if 
once  the  date  of  his  birth  had  been  altered  to  a  wrong  date,  it  would  have  been 
necessary  to  adhere  to  the  alteration.  But,  on  the  whole,  allowing  for  all  the  confu- 
sion of  the  time  and  of  his  family  affairs,  it  seems  safest  to  adhere  to  the  date  of  15th 
August  1769. 

[Another  reason  for  the  change  of  date  might  be  the  wish  to  appear  by  birth  a 
French  citizen,  Corsica  not  having  been  annexed  to  France  until  June  1769. — See 
Notei  and  Queries,  1st  Series,  vol.  vi.  p.  265 ;  also  Quarterly  Review,  No.  23,  an* 
tome  succeeding  numbers.] 


tETTOZDA  RAM® OR! 

MOTHER   OF    NAPOLEON 


1783.  BONAPARTE'S  BOYHOOD.  3 

The  stories  about  his  low  extraction  are  alike  devoid  of 
foundation.  His  family  was  poor,  and  he  was  educated 
at  the  public  expense,  an  advantage  of  which  many  hon- 
ourable families  availed  themselves.  A  memorial  ad- 
dressed by  his  father,  Charles  Buonaparte,  to  the  Minister 
of  War  states  that  his  fortune  had  been  reduced  by  the 
failure  of  some  enterprise  in  which  he  had  engaged,  and 
by  the  injustice  of  the  Jesuits,  by  whom  he  had  been  de- 
prived of  an  inheritance.  The  object  of  this  memorial 
was  to  solicit  a  sub-lieutenant's  commission  for  Napoleon, 
who  was  then  fourteen  years  of  age,  and  to  get  Lucien 
entered  a  pupil  of  the  Military  College.  The  Minister 
wrote  on  the  back  of  the  memorial,  "  Give  the  usual 
answer,  if  there  be  a  vacancy ; "  and  on  the  margin  are 
these  words — "  This  gentleman  has  been  informed  that  his 
request  is  inadmissible  as  long  as  his  second  son  remains 
at  the  school  of  Brienne.  Two  brothers  cannot  be  placed 
at  the  same  time  in  the  military  schools."  When  Napo- 
leon was  fifteen  he  was  sent  to  Paris  until  he  should  attain 
the  requisite  age  for  entering  the  army.  Lucien  was  not 
received  into  the  College  of  Brienne,  at  least  not  until  his 
brother  had  quitted  the  Military  School  of  Paris. 

Bonaparte  was  undoubtedly  a  man  of  good  family.  I 
have  seen  an  authentic  account  of  his  genealogy,  which  he 
obtained  from  Tuscany.  A  great  deal  has  been  said  about 
the  civil  dissensions  which  forced  his  family  to  quit  Italy 
and  take  refuge  in  Corsica.  On  this  subject  I  shall  say 
nothing. 

Many  and  various  accounts  have  been  given  of  Bona- 
parte's youth.1  He  has  been  described  in  terms  of  en- 

1  The  following  interesting  trait  of  Napoleon's  childhood  is  derived  from  the  Mem- 
oirs of  the  Duchess  (TAbrantZs  : — "  He  was  one  day  accused  by  one  of  his  sisters  of 
having  eaten  a  basketful  of  grapes,  figs,  and  citrons,  which  had  come  from  the  garden 
of  hi»  uncle  the  Canon.  None  but  those  who  were  acquainted  with  the  Bonaparte 
family  can  form  any  idea  of  the  enormity  of  this  offence.  To  eat  fruit  belonging 
to  the  uncle  the  Canon  was  infinitely  more  criminal  than  to  eat  grapes  and  figs  which 
might  be  claimed  by  anybody  else.  An  inquiry  took  place.  Napoleon  denied  the 
fact,  and  was  whipped.  He  was  told  that  if  he  would  beg  pardon  he  should  be  for. 


4  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1769- 

thusiastic  praise  and  exaggerated  condemnation.  It  is 
ever  thus  with  individuals  who  by  talent  or  favourable 
circumstances  are  raised  above  their  fellow-creatures. 
Bonaparte  himself  laughed  at  all  the  stories  which  were 
got  up  for  the  purpose  of  embellishing  or  blackening  his 
character  in  early  life.  An  anonymous  publication,  en- 
titled the  History  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  from  his  Birth  to 
his  last  Abdication,  contains  perhaps  the  greatest  collection 
of  false  and  ridiculous  details  about  his  boyhood.  Among 
other  things,  it  is  stated  that  he  fortified  a  garden  to 
protect  himself  from  the  attacks  of  his  comrades,  who,  a 
few  lines  lower  down,  are  described  as  treating  him  with 
esteem  and  respect.  I  remember  the  circumstances  which, 
probably,  gave  rise  to  the  fabrication  inserted  in  the  work 
just  mentioned  ;  they  were  as  follows. 

During  the  winter  of  1783-84,  so  memorable  for  heavy 
falls  of  snow,  Napoleon  was  greatly  at  a  loss  for  those 
retired  walks  and  outdoor  recreations  in  which  he  used  to 
take  much  delight.  He  had  no  alternative  but  to  mingle 
with  his  comrades,  and,  for  exercise,  to  walk  with  them 
up  and  down  a  spacious  hall.  Napoleon,  weary  of  this 
monotonous  promenade,  told  his  comrades  that  he  thought 
they  might  amuse  themselves  much  better  with  the  snow, 
in  the  great  courtyard,  if  they  would  get  shovels  and  make 
hornworks,  dig  trenches,  raise  parapets,  cavaliers,  etc. 
"  This  being  done,"  said  he,  "  we  may  divide  ourselves 
into  sections,  form  a  siege,  and  I  will  undertake  to  direct 
the  attacks."  The  proposal,  which  was  received  with 

given.  He  protested  that  he  was  innocent,  but  he  was  not  believed.  If  I  recollect 
rightly,  his  mother  was  at  the  time  on  a  visit  to  M.  de  Marbeuf ,  or  some  other  friend. 
The  result  of  Napoleon's  obstinacy  was,  that  he  was  kept  three  whole  days  upon 
bread  and  cheese,  and  that  cheese  was  not  broccio.  However,  he  would  not  cry  :  he 
was  dull,  but  not  sulky.  At  length,  on  the  fourth  day  of  his  punishment,  a  little 
friend  of  Marianne  Bonaparte  returned  from  the  country,  and  on  hearing  of  Na- 
poleon's disgrace  she  confessed  that  she  and  Marianne  had  eaten  the  fruit.  It  was 
now  Marianne's  turn  to  be  punished.  When  Napoleon  was  asked  why  he  had  not 
accused  his  sister,  be  replied  that  though  he  suspected  that  she  was  guilty,  yet  ont 
of  Consideration  to  her  little  friend,  who  had  no  share  in  the  falsehood,  he  had  said 
nothing.  He  was  then  only  seven  years  of  age  "  (vol.  i.  p.  9,  edit.  1888). 


178a  BONAPARTE'S  BOYHOOD.  3 

enthusiasm,  was  immediately  put  into  execution.  This 
little  sham  war  was  carried  on  for  the  space  of  a  fortnight, 
and  did  not  cease  until  a  quantity  of  gravel  and  small 
stones  having  got  mixed  with  the  snow  of  which  we  made 
our  bullets,  many  of  the  combatants,  besiegers  as  well  as 
besieged,  were  seriously  wounded.  I  well  remember  that  I 
was  one  of  the  worst  sufferers  from  this  sort  of  grapeshot  fire. 

It  is  almost  unnecessary  to  contradict  the  story  about 
the  ascent  in  the  balloon.  It  is  now  very  well  known  that 
the  hero  of  that  headlong  adventure  was  not  young  Bona- 
parte, as  has  been  alleged,  but  one  of  his  comrades,  Dudont 
de  Chambon,  who  was  somewhat  eccentric.  Of  this  his 
subsequent  conduct  afforded  sufficient  proofs. 

Bonaparte's  mind  was  directed  to  objects  of  a  totally 
different  kind.  He  turned  his  attention  to  political  sci- 
ence. During  some  of  his  vacations  he  enjoyed  the  society 
of  the  Abbe  Kaynal,  who  used  to  converse  with  him  on 
government,  legislation,  commercial  relations,  etc. 

On  festival  days,  when  the  inhabitants  of  Brienne  were 
admitted  to  our  amusements,  posts  were  established  for 
the  maintenance  of  order.  Nobody  was  permitted  to  enter 
the  interior  of  the  building  without  a  card  signed  by  the 
principal  or  vice-principal.  The  rank  of  officers  or  sub- 
officers  was  conferred  according  to  merit ;  and  Bonaparte 
one  day  had  the  command  of  a  post,  when  the  following 
little  adventure  occurred,  which  affords  an  instance  of  his 
decision  of  character. 

The  wife  of  the  porter  of  the  school,1  who  was  very  well 
known,  because  she  used  to  sell  milk,  fruit,  etc.,  to  the 
pupils,  presented  herself  one  Saint  Louis  day  for  admit- 
tance to  the  representation  of  the  Death  of  Csesar,  corrected, 
in  which  I  was  to  perform  the  part  of  Brutus.  As  the 
woman  had  no  ticket,  and  insisted  on  being  admitted 

1  This  woman,  named  Haut6,  was  afterwards  placed  at  Malmaison,  with  her  hus- 
band. They  both  died  as  concierges  of  M  almaison.  This  shows  that  Napoleon  ha4 
a  memory. — Bourrienne. 


6  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1769, 

without  one,  some  disturbance  arose.  The  serjeant  of  the 
post  reported  the  matter  to  the  officer,  Napolaon  Bona- 
parte, who  in  an  imperious  tone  of  voice  exclaimed  :  "  Send 
away  that  woman,  who  comes  here  with  her  camp  impu- 
dence." This  was  in  1782. 

Bonaparte  and  I  were  eight  years  of  age  when  our 
friendship  commenced.  It  speedily  became  very  intimate, 
for  there  was  a  certain  sympathy  of  heart  between  us.  I 
enjoyed  this  friendship  and  intimacy  until  1784,  when  he 
was  ti'ansf  erred  from  the  Military  College  of  Brienne  to 
that  of  Paris.  I  was  one  among  those  of  his  youthful 
comrades  who  could  best  accommodate  themselves  to  his 
stern  character.  His  natural  reserve,  his  disposition  to 
meditate  on  the  conquest  of  Corsica,  and  the  impressions 
he  had  received  in  childhood  respecting  the  misfortunes 
of  his  country  and  his  family,  led  him  to  seek  retirement, 
and  rendered  his  general  demeanour,  though  in  appear- 
ance only,  somewhat  unpleasing.  Our  equality  of  age 
brought  us  together  in  the  classes  of  the  mathematics  and 
belles  lettres.  His  ardent  wish  to  acquire  knowledge  was 
remarkable  from  the  very  commencement  of  his  studies. 
When  he  first  came  to  the  college  he  spoke  only  the  Corsi- 
can  dialect,  and  the  Sieur  Dupuis, '  who  was  vice-principal 
before  Father  Berton,  gave  him  instructions  in  the  French 
language.  In  this  he  made  such  rapid  progress  that  in  a 
short  time  he  commenced  the  first  rudiments  of  Latin. 
But  to  this  study  he  evinced  such  a  repugnance  that  at 
the  age  of  fifteen  he  was  not  out  of  the  fourth  class.  There 
I  left  him  very  speedily  ;  but  I  could  never  get  before 
him  in  the  mathematical  class,  in  which  he  was  undoubted- 
ly the  cleverest  lad  at  the  college.  I  used  sometimes  to 
help  him  with  his  Latin  themes  and  versions  in  return  for 
the  aid  he  afforded  me  in  the  solution  of  problems,  at 
which  he  evinced  a  degree  of  readiness  and  facility  which 
perfectly  astonished  me. 

*  He  afterwards  filled  the  post  of  librarian  to  Napoleon  at  Malmaison. 


1783.  BONAPARTE  AT  BRIENNE.  J 

When  at  Brienne,  Bonaparte  was  remarkable  for  the 
dark  color  of  his  complexion  (which,  subsequently,  the 
climate  of  France  somewhat  changed),  for  his  piercing 
and  scrutinising  glance, l  and  for  the  style  of  his  conversa- 
tion both  with  his  masters  and  comrades.  His  conversation 
almost  always  bore  the  appearance  of  ill-humour,  and  he 
was  certainly  not  very  amiable.  This  I  attribute  to  the 
misfortunes  his  family  had  sustained  and  the  impressions 
made  on  his  mind  by  the  conquest  of  his  country. 

The  pupils  were  invited  by  turns  to  dine  with  Father 
Berton,  the  head  of  the  school.  One  day,  it  being  Bona- 
parte's turn  to  enjoy  this  indulgence,  some  of  the  profes- 
sors who  were  at  table  designedly  made  some  disrespectful 
remarks  on  Paoli,  of  whom  they  knew  the  young  Corsican 
was  an  enthusiastic  admirer.  "Paoli,"  observed  Bona- 
parte, "  was  a  great  man  ;  he  loved  his  country ;  and  I 
will  never  forgive  my  father,  who  was  his  adjutant,  for 
having  concurred  in  the  union  of  Corsica  with  France. 
He  ought  to  have  followed  Paoli's  fortune,  and  have  fallen 
with  him." " 

Generally  speaking,  Bonaparte  was  not  much  liked  by 
his  comrades  at  Brienne.  He  was  not  social  with  them, 
and  rarely  took  part  in  their  amusements.  His  country's 
recent  submission  to  France  always  caused  in  his  mind  a 

1  The  Dnchesse  d'Abrantcs,  speaking  of  the  personal  characteristics  of  Bonaparte 
in  youth  and  manhood,  says,  "  Saveria  told  me  that  Napoleon  was  never  a  pretty 
boy,  as  Joseph  was,  for  example :  his  head  always  appeared  too  large  for  his  body, 
a  defect  common  to  the  Bonaparte  family.  When  Napoleon  grew  up,  the  peculiar 
charm  of  his  countenance  lay  in  his  eye,  especially  in  the  mild  expression  it  assumed 
in  his  moments  of  kindness.  His  anger,  to  be  sure,  was  frightful,  and  though  I  am 
no  coward,  I  never  could  look  at  him  in  his  fits  of  rage  without  shuddering. 
Though  his  smile  was  captivating,  yet  the  expression  of  his  mouth  when  disdainful 
or  angry  could  scarcely  be  seen  without  terror.  But  that  forehead  which  seemed 
formed  to  bear  the  crowns  of  a  whole  world ;  those  hands,  of  which  the  most 
coquettish  women  might  have  been  vain,  and  whose  white  skin  covered  muscles  of 
iron ;  in  short,  of  all  that  personal  beauty  which  distinguished  Napoleon  as  a  young 
man,  no  traces  were  discernible  in  the  boy.  Saveria  spoke  truly  when  she  said,  that 
of  all  the  children  of  Signora  Loetitia,  the  Emperor  was  the  one  from  whom  future 
greatness  was  least  to  be  prognosticated  "  (voL  i.  p.  10,  edit.  1883). 

a  Joseph  Bonaparte,  in  hfe  Notts  on  Bourrienne,  asserts  that  their  father  re- 
mained faithful  to  Paoli  to  the  last  (Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  238). 


8  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1769- 

painful  feeling,  which  estranged  him  from  his  schoolfel- 
lows. I,  however,  was  almost  his  constant  companion. 
During  play-hours  he  used  to  withdraw  to  the  library, 
where  he  read  with  deep  interest  works  of  history,  par- 
ticularly Polybius  and  Plutarch.  He  was  also  fond  of 
Arrianus,  but  did  not  care  much  for  Quintus  Curtius.  I 
often  went  off  to  play  with  my  comrades,  and  left  him  by 
himself  in  the  library. 

The  temper  of  the  young  Corsican  was  not  improved  by 
the  teasing  he  frequently  experienced  from  his  comrades, 
who  were  fond  of  ridiculing  him  about  his  Christian  name 
Napoleon  and  his  country.  He  often  said  to  me,  "I  will 
do  these  French  all  the  mischief  I  can  ;  "  and  when  I  tried 
to  pacify  him  he  would  say,  "  But  you  do  not  ridicule  me  ; 
you  like  me." 

Father  Patrauld,  our  mathematical  professor,  was  much 
attached  to  Bonaparte.  He  was  justly  proud  of  him  as  a 
pupil.  The  other  professors,  in  whose  classes  he  was  not 
distinguished,  took  little  notice  of  him.  He  had  no  taste 
for  the  study  of  languages,  polite  literature,  or  the  arts. 
As  there  were ,  no  indications  of  his  ever  becoming  a 
scholar,  the  pedants  of  the  establishment  were  inclined  to 
think  him  stupid.  His  superior  intelligence  was,  how- 
ever, sufficiently  perceptible,  even  through  the  reserve 
under  which  it  was  veiled.  If  the  monks  to  whom  the 
superintendence  of  the  establishment  was  confided  had 
understood  the  organisation  of  his  mind,  if  they  had  en- 
gaged more  able  mathematical  professors,  or  if  we  had 
had  any  incitement  to  the  study  of  chemistry,  natural 
philosophy,  astronomy,  etc.,  I  am  convinced  that  Bona-  • 
parte  would  have  pursued  these  sciences  with  all  the 
genius  and  spirit  of  investigation  which  he  displayed  in  a 
career,  more  brilliant  it  is  true,  but  less  useful  to  man- 
kind. Unfortunately,  the  monks  did  not  perceive  this, 
and  were  too  poor  to  pay  for  good  masters.  However, 
after  Bonaparte  left  the  college  they  found  it  necessary  to 


1783.  BONAPARTE'S  EDUCATION.  9 

engage  two  professors  from  Paris,  otherwise  the  college 
would  have  fallen  to  nothing.  These  two  new  professors, 
MM.  Durfort  and  Desponts,  finished  my  education  ;  and  I 
regretted  that  they  did  not  come  sooner.  The  often-re- 
peated assertion  of  Bonaparte  having  received  a  careful 
education  at  Brienne  is  therefore  untrue.  The  monks 
were  incapable  of  giving  it  him  ;  and,  for  my  own  part,  I 
must  confess  that  the  extended  information  of  the  present 
day  is  to  me  a  painful  contrast  with  the  limited  course  of 
education  I  received  at  the  Military  College.  It  is  only 
surprising  that  the  establishment  should  have  produced  a 
single  able  man. 

Though  Bonaparte  had  no  reason  to  be  satisfied  with 
the  treatment  he  received  from  his  comrades,  yet  he  was 
above  complaining  of  it ;  and  when  he  had  the  super- 
vision of  any  duty  which  they  infringed,  he  would  rather 
go  to  prison  than  denounce  the  criminals. 

I  was  one  day  his  accomplice  in  omitting  to  enforce  a 
duty  which  we  were  appointed  to  supervise.  He  prevailed 
on  me  to  accompany  him  to  prison,  where  we  remained 
three  days.  We  suffered  this  sort  of  punishment  several 
times,  but  with  less  severity. 

In  1783  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  Madame  de  Montesson 
visited  Brienne  ;  and,  for  upwards  of  a  month,  the  mag- 
nificent chateau  of  the  Comte  de  Brienne  was  a  Versailles 
in  miniature.  The  series  of  brilliant  entertainments  which 
were  given  to  the  august  travellers  made  them  almost  for- 
get the  royal  magnificence  they  had  left  behind  them. 

The  Prince  and  Madame  de  Montesson  expressed  a  wish 
to  preside  at  the  distribution  of  the  prizes  of  our  college. 
Bonaparte  and  I  won  the  prizes  in  the  class  of  mathe- 
matics, which,  as  I  have  already  observed,  was  the  branch 
of  study  to  which  he  confined  his  attention,  and  in  which 
he  excelled.  When  I  was  called  up  for  the  seventh  time 
Madame  de  Montesson  said  to  my  mother,  who  had  come 
from  Sens  to  be  present  at  the  distribution,  "  Pray, 


10  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1769^ 

madame,  crown  your  son  this  time ;  my  hands  are 
a- weary." 

There  was  an  inspector  of  the  military  schools,  whose 
business  it  was  to  make  an  annual  report  on  each  pupil, 
whether  educated  at  the  public  expense  or  paid  for  by  his 
family.  I  copied  from  the  report  of  1784  a  note  which 
was  probably  obtained  surreptitiously  from  the  War 
Office.  I  wanted  to  purchase  the  manuscript,  but  Louis 
Bonaparte  bought  it.  I  did  not  make  a  copy  of  the  note 
which  related  to  myself,  because  I  should  naturally  have 
felt  diffident  in  making  any  use  of  it.  It  would,  however, 
have  served  to  show  how  time  and  circumstances  fre- 
quently reversed  the  distinctions  which  arise  at  school  or 
college.  Judging  from  the  reports  of  the  inspector  of 
military  schools,  young  Bonaparte  was  not,  of  all  the 
pupils  at  Brienne  in  1784,  the  one  most  calculated  to  ex- 
cite prognostics  of  future  greatness  and  glory. 

The  note  to  which  I  have  just  alluded,  and  which  was 
written  by  M.  de  Keralio,  then  inspector  of  the  military 
schools,  describes  Bonaparte  in  the  following  terms : — 

Inapectton  of  JHUttarji  Schools, 

1784. 
REPORT  MADE  FOR  His  MAJESTY  BY  M.  DE  K^RALIO. 

M.  tie  Buonaparte  (Napoleon],  born  15th  August  1769,  height  4feet 
10  inches  10  lines,  is  in  the  fourth  doss,  has  a  good  constitution, 
excellent  health,  cliaracter  obedient,  upright,  grateful,  conduct  very 
regular;  has  been  always  distinguished  by  his  application  to  mathe- 
matics. He  knows  history  and  geography  very  passably.  He  is  not 
well  up  in  ornamental  studies  or  in  Latin,  in  which  he  is  only  in  the 
fourth  class.  He  will  be  an  excellent  sailor.  He  deserves  to  be  passed 
on  to  tlie  Military  School  of  Paris. 

Father  Berton,  however,  opposed  Bonaparte's  removal 
to  Paris,  because  he  had  not  passed  through  the  fourth 
Latin  class,  and  the  regulations  required  that  he  should 


1788.  BONAPARTE  LEAVES  BRIENNE.  11 

be  in  the  third.  I  was  informed  by  the  vice-principal  that 
a  report  relative  to  Napoleon  was  sent  from  the  College  of 
Brienne  to  that  of  Paris,  in  which  he  was  described  as 
being  domineering,  imperious,  and  obstinate.1 

I  knew  Bonaparte  well ;  and  I  think  M.  de  Ke'ralio's  re- 
port of  him  was  exceedingly  just,  except,  perhaps,  that  he 
might  have  said  he  was  very  well  as  to  his  progress  in  his- 
tory and  geography,  and  very  backward  in  Latin  ;  but  cer- 
tainly nothing  indicated  the  probability  of  his  being  an 
excellent  seaman.  He  himself  had  no  thought  of  the 
navy.3 

In  consequence  of  M.  de  Keralio's  report,  Bonaparte 
was  transferred  to  the  Military  College  of  Paris,  along 
with  MM.  Montarby  de  Dampierre,  de  Castres,  de  Com- 
minges,  and  de  Laugier  de  Bellecourt,  who  were  all,  like 
him,  educated  at  the  public  expense,  and  all,  at  least,  as 
favorably  reported. 

1  Napoleon  remained  upwards  of  five  years  at  Brienne,  -from  April  1779  till  the 
latter  end  of  1784.  In  1783  the  Chevalier  Keralio,  sub-inspector  of  the  military 
schools,  selected  him  to  pass  the  year  following  to  the  military  school  at  Paris,  to 
which  three  of  the  best  scholars  were  annually  sent  from  each  of  the  twelve  pr* 
vincial  military  schools  of  France.  It  is  curious  as  well  as  satisfactory  to  know  the 
opinion  at  this  time  entertained  of  him  by  those  who  were  the  best  qualified  to  judge. 
His  old  master,  Leguille,  professor  of  history  at  Paris,  boasted  that,  in  a  list  of  the 
different  scholars,  he  had  predicted  his  pupil's  subsequent  career.  In  fact,  to  the 
name  of  Bonaparte  the  following  note  is  added  :  "  A  Corslcan  by  birth  and  charao- 
ter — he  will  do  something  great,  if  circumstances  favour  him.'1'1  Monge  was  his  in- 
structor in  geometry,  who  also  entertained  a  high  opinion  of  him.  M.  Bauer,  his 
German  master,  was  the  only  one  who  saw  nothing  in  him,  and  was  surprised  at 
being  told  he  was  undergoing  his  examination  for  the  artillery. — Hdzlitt. 

*  Bourrienne  is  certainly  wrong  as  to  Bonaparte  having  no  thought  of  the  navy. 
In  a  letter  of  1784  to  the  Minister  of  War  his  father  says  of  Napoleon  that,  "  fol- 
lowing the  ad  vice  of  the  Comte  de  Marbeuf,  he  has  turned  his  studies  towards  the 
navy ;  and  so  well  has  he  succeeded  that  he  was  intended  by  M.  de  Keralio  for  the 
school  of  Paris,  and  afterwards  for  the  department  of  Toulon.  The  retirement  of 
the  former  professor  (Keralio)  has  changed  the  fate  of  my  son."  It  was  only  on  the 
failure  of  his  intention  to  get  into  the  navy  that  his  father,  on  15th  July  1784,  ap- 
plied for  permission  for  him  to  enter  the  artillery  ;  Napoleon  having  a  horror  of  the 
infantry,  where  he  said  they  did  nothing.  It  was  on  the  success  of  this  application 
that  he  was  allowed  to  enter  the  school  of  Paris  (Tung,  tome  i.  pp.  91-103).  Oddly 
enough,  in  later  years,  on  30th  August  1792,  having  just  succeeded  in  getting 
himself  reinstated  as  captain  after  his  absence,  overstaying  leave,  he  applied  to 
pass  into  the  Artillerie  de  la  Marine.  "  The  application  was  judged  to  be  simply 
absurd,  and  was  filed  with  this  note,  '  S.  B..'  (sans  reponse)  "  (lung,  tome  ii.  p.  201). 


12  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1783 

What  could  have  induced  Sir  Walter  Scott  to  say  that 
Bonaparte  was  the  pride  of  the  college,  that  our  mathe- 
matical master  was  exceedingly  fond  of  him,  and  that  the 
other  professors  in  the  different  sciences  had  equal  reason 
to  be  satisfied  with  him  ?  What  I  have  above  stated,  to- 
gether with  the  report  of  M.  de  Keralio,  bear  evidence  of 
his  backwardness  in  almost  every  branch  of  education  ex- 
cept mathematics.  Neither  was  it,  as  Sir  Walter  affirms, 
his  precocious  progress  in  mathematics  that  occasioned 
him  to  be  removed  to  Paris.  He  had  attained  the  proper 
age,  and  the  report  of  him  was  favourable,  therefore  he 
was  very  naturally  included  among  the  number  of  the  five 
who  were  chosen  in  1784. 

In  a  biographical  account  of  Bonaparte  I  have  read  the 
following  anecdote  : — When  he  was  fourteen  years  of  age 
he  happened  to  be  at  a  party  where  some  one  pronounced 
a  high  eulogium  on  Turenne  ;  and  a  lady  in  the  company 
observed  that  he  certainly  was  a  great  man,  but  that  she 
should  like  him  better  if  he  had  not  burned  the  Palatinate. 
"  What  signifies  that,"  replied  Bonaparte,  "  if  it  was  neces- 
sary to  the  object  he  had  in  view?" 

This  is  either  an  anachronism  or  a  mere  fabrication. 
Bonaparte  was  fourteen  in  the  year  1783.  He  was  then 
at  Brienne,  where  certainly  he  did  not  go  into  company, 
and  least  of  all  the  company  of  ladies. 


1784.  IS 


CHAPTEK    H. 
1784-1794 

Bonaparte  enters  the  Military  College  of  Paris — He  urges  me  to  embraco 
the  military  profession — His  report  on  the  state  of  the  Military 
School  of  Paris — He  obtains  a  commission — I  set  off  for  Vienna — Re- 
turn to  Paris,  where  I  again  meet  Bonaparte — His  singular  plans  for 
raising  money — Louis  XVI.  with  the  red  cap  on  his  head — The  10th 
of  August — My  departure  for  Stuttgart — Bonaparte  goes  to  Corsica — 
My  name  inscribed  on  the  list  of  emigrants — Bonaparte  at  the  siege 
of  Toulon — Le  Souper  de  Beaucaire — Napoleon's  mission  to  Genoa — 
His  arrest — His  autographical  justification — Duroc's  first  connection 
with  Bonaparte. 

BONAPARTE  was  fifteen  years  and  two  months  old  when  he 
went  to  the  Military  College  of  Paris.1  I  accompanied 
him  in  a  carriole  as  far  as  Nogent  sur  Seine,  whence  the 
coach  was  to  start.  We  parted  with  regret,  and  we  did 

1  Madame  Junot  relates  some  interesting  particulars  connected  with  Napoleon's 
first  residence  in  Paris.  "  My  mother's  first  care,"  says  she,  "on  arriving  in  Paris 
was  to  inquire  after  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  He  was  at  that  time  in  the  military  school 
at  Paris,  having  quitted  Brienne  in  the  September  of  the  preceding  year.  My 
uncle  Demetrius  had  met  him  just  after  he  alighted  from  the  coach  which  brought 
him  to  town  ;  '  And  trnly,'  said  my  uncle,  'he  had  the  appearance  of  a  fresh  impor- 
tation. I  met  him  in  the  Palais  Royal,  where  he  was  gaping  and  staring  with  wonder 
at  everything  he  saw.  He  would  have  been  an  excellent  subject  for  sharpers,  if,  in- 
deed, he  had  had  anything  worth  taking ! '  My  uncle  invited  him  to  dine  at  his 
house ;  for  though  my  uncle  was  a  bachelor,  he  dirt  not  choose  to  dine  at  a  traiteur 
(the  name  restaurateur  was  not  then  introduced).  He  told  my  mother  that  Napo- 
leon was  very  morose.  '  I  fear,'  added  he,  '  that  that  young  man  has  more  self- 
conceit  than  is  suitable  to  his  condil  ion.  When  he  dined  with  me  he  began  to  de- 
claim violently  against  the  luxury  of  the  young  men  of  the  military  school.  After  a 
little  he  turned  the  conversation  on  Mania,  and  the  present  education  of  the  young 
Maniotes,  drawing  a  comparison  between  it  and  the  ancient  Spartan  nygtem  of 
education.  His  observations  on  this  head  he  told  me  he  intended  to  embody  in  a 
memorial  to  be  presented  to  the  Minister  of  War.  All  this,  depend  upon  it,  will 
bring  him  under  the  displeasure  of  his  comrades,  and  it  will  be  lucky  if  he  escape 
being  run  through.'  A  few  days  afterwards  my  mother  saw  Napoleon,  and  then  his 
irritability  was  at  its  height.  He  would  scarcely  bear  any  observations,  even  if 


14  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1784, 

not  meet  again  till  the  year  1792.  During  these  eight 
years  we  maintained  an  active  correspondence ;  but  so 
little  did  I  anticipate  the  high  destiny  which,  after  his 
elevation,  it  was  affirmed  the  wonderful  qualities  of  his 
boyhood  plainly  denoted,  that  I  did  not  preserve  one  of 
the  letters  he  wrote  to  me  at  that  period,  but  tore  them 
up  as  soon  as  they  were  answered. 

I  remember,  however,  that  in  a  letter  which  I  received 
from  him  about  a  year  after  his  arrival  in  Paris  he  urged 
me  to  keep  my  promise  of  entering  the  army  with  him. 
Like  him,  I  had  passed  through  the  studies  necessary  for 
the  artillery  service  ;  and  in  1787  I  went  for  three  months 
to  Metz,  in  order  to  unite  practice  with  theory.  A  strange 
Ordinance,  which  I  believe  was  issued  in  1778  by  M.  de 
Segur,  required  that  a  man  should  possess  four  quarter- 
ings  of  nobility  before  he  could  be  qualified  to  serve  his 
king  and  country  as  a  military  officer.  My  mother  went 
to  Paris,  taking  with  her  the  letters  patent  of  her  hus- 
band, who  died  six  weeks  after  my  birth.  She  proved 
that  in  the  year  1640  Louis  XIII.  had,  by  letters  patent, 
restored  the  titles  of  one  Fauvelet  de  Villemont,  who  in 
1586  had  kept  several  provinces  of  Burgundy  subject  to 

made  in  his  favour,  and  I  am  convinced  that  it  is  to  this  uncontrollable  irritability 
that  he  owed  the  reputation  of  having  been  ill-tempered  in  his  boyhood,  and  splen- 
etic in  his  youth.  My  father,  who  was  acquainted  with  almost  all  the  heads  of  the 
military  school,  obtained  leave  for  him  sometimes  to  come  out  for  recreation.  On 
account  of  an  accident  (a  sprain,  if  I  recollect  rightly)  Napoleon  once  spent  a  whole 
week  at  our  house.  To  this  day,  whenever  I  pass  the  Qitai  Conti,  I  cannot  help 
looking  up  at  a  mansarde  at  the  left  angle  of  the  house  on  the  third  floor.  That  was 
Napoleon's  chamber  when  he  paid  us  a  visit,  and  a  neat  little  room  it  was.  My 
brother  used  to  occupy  the  one  next  to  it.  The  two  young  men  were  nearly  of  the 
same  age  :  my  brother  perhaps  had  the  advantage  of  a  year  or  fifteen  months.  My 
mother  had  recommended  him  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of  young  Bonaparte ;  but 
my  brother  complained  how  unpleasant  it  was  to  find  only  cold  politeness  where  he 
expected  affection.  This  repulsiveness  on  the  part  of  Napoleon  was  almost  offen- 
sive, and  must  have  been  sensibly  felt  by  my  brother,  who  was  not  only  remarkable 
for  the  mildness  of  his  temper  and  the  amenity  and  grace  of  his  manner,  but  whose 
society  was  courted  in  the  most  distinguished  circles  of  Paris  on  account  of  nib  ac- 
complishments. He  perceived  in  Bonaparte  a  kind  of  acerbity  and  bitter  irony,  of 
which  he  long  endeavoured  to  discover  the  cause.  '  I  believe,'  said  Albert  one  day 
to  my  mother,  '  that  the  poor  young  man  feels  keenly  his  dependent  situation ' " 
(.Memoirs  of  the  Duc/iease  <?Abrantes,  vol.  i.  p.  18,  edit.  1883).  , 


1794.  EARLY  LIFE  IN  PARIS.  15 

the  king's  authority  at  the  peril  of  his'  life  and  the  loss  of 
his  property ;  and  that  his  family  had  occupied  the  first 
places  in  the  magistracy  since  the  fourteenth  century.  All 
was  correct,  but  it  was  observed  that  the  letters  of  nobil- 
ity had  not  been  registered  by  the  Parliament,  and  to 
repair  this  little  omission,  the  sum  of  twelve  thousand 
francs  was  demanded.  This  my  mother  refused  to  pay, 
and  there  the  matter  rested. 

On  his  arrival  at  the  Military  School  of  Paris,  Bona- 
parte found  the  establishment  on  so  brilliant  and  expen- 
sive a  footing  that  he  immediately  addressed  a  memorial 
on  the  subject  to  the  Vice-Principal  Berton  of  Brienne. ' 
He  showed  that  the  plan  of  education  was  really  perni- 
cious, and  far  from  being  calculated  to  fulfil  the  object 
which  every  wise  government  must  have  in  view.  The 
result  of  the  system,  he  said,  was  to  inspire  the  pupils, 
who  were  all  the  sons  of  poor  gentlemen,  with  a  love  of 
ostentation,  or  rather,  with  sentiments  of  vanity  and  self- 
sufficiency  ;  so  that,  instead  of  returning  happy  to  the 
bosom  of  their  families,  they  were  likely  to  be  ashamed 
of  their  parents,  and  to  despise  their  humble  homes. 
Instead  of  the  numerous  attendants  by  whom  they  were 
surrounded,  their  dinners  of  two  courses,  and  their  horses 
and  grooms,  he  suggested  that  they  should  perform  little 
necessary  services  for  themselves,  such  as  brushing  their 
clothes,  and  cleaning  their  boots  and  shoes ;  that  they 
should  eat  the  coarse  bread  made  for  soldiers,  etc. 
Temperance  and  activity,  he  added,  would  render  them 
robust,  enable  them  to  bear  the  severity  of  different 
seasons  and  climates,  to  brave  the  fatigues  of  war,  and  to 
inspire  the  respect  and  obedience  of  the  soldiers  under 

1  A  second  memoir  prepared  by  him  to  the  same  effect  was  intended  for  the  Min- 
ister of  War,  but  Father  Berton  wisely  advised  silence  to  the  young  cadet  (lung, 
tome  i.  p.  122).  Although  believing  in  the  necessity  of  show  and  of  magnificence  in 
public  life,  Napoleon  remained  true  to  these  principles.  While  lavishing  wealth  on 
his  ministers  and  marshals,  "In  your  private  life,"  said  he,  "be  economical  and 
even  parsimonious ;  in  public  be  magnificent "  (Mtneval,  tome  i.  p.  145). 


16  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1798. 

their  command.  Thus  reasoned  Napoleon  at  the  age  of 
sixteen,  and  time  showed  that  he  never  deviated  from 
these  principles.  The  establishment  of  the  military 
school  at  Fontainebleau  is  a  decided  proof  of  this. 

As  Napoleon  was  an  active  observer  of  everything  pass- 
ing around  him,  and  pronounced  his  opinion  openly  and 
decidedly,  he  did  not  remain  long  at  the  Military  School 
of  Paris.  His  superiors,  who  were  anxious  to  get  rid  of 
him,  accelerated  the  period  of  his  examination,  and  he 
obtained  the  first  vacant  sub-lieutenancy  in  a  regiment  of 
artillery. 

I  left  Brienne  in  1787,  and  as -I  could  not  enter  the 
artillery,  I  proceeded  in  the  following  year  to  Vienna, 
with  a  letter  of  recommendation  to  M.  de  Montmorin, 
soliciting  employment  in  the  French  Embassy  at  the 
Court  of  Austria. 

I  remained  two  months  at  Vienna,  where  I  had  the 
honour  of  twice  seeing  the  Emperor  Joseph.  The  im- 
pression made  upon  me  by  his  kind  reception,  his  dignified 
and  elegant  manners,  and  graceful  conversation,  will  never 
be  obliterated  from  my  recollection.  After  M.  de  Noailles 
had  initiated  me  in  the  first  steps  of  diplomacy,  he  advised 
me  to  go  to  one  of  the  German  universities  to  study  the 
law  of  nations  and  foreign  languages.  I  accordingly 
repaired  to  Leipsic,  about  the  time  when  the  French 
Revolution  broke  out. 

I  spent  some  time  at  Leipsic,  where  I  applied  myself  to 
the  study  of  the  law  of  nations,  and  the  German  and 
English  languages.  I  afterwards  travelled  through  Prussia 
and  Poland,  and  passed  a  part  of  the  winter  of  1791  and 
1792  at  Warsaw,  where  I  was  most  graciously  received 
by  Princess  Tyszicwiez,  niece  of  Stanislaus  Augustus,  the 
last  King  of  Poland,  and  the  sister  of  Prince  Poniatowski. 
The  Princess  was  very  well  informed,  and  was  a  great 
admirer  of  French  literature.  At  her  invitation  I  passed 
several  evenings  in  company  with  the  King  in  a  circle 


1792.  80URX1ENNE  AT  VIENNA. 


small  enough  to  approach  to  something  like  intimacy.  I 
remember  that  his  Majesty  frequently  asked  me  to  read 
the  Moniteur  /  the  speeches  to  which  he  listened  with  the 
greatest  pleasure  were  those  of  the  Girondists.  The 
Princess  Tyszicwiez  wished  to  print  at  Warsaw,  at  her  own 
expense,  a  translation  I  had  executed  of  Kotzebue's 
Menschenhass  und  Eeue,  to  which  I  gave  the  title  of 
L'Inconnu."  ' 

I  arrived  at  Vienna  on  the  26th  of  March  1792,  when  I 
was  informed  of  the  serious  illness  of  the  Emperor, 
Leopold  II.,  who  died  on  the  following  day.  In  private 
companies,  and  at  public  places,  I  heard  vague  suspicions 
expressed  of  his  having  been  poisoned ;  but  the  public, 
who  were  admitted  to  the  palace  to  see  the  body  lie  in  state, 
were  soon  convinced  of  the  falsehood  of  these  reports.  I 
went  twice  to  see  the  mournful  spectacle,  and  I  never 
heard  a  word  which  was  calculated  to  confirm  the  odious 
suspicion,  though  the  spacious  hall  in  which  the  remains 
of  the  Emperor  were  exposed  was  constantly  thronged 
with  people. 

In  the  month  of  April  1792  I  returned  to  Paris,  where  I 
again  met  Bonaparte,2  and  our  college  intimacy  was  fully 
renewed.  I  was  not  very  well  off,  and  adversity  was  hang- 
ing heavily  on  him  ;  his  resources  frequently  failed  him. 
We  passed  our  time  like  two  young  fellows  of  twenty- 
three  who  have  little  money  and  less  occupation.  Bona- 
parte was  always  poorer  than  I.  Every  day  we  conceived 
some  new  project  or  other.  We  were  on  the  look-out 

1  A  play  known  on  the  English  stage  as  The  Stranger. 

a  Bonaparte  is  said,  on  very  doubtful  authority,  to  have  spent  five  or  six  weeks 
in  London  in  1791  or  1792,  and  to  have  "lodged  in  a  house  in  George  Street,  Strand. 
His  chief  occupation  appeared  to  be  taking  pedestrian  exercise  in  the  streets  of  Lon- 
don—hence his  marvellous  knowledge  of  the  great  metropolis  which  used  to  aston- 
ish any  Englishmen  of  distinction  who  were  not  aware  of  this  visit.  He  occasionally 
took  his  cup  of  chocolate  at  the  'Northumberland,1  occupying  himself  in  reading, 
and  preserving  a  provoking  taciturnity  to  the  gentlemen  in  the  room ;  though  his 
manner  was  stern,  his  deportment  was  that  of  a  gentleman."  The  story  of  his  visit 
is  probably  as  apocryphal  as  that  of  his  offering  his  services  to  the  English  Govern- 
ment when  the  English  forces  were  blockading  the  coast  of  Corsica. 

VOL.  I.— 2 


18  MEMOIRS  OP  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1792. 

for  some  profitable  speculation.  At  one  time  he  wanted 
me  to  join  him  in  renting  several  houses,  then  building 
in  the  Rue  Montholon,  to  underlet  them  afterwards.  We 
found  the  demands  of  the  landlords  extravagant — every- 
thing failed.  At  the  same  time  he  was  soliciting  em- 
ployment at  the  War  Office,  and  I  at  the  office  of  Foreign 
Affairs.  I  was  for  the  moment  the  luckier  of  the  two. 

While  we  were  spending  our  time  in  a  somewhat  vaga- 
bond way,1  the  20th  of  June  arrived.  We  met  by  ap- 
pointment at  a  restaurateur's  in  the  Hue  St.  Honore,  near 
the  Palais  Royal,  to  take  one  of  our  daily  rambles.  On 
going  out  we  saw  approaching,  in  the  direction  of  the 
market,  a  mob,  which  Bonaparte  calculated  at  five  or  six 
thousand  men.  They  were  all  in  rags,  ludicrously  armed 
with  weapons  of  every  description,  and  were  proceeding 
hastily  towards  the  Tuileries,  vociferating  all  kinds  of 
gross  abuse.  It  was  a  collection  of  all  that  was  most  vile 
and  abject  in  the  purlieus  of  Paris.  "  Let  us  follow  the 
mob,"  said  Bonaparte.  We  got  the  start  of  them,  and 
took  up  our  station  on  the  terrace  of  the  banks  of  the 
river.  It  was  there  that  he  witnessed  the  scandalous 
scenes  which  took  place  ;  and  it  would  be  difficult  to 
describe  the  surprise  and  indignation  which  they  excited 
in  him.  When  the  King  showed  himself  at  the  windows 
overlooking  the  garden,  with  the  red  cap,  which  one  of 
the  mob  had  put  on  his  head,  he  could  no  longer  repress 
his  indignation.  "  Che  coglione  !  "  he  loudly  exclaimed. 
"Why  have  they  let  in  all  that  rabble  !  They  should 
sweep  off  four  or  five  hundred  of  them  with  the  cannon  ; 
the  rest  would  then  set  off  fast  enough." 

When  we  sat  down  to  dinner,  which  I  paid  for,  as  I 
generally  did,  for  I  was  the  richer  of  the  two,  he  spoke  of 
nothing  but  the  scene  we  had  witnessed.  He  discussed 

1  It  wag  before  the  20th  of  June  that  in  our  frequent  excursions  around  Paris  we 
went  to  St.  Cyr  to  see  his  sister  Marianne  (Elisa).  We  returned  to  dine  alone  at 
Trianon. — Bourrienne. 


1792.  BONAPARTE  AT  THE  TUILER1ES.  10 

with  great  good  sense  the  causes  and  consequences  of 
this  unrepressed  insurrection.  He  foresaw  and  developed 
with  sagacity  all  that  would  ensue.  He  was  not  mistaken. 
The  10th  of  August  soon  arrived.  I  was  then  at  Stutt- 
gart, where  I  was  appointed  Secretary  of  Legation. 

At  St.  Helena  Bonaparte  said,  "  On  the  news  of  the  at- 
tack of  the  Tuileries,  on  the  10th  of  August,  I  hurried  to 
Fauvelet,  Bourrienne's  brother,  who  then  kept  a  furniture 
warehouse  at  the  Carrousel."  This  is  partly  correct.  My 
brother  was  connected  with  what  was  termed  an  entre- 
prise  d'encan  national,  where  persons  intending  to  quit 
France  received  an  advance  of  money,  on  depositing  any 
effects  which  they  wished  to  dispose  of,  and  which  were 
sold  for  them  immediately.  Bonaparte  had  some  time 
previously  pledged  his  watch  in  this  way. 

After  the  fatal  10th  of  August  Bonaparte  went  to  Corsica, 
and  did  not  return  till  1793.  Sir  Walter  Scott  says  that  af- 
ter that  time  he  never  saw  Corsica  again.  This  is  a  mistake, 
as  will  be  shown  when  I  speak  of  his  return  from  Egypt.1 

Having  been  appointed  Secretary  of  Legation  to  Stutt- 
gart, I  set  off  for  that  place  on  the  2d  of  August,  and  I 
did  not  again  see  my  ardent  young  friend  until  1795.  He 
told  me  that  my  departure  accelerated  his  for  Corsica. 
We  separated,  as  may  be  supposed,  with  but  faint  hopes 
of  ever  meeting  again. 

By  a  decree  of  the  28th  of  March  of  1793,  all  French 
agents  abroad  were  ordered  to  return  to  France,  within 
three  months,  under  pain  of  being  regarded  as  emigrants. 
What  I  had  witnessed  before  my  departure  for  Stuttgart, 

>  Sir  Walter  appears  to  have  collected  his  information  for  the  Life  of  Napoleon 
only  from  those  libels  and  vulgar  stories  which  gratified  his  calumnious  spirit  and 
national  hatred.  His  work  is  written  with  excessive  negligence,  which,  added  to 
its  numerous  errors,  shows  how  much  respect  he  must  have  entertained  for  his  read- 
ers. It  would  appear  that  his  object  was  to  make  it  the  inverse  of  his  novels,  where 
everything  is  borrowed  from  history.  I  have  been  assured  that  Marshal  Macdonald 
having  offered  to  introduce  Scott  to  some  generals  who  could  have  furnished  him 
with  the  most  accurate  information  respecting  military  events,  the  glory  of  which 
they  had  shared,  Sir  Walter  replied,  "  I  thank  you,  butl  shall  collect  my  information 
from  unprofessioual  reports."— Bourrienne. 


20  MEMOIRS  Off  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1794. 

the  excitement  in  which  I  had  left  the  public  mind,  and 
the  well-known  consequences  of  events  of  this  kind,  made 
me  fear  that  I  should  be  compelled  to  be  either  an  accom- 
plice or  a  victim  in  the  disastrous  scenes  which  were  pass- 
ing at  home.  My  disobebience  of  the  law  placed  my 
name  on  the  list  of  emigrants. 

It  has  been  said  of  me,  in  a  biographical  publication, 
that  "  it  was  as  remarkable  as  it  was  fortunate  for  Bour- 
rienne  that,  on  his  return,  he  got  his  name  erased  from 
the  list  of  emigrants  of  the  department  of  the  Yonne, 
on  which  it  had  been  inscribed  during  his  first  journey  to 
Germany.  This  circumstance  has  been  interpreted  in 
several  different  ways,  which  are  not  all  equally  favourable 
to  M.  de  Bourrienne." 

I  do  not  understand  what  favourable  interpretations  can 
be  put  upon  a  statement  entirely  false.  General  Bona- 
parte repeatedly  applied  for  the  erasure  of  my  name,  from 
the  month  of  April  1797,  when  I  rejoined  him  at  Leoben, 
to  the  period  of  the  signature  of  the  treaty  of  Campo- 
Formio  ;  but  without  success.  He  desired  his  brother 
Louis,  Berthier,  Bernadotte,  and  others,  when  he  sent 
them  to  the  Directory,  to  urge  my  erasure  ;  but  in  vain. 
He  complained  of  this  inattention  to  his  wishes  to  Bottot, 
when  he  came  to  Passeriano,  after  the  18th  Fructidor. 
Bottot,  who  was  secretary  to  Barras,  was  astonished  that 
I  was  not  erased,  and  he  made  fine  promises  of  what  he 
would  do.  On  his  return  to  France  he  wrote  to  Bona- 
parte: "Bourrienne  is  erased."  But  this  was  untrue.  I 
was  not  erased  until  November  1797,  upon  the  reiterated 
solicitations  of  General  Bonaparte. 

It  was  during  my  absence  from  France  that  Bonaparte, 
in  the  rank  of  chefde  bataillon,  performed  his  first  campaign, 
and  contributed  so  materially  to  the  recapture  of  Toulon. 
Of  this  period  of  his  life  I  have  no  personal  knowledge, 
and  therefore  I  shall  not  speak  of  it  as  an  eye-witness.  I 
shall  merely  relate  some  facts  which  fill  up  the  interval  be' 


1794.  BONAPARTE'S  FIRST  CAMPAIGN.  21 

tween  1793  and  1795,  and  which  I  have  collected  from  pa- 
pers which  he  himself  delivered  to  me.  Among  these  papers 
is  a  little  production,  entitled  Le  Souper  de  Beaucaire,  the 
copies  of  which  he  bought  up  at  considerable  expense,  and 
destroyed  upon  his  attaining  the  Consulate.  This  little 
pamphlet  contains  principles  very  opposite  to  those  he 
wished  to  see  established  in  1800,  a  period  when  extrava- 
gant ideas  of  liberty  were  no  longer  the  fashion,  and  when 
Bonaparte  entered  upon  a  system  totally  the  reverse  of 
those  republican  principles  professed  in  Le  Souper  de 
Beaucaire.1  It  may  be  remarked,  that  in  all  that  has  come 
to  us  from  St.  Helena,  not  a  word  is  said  of  this  youthful 
production.  Its  character  sufficiently  explains  this  silence. 
In  all  Bonaparte's  writings  posterity  will  probably  trace 
the  profound  politician  rather  than  the  enthusiastic  revo- 
lutionist. 

Some  documents  relative  to  Bonaparte's  suspension  and 
arrest,  by  order  of  the  representatives  Albitte  and  Salicetti, 

1  This  is  not,  as  Sir  Walter  says,  a  dialogue  between  Marat  and  a  Federalist,  bnt  a 
conversation  between  a  military  officer,  a  native  of  Nismes,  a  native  of  Marseilles, 
and  a  manufacturer  from  Montpellier.  The  latter,  though  he  takes  a  share  in  the 
conversation,  does  not  say  much.  Le  Souper  de  Beaucaire  is  given  at  full  length  in 
the  French  edition  of  these  Memoirs,  tome  i.  pp.  319-347  ;  and  by  lung,  tome  ii.  p. 
854,  with  the  following  remarks  :  "  The  first  edition  of  Le  Souper  de  Beaucaire  was 
issued  at  the  cost  of  the  Public  Treasury,  in  August  1793.  Sabin  Tournal,  its 
editor,  also  then  edited  the  Courrier  cT Avignon.  The  second  edition  only  appeared 
twenty-eight  years  afterwards,  in  1821,  preceded  by  an  introduction  by  Frederick 
Royou  (Paris  :  Brasseur  Aine,  printer,  Terrey,  publisher,  in  octavo).  This  pamphlet 
did  not  make  any  sensation  at  the  time  it  appeared.  It  was  only  when  Napoleon 
became  Commandant  of  the  Army  of  Italy  that  M.  Loubet,  secretary  and  corrector 
of  the  press  for  M.  Tournal,  attached  some  value  to  the  manuscript,  and  showed  it  to 
several  persons.  Louis  Bonaparte,  later,  ordered  several  copies  from  M.  Aurel." 
The  pamphlet,  dated  29th  July  1793,  is  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue  between  an  officer 
of  the  army,  a  citizen  of  Nismes,  a  manufacturer  of  Montpellier,  and  a  citizen  of 
Marseilles.  Marseilles  was  then  in  a  state  of  insurrection  against  the  Convention. 
Its  forces  had  seized  Avignon,  but  had  oeen  driven  out  by  the  army  of  Carteaux, 
•Which  was  about  to  attack  Marseilles  itself.  In  the  dialogue  the  officer  gives  moBt 
excellent  military  advice  to  the  representative  of  Marseilles  on  the  impossibility  of 
their  resisting  the  old  soldiers  of  Carteaux.  The  Marseilles  citizen  argues  but 
feebly,  and  is  alarmed  at  the  officer's  representations  ;  while  his  threat  to  call  in  the 
Spaniards  turns  the  other  speakers  against  him.  Even  Colonel  lung  says,  tome  ii. 
p.  372,  "  In  these  concise  judgments  is  felt  the  decinion  of  the  master  and  of  the  man 
of  war.  .  .  .  These  marvellous  qualities  eonsequently  struck  the  members  of 
the  Convention,  who  made  much  of  Bonaparte,  authorised  him  to  have  it  published 


22  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1794. 

serve  to  place  in  their  true  light  circumstances  which  have 
hitherto  been  misrepresented.  I  shall  enter  into  some 
details  of  this  event,  because  I  have  seen  it  stated  that  this 
circumstance  of  Bonaparte's  life  has  been  perverted  and 
misrepresented  by  every  person  who  has  hitherto  written 
about  him  ;  and  the  writer  who  makes  this  remark,  himself 
describes  the  affair  incorrectly  and  vaguely.  Others  have 
attributed  Bonaparte's  misfortune  to  a  military  discussion 
on  war,  and  his  connection  with  Robespierre  the  younger.1 

It  has,  moreover,  been  said  that  Albitte  and  Salicetti 
explained  to  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  the  impossi- 
bility of  their  resuming  the  military  operations  unaided  by 
the  talents  of  General  Bonaparte.  This  is  mere  flattery. 
The  facts  are  these  : — 

On  the  13th  of  July  1794  (25th  Messidor,  year  tt),  the 
representatives  of  the  people  with  the  army  of  Italy  ordered 
that  General  Bonaparte  should  proceed  to  Genoa,  there, 
conjointly  with  the  French  charge  d'affaires,  to  confer  on 
certain  subjects  with  the  Genoese  Government.  This 
mission,  together  with  a  list  of  secret  instructions,  direct- 
ing him  to  examine  the  fortresses  of  Genoa  and  the  neigh- 
bouring country,  show  the  confidence  which  Bonaparte, 
who  was  then  only  twenty-five,  inspired  in  men  who  were 
deeply  interested  in  making  a  prudent  choice  of  their 
agents. 

Bonaparte  set  off  for  Genoa,  and  fulfilled  his  mission. 
The  9th  Thermidor  arrived,  and  the  deputies,  called  Terror- 
ists, were  superseded  by  Albitte  and  Salicetti.  In  the 
disorder  which  then  prevailed  they  were  either  ignorant  of 

at  the  public  expense,  and  made  him  many  promises."  Lanfrey,  vol.  i.  pp.  30-31, 
says  of  this  pamphlet,  "  Common  enough  ideas,  expressed  in  a  style  only  remarkable 
for  its  '  Italianisms,'  but  becoming  singularly  firm  and  precise  every  time  the  author 
expresses  his  military  views.  Under  an  apparent  roughness,  we  find  in  it  a  rare 
circumspection,  leaving  no  hold  on  the  writer,  even  if  events  change." 

1  It  will  presently  be  seen  that  all  this  is  erroneous,  and  that  Sir  Walter  commits 
another  mistake  when  he  says  that  Bonaparte's  connection  with  Robespierre  was 
attended  with  fatal  consequences  to  him,  and  that  his  justification  consisted  in 
acknowledging  that  his  friends  were  very  different  from  what  he  had  supposed  them 
to  be. — Bourrienne. 


1794.  ARREST  OF  BONAPARTE.  23 

the  orders  given  to  General  Bonaparte,  or  persons  envious 
of  the  rising  glory  of  the  young  general  of  artillery  inspired 
Albitte  and  Salicetti  with  suspicions  prejudicial  to  him.  Be 
this  as  it  may,  the  two  representatives  drew  up  a  resolution, 
ordering  that  General  Bonaparte  should  be  arrested,  sus- 
pended from  his  rank,  and  arraigned  before  the  Committee 
of  Public  Safety;  and,  extraordinary  as  it  may  appear,  this 
resolution  was  founded  on  that  very  journey  to  Genoa 
which  Bonaparte  executed  by  the  direction  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people.1 
Bonaparte  said  at  St.  Helena  that  he  was  a  short  time 

1  Madame  Junot  throws  some  light  on  this  persecution  of  Bonaparte  by  Salicetti. 
"  One  motive  (I  do  not  mean  to  say  the  only  one),"  remarks  this  lady,  "of  the 
animosity  shown  by  Salicetti  to  Bonaparte,  in  the  affair  of  Loano,  was  that  they 
were  at  one  time  suitors  to  the  same  lady.  I  am  not  sure  whether  it  was  in  Corsica 
or  in  Paris,  but  I  know  for  a  fact  that  Bonaparte,  in  spite  of  his  youth,  or  perhaps 
I  should  rather  say  on  account  of  his  youth,  was  the  favoured  lover.  It  was  the 
opinion  of  my  brother,  who  was  secretary  to  Salicetti,  that  Bonaparte  owed  his 
life  to  a  circumstance  which  is  not  very  well  known.  The  fact  is,  that  Salicetti 
received  a  letter  from  Bonaparte,  the  contents  of  which  appeared  to  make  a  deep 
impression  on  him.  Bonaparte's  papers  had  been  delivered  into  Salicetti's  hands, 
who,  after  an  attentive  perusal  of  them,  laid  them  aside  with  evident  dissatisfac- 
tion. He  then  took  them  up  again,  and  read  them  a  second  time.  Salicetti 
declined  my  brother's  assistance  in  the  examination  of  the  papers,  and  after  a 
second  examination,  which  was  probably  as  unsatisfactory  as  the  first,  he  seated 
himself  with  a  very  abstracted  air.  It  would  appear  that  he  had  seen  among  the 
paperi  some  document  which  concerned  himself.  Another  curious  fact  is,  that  tha 
man  who  had  the  care  of  the  papers  after  they  were  sealed  up  was  an  inferior  clerk 
entirely  under  the  control  of  Salicetti ;  and  my  brother,  whose  business  it  was  to 
have  charge  of  the  papers,  was  directed  not  to  touch  them.  He  has  often  spoken 
to  me  of  this  circumstance,  and  I  mention  it  here  as  one  of  importance  to  the  history 
of  the  time.  Nothing  that  relates  to  a  man  like  Napoleon  can  be  considered  useless 
or  trival. 

"  What,  after  all,  was  the  result  of  this  itrange  business  which  might  have  cost 
Bonaparte  his  head  ? — for,  had  he  been  taken  to  Paris  and  tried  by  the  Committee 
of  Public  Safety,  there  is  little  doubt  that  the  friend  of  Robespierre  the  younger 
would  have  been  condemned  by  Billaud-Varennes  and  Collot  d'Herbois.  The  result 
was  the  acquittal  of  the  accused.  This  result  is  the  more  extraordinary,  since  it 
would  appear  that  at  that  time  Salicetti  stood  in  fear  of  the  young  general.  A 
compliment  is  even  paid  to  Bonaparte  in  the  decree,  by  which  he  wa»  provisionally 
restored  to  liberty.  That  liberation  was  said  to  be  granted  on  the  consideratiom  that 
General  Bonaparte  might  be  useful  to  the  Republic.  This  was  foresight ;  but  subse- 
quently when  measures  were  taken  which  rendered  Bonaparte  no  longer  an  object 
of  fear,  his  name  was  erased  from  the  list  of  general  officers.,  and  it  is  a  curious  fact 
that  Cambaceres,  who  was  destined  to  be  his  colleague  in  the  Consulate,  was 
one  of  the  persons  who  signed  ths  act  of  erasure  "  (Memoirs  of  the  Dttc/tesae 
(fAbrantis,  yol.  i.  p.  69,  edjt.  1883). 


24  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1794 

imprisoned  by  order  of  the  representative  Laporte ;  but 
the  order  for  his  arrest  was  signed  by  Albitte,  Salicetti, 
and  Laporte.1  Laporte  was  not  probably  the  most  influ- 
ential of  the  three,  for  Bonaparte  did  not  address  his  re- 
monstrance to  him.  He  was  a  fortnight  under  arrest. 

Had  the  circumstance  occurred  three  weeks  earlier,  and 
had  Bonaparte  been  arraigned  before  the  Committee  of 
Public  Safety  previous  to  the  9th  Thermidor,  there  is 
every  probability  that  his  career  would  have  been  at  an 
end ;  and  we  should  have  seen  perish  on  the  scaffold,  at 
the  age  of  twenty-five,  the  man  who,  during  the  twenty- 
five  succeeding  years,  was  destined  to  astonish  the  world 
by  his  vast  conceptions,  his  gigantic  projects,  his  great 
military  genius,  his  extraordinary  good  fortune,  his  faults, 
reverses,  and  final  misfortunes. 

It  is  worth  while  to  remark  that  in  the  post-Thermidor- 
ian  resolution  just  alluded  to  no  mention  is  made  of  Bo- 
naparte's association  with  Robespierre  the  younger.  The 
severity  with  which  he  was  treated  is  the  more  astonishing, 
since  his  mission  to  Genoa  was  the  alleged  cause  of  it. 
Was  there  any  other  charge  against  him,  or  had  calumny 
triumphed  over  the  services  he  had  rendered  to  his  country? 
I  have  frequently  conversed  with  him  on  the  subject  of 
this  adventure,  and  he  invariably  assured  me  that  he  had 
nothing  to  reproach  himself  with,  and  that  his  defence, 
which  I  shall  subjoin,  contained  the  pure  expression  of 
his  sentiments,  and  the  exact  truth. 

In  the  following  note,  which  he  addressed  to  Albitte 
and  Salicetti,  he  makes  no  mention  of  Laporte.  The  copy 
which  I  possess  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Junot,  with  cor- 
rections in  the  General's  hand.  It  exhibits  all  the  charac- 
teristics of  Napoleon's  writing :  his  short  sentences,  his 
abrupt  rather  than  concise  style,  sometimes  his  elevated 
ideas,  and  always  his  plain  good  sense. 

1  Albitte  and  Laporte  were  the  representatives  sent  from  the  Convention  to  th* 
army  of  the  Alps,  and  Salicetti  to  the  army  of  Italy. 


1794.  BONAPARTE'S  DEFENCE.  25 

To  THE  REPRESENTATIVES  ALBITTE  AND  SALICETTI. 

You  have  suspended  me  from  my  duties,  put  me  under  arrest, 
and  declared  me  to  be  suspected. 

Thus  I  am  disgraced  before  being  judged,  or  indeed  judged  be- 
fore being  heard. 

In  a  revolutionary  state  there  are  two  classes,  the  suspected  and 
the  patriots. 

When  the  first  are  accused,  general  measures  are  adopted  towards 
them  for  the  sake  of  security. 

The  oppression  of  the  second  class  is  a  blow  to  public  liberty. 
The  magistrate  cannot  condemn  until  after  the  fullest  evidence 
and  a  succession  of  facts.  This  leaves  nothing  to  arbitrary  deci- 
sion. 

To  declare  a  patriot  suspected  is  to  deprive  him  of  all  that  he 
most  highly  values — confidence  and  esteem. 

In  what  class  am  I  placed  ? 

Since  the  commencement  of  the  Revolution,  have  I  not  always 
been  attached  to  its  principles  ? 

Have  I  not  always  been  contending  either  with  domestic  enemies 
or  foreign  foes  ? 

I  sacrificed  my  home,  abandoned  my  property,  and  lost  every- 
thing for  the  Republic  ? 

I  have  since  served  with  some  distinction  at  Toulon,  and  earned 
a  part  of  the  laurels  of  the  army  of  Italy  at  the  taking  of  Saorgio, 
Oneille,  and  Tanaro. 

On  the  discovery  of  Robespierre's  conspiracy,  my  conduct  was 
that  of  a  man  accustomed  to  look  only  to  principles. 

My  claim  to  the  title  of  patriot,  therefore  cannot  be  disputed. 

Why,  then,  am  I  declared  suspected  without  being  heard,  and 
arrested  eight  days  after  I  heard  the  news  of  the  tyrant's  death  ? 

I  am  declared  suspected,  and  my  papers  are  placed  under  seal. 

The  reverse  of  this  course  ought  to  have  been  adopted.  My  papers 
should  first  have  been  sealed  ;  then  I  should  have  been  called  on 
for  my  explanation  ;  and,  lastly,  declared  suspected,  if  there  was 
reason  for  coming  to  such  a  decision. 

.  It  is  wished  that  I  should  go  to  Paris  with  an  order  which  declares 
me  suspected.  It  will  naturally  be  presumed  that  the  representa- 
tives did  not  draw  up  this  decree  without  accurate  information,  and 
I  shall  be  judged  with  the  bias  which  a  man  of  that  class  merits. 

Though  a  patriot  and  an  innocent  and  calumniated  man,  yet 
whatever  measures  may  be  adopted  by  the  Committee  I  cannot  com- 
plain. 


26  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1794- 

If  three  men  declare  that  I  have  committed  a  crime,  I  cannot 
complain  of  the  jury  who  condemns  me. 

Salicetti,  you  know  me ;  and  I  ask  whether  you  hav«  observed 
anything  in  my  conduct  for  the  last  five  years  which  can  afford 
ground  of  suspicion  ? 

Albitte,  you  do  not  know  me ;  but  you  have  received  proof  of 
no  fact  against  me  ;  you  have  not  heard  me,  and  you  know  how 
artfully  the  tongue  of  calumny  sometimes  works. 

Must  I  then  be  confounded  with  the  enemies  of  my  country  ? 
and  ought  the  patriots  inconsiderately  to  sacrifice  a  general  who 
has  not  been  useless  to  the  Republic  ?  Ought  the  representatives 
to  reduce  the  Government  to  the  necessity  of  being  unjust  and  im- 
politic ? 

Hear  me ;  destroy  the  oppression  that  overwhelms  me,  and  re- 
store me  to  the  esteem  of  the  patriots. 

An  hour  after,  if  my  enemies  wish  for  my  life,  let  them  take  it. 
I  have  often  given  proofs  how  little  I  value  it.  Nothing  but  the 
thought  that  I  may  yet  be  useful  to  my  country  makes  me  bear  the 
burden  of  existence  with  courage. 

It  appears  that  this  defence,  which  is  remarkable  for  its 
energetic  simplicity,  produced  an  effect  on  Albitte  and 
Salicetti.  Inquiries  more  accurate,  and  probably  more 
favourable  to  the  General,  were  instituted  ;  and  on  the  3d 
Fructidor  (20th  August  1794)  the  representatives  of  the 
people  drew  up  a  decree  stating  that,  after  a  careful  ex- 
amination of  General  Bonaparte's  papers,  and  of  the 
orders  he  had  received  relative  to  his  mission  to  Genoa, 
they  saw  nothing  to  justify  any  suspicion  of  his  conduct ; 
and  that,  moreover,  taking  into  consideration  the  advan- 
tage that  might  accrue  to  the  Republic  from  the  military 
talents  of  the  said  General  Bonaparte,  it  was  resolved  that 
he  should  be  provisionally  set  at  liberty.1 

i  With  reference  to  the  arrest  of  Bonaparte  (which  lasted  thirteen  days)  see  Bour- 
rienne  et  ses  Erreurs,  tome  i.  pp.  16-28,  and  lung,  tome  ii.  pp.  443-457.  Both,  in 
opposition  to  Bourrienne,  attribute  the  arrest  to  his  connection  with  the  younger 
Kobeapierre.  Apparently  Albitte  and  Salicetti  were  not  acquainted  with  the  secret 
plan  of  campaign  prepared  by  the  younger  Robespierre  and  by  Bonaparte,  or  with 
the  real  instructions  given  for  the  mission  to  Genoa.  Jealousy  between  the  repre- 
sentatives in  the  staff  of  the  army  of  the  Alps  and  those  with  the  army  of  Italy, 
with  which  Napoleon  was,  also  played  a  part  in  the  affair.  lung  looks  on  Salicetti 
as  acting  as  the  protector  of  the  Bonapartes  ;  but  Napoleon  does  not  seem  to  hare 


1795.  BONAPARTE  AND  DUROC.  27 

Salicetti  afterwards  became  the  friend  and  confidant  of 
young  Bonaparte  ;  but  their  intimacy  did  not  continue 
after  his  elevation. 

What  is  to  be  thought  of  the  motives  for  Bonaparte's 
arrest  and  provisional  liberation,  when  his  innocence  and 
the  error  that  had  been  committed  were  acknowledged  ? 
The  importance  of  the  General's  military  talents,  though 
no  mention  is  made  about  the  impossibility  of  dispensing 
with  them,  is  a  pretence  for  restoring  him  to  that  liberty 
of  which  he  had  been  unjustly  deprived. 

It  was  not  at  Toulon,  as  has  been  stated,  that  Bonaparte 
took  Duroc '  into  the  artillery,  and  made  him  his  aide  de 
camp.  The  acquaintance  was  formed  at  a  subsequent 
period,  in  Italy.  Duroc's  cold  character  and  unexcursive 
mind  suited  Napoleon,  whose  confidence  he  enjoyed  until 
his  death,  and  who  entrusted  him  with  missions  perhaps 
above  his  abili ties.  At  St.  Helena  Bonaparte  often  declared 
that  he  was  much  attached  to  Duroc.  I  believe  this  to  be 
true  ;  but  I  know  that  the  attachment  was  not  returned. 
The  ingratitude  of  princes  is  proverbial.  May  it  not 
happen  that  courtiers  are  also  sometimes  ungrateful  ?  " 

regarded  him  in  that  light ;  see  the  letter  given  in  Junot,  vol.  i.  p.  106,  where  in 
1795  he  takes  credit  for  not  returning  the  ill  done  to  him  ;  see  also  the  same  volume, 
p.  89.  Salicetti  eventually  became  Minister  of  Police  to  Joseph,  when  King  of 
Naples,  in  1806  ;  but  when  he  applied  to  return  to  France,  Napoleon  said  to  Mathieu 
Dumas,  "  Let  him  know  that  I  am  not  powerful  enough  to  protect  the  wretches  who 
voted  for  the  death  of  Louis  XVI.  from  the  contempt  and  indignation  of  the  public" 
(Dumas,  tome  iii.  p.  316).  At  the  same  time  Napoleon  described  Salicetti  as  worse 
than  the  lazzaroni. 

1  Michel  Duroc  (1773-1813),  at  first  only  aide  de  camp  to  Napoleon,  was  several 
times  entrusted  with  special  diplomatic  missions  (for  example,  to  Berlin,  etc.).    On 
the  formation  of  the  Empire  he  became  Grand  Marechal  dn  Palais,  and  Due  de 
Frioul.    He  always  remained  in  close  connection  with  Napoleon  until  he  was  killed 
in  1813.    As  he  is  often  mentioned  in  contemporary  memoirs  under  his  abbreviated 
title  of  Marshal,  he  has  sometimes  been  erroneously  included  in  the  number  of  the 
Vtarshals  of  the  Empire — a  military  rank  he  never  attained  to. 

2  It  is  only  just  to  Duroc  to  add  that  this  charge  does  not  seem  borne  out  by  the 
impressions  of  those  more  capable  than  Bourrienne  of  judging  in  the  matter. 


1794* 


CHAPTER  in. 

1794-1795. 

i 

Proposal  to  send  Bonaparte  to  La  Vende'e — He  is  struck  off  the  list  of 
general  officers — Salicetti — Joseph's  marriage  with  Mademoiselle  Clary 
— Bonaparte's  wish  to  go  to  Turkey — Note  explaining  the  plan  of  his 
proposed  expedition — Madame  Bourrienne's  character  of  Bonaparte, 
and  account  of  her  husband's  arrest — Constitution  of  the  year  III. — 
The  13th  Vendemiaire — Bonaparte  appointed  second  in  command  of 
the  army  of  the  interior — Eulogium  of  Bonaparte  by  Barras,  and  its 
consequences — St. .  Helena  manuscript. 

GENERAL  BONAPAKTE  returned  to  Paris,  where  I  also  arrived 
from  Germany  shortly  after  him.  Our  intimacy  was  re- 
sumed, and  he  gave  me  an  account  of  all  that  had  passed 
in  the  campaign  of  the  south.  He  frequently  alluded  to 
the  persecutions  he  had  suffered,  and  he  delivered  to  me 
the  packet  of  papers  noticed  in  the  last  chapter,  desiring 
me  to  communicate  their  contents  to  my  friends.  He  was 
very  anxious,  he  said,  to  do  away  with  the  supposition 
that  he  was  capable  of  betraying  his  country,  and,  under 
the  pretence  of  a  mission  to  Genoa,  becoming  a  spy  on  the 
interests  of  France.  He  loved  to  talk  over  his  military 
achievements  at  Toulon  and  in  Italy.  He  spoke  of  his 
first  successes  with  that  feeling  of  pleasure  and  gratifica- 
tion which  they  were  naturally  calculated  to  excite  in  him. 
The  Government  wished  to  send  him  to  La  Vendee,  with 
the  rank  of  brigadier-general  of  infantry.  Bonaparte  re- 
jected this  proposition  on  two  grounds.  He  thought  the 
scene  of  action  unworthy  of  his  talents,  and  he  regarded 
his  projected  removal  from  the  artillery  to  the  infantry  as 
a  sort  of  insult.  This  last  was  his  most  powerful  objection, 


1795.        BONAPARTE  UNEMPLOYED.         29 

and  was  the  only  one  he  urged  officially.  In  consequence 
of  his  refusal  to  accept  the  appointment  offered  him,  the 
Committee  of  Public  Safety  decreed  that  he  should  be 
struck  off  the  list  of  general  officers.1 

1  This  statement  as  to  the  proposed  transfer  of  Bonaparte  to  the  infantry,  his  dis- 
obedience to  the  order,  and  hia  consequent  dismissal,  is  fiercely  attacked  in  the  Er- 
reurs,  tome  i.  chap.  iv.  It  is,  however,  correct  in  some  points  ;  but  the  real  truths 
about  Bonaparte's  life  at  this  time  seem  so  little  known  that  it  may  be  well  to  ex- 
plain the  whole  matter.  On  the  27th  of  March  1795  Bonaparte,  already  removed 
from  his  employment  in  the  south,  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  the  army  of  the  west, 
to  command  its  artillery  as  brigadier-general.  He  went  as  far  as  Paris,  and  then  lin- 
gered there,  partly  on  medical  certificate.  While  in  Paris  he  applied,  as  Bourrienne 
says,  to  go  to  Turkey  to  organise  its  artillery.  His  application,  instead  of  being 
neglected,  as  Bourrienne  says,  was  favourably  received,  two  members  of  the  Comit6 
de  Salut  Public  putting  on  its  margin  most  favourable  reports  of  him  ;  one,  Jean 
Debry,  even  saying  that  ho  was  too  distinguished  an  officer  to  be  sent  to  a  distance 
at  such  a  time.  Par  from  being  looked  on  as  the  half-crazy  fellow  Bourrienne  con- 
eulered  him  at  that  time,  Bonaparte  was  appointed,  on  the  21st  of  August  1795,  one 
of  four  generals  attached  as  military  advisers  to  the  Committee  for  the  preparation 
of  warlike  operations,  his  own  department  being  a  most  important  one.  He  him- 
self at  the  time  tells  Joseph  that  he  is  attached  to  the  topographical  bureau  of  the 
Comite  de  Salut  Public,  for  the  direction  of  the  armies  in  the  place  of  Carnot.  It  is 
apparently  this  significant  appointment  to  which  Madame  Junot,  wrongly  dating 
it,  alludes  as  "  no  great  thing  "  (Junot,  vol.  i.  p.  143).  Another  officer  was  there- 
fore substituted  for  him  as  commander  of  Hoche's  artillery,  a  fact  made  use  of  in 
the  Erreurs  (p.  81)  to  deny  his  having  been  dismissed.  But  a  general  re-classifica- 
tion of  the  generals  was  being  made.  The  artillery  generals  were  in  excess  of  their 
establishment,  and  Bonaparte,  as  junior  in  age,  was  ordered  on  13th  June  to  join 
Hoche's  army  at  Brest  to  command  a  brigade  of  infantry.  All  his  efforts  to  get  the 
order  cancelled  failed,  and  as  he  did  not  obey  it  he  was  struck  off  the  list  of  em- 
ployed general  officers  on  the  15th  of  September  17%,  the  order  of  the  Comit6  de  Sa- 
lut Public  being  signed  by  Cambaceres,  Berlier,  Merlin,  and  Boissy.  His  application 
to  go  to  Turkey  still,  however,  remained ;  and  it  is  a  curious  thing  that,  on  the  very 
day  he  was  struck  off  the  list,  the  commission  which  had  replaced  the  Minister  of 
War  recommended  to  the  Comite  de  Salut  Public  that  he  and  his  two  aides  de 
camp,  Junot  and  Livrat,  with  other  officers,  under  him,  should  be  sent  to  Constan- 
tinople. So  late  as  the  29th  of  September,  twelve  days  later,  this  matter  was  being 
considered,  the  only  question  being  as  to  any  departmental  objections  to  the  other 
officers  selected  by  him,  a  point  which  waa  just  being  settled.  But  on  the  13th  Ven- 
demiaire  (5th  October  1795),  or  rather  on  the  night  before,  only  nineteen  days  after 
his  removal,  he  was  appointed  second  in  command  to  Barras,  a  career  in  France  was 
opened  to  him,  and  Turkey  was  no  longer  thought  of. 

Thiers  (vol.  Iv.  p.  326)  and  most  writers,  contemporary  and  otherwise,  say  that 
Aubry  gave  the  order  for  his  removal  from  the  list.  Aubry,  himself  a  brigadier- 
general  of  artillery,  did  not  belong  to  the  Gomit6  de  Salut  Public  at  the  time  Bona- 
parte was  removed  from  the  south  ;  and  he  had  left  the  Comite  early  in  August,  that 
is,  before  the  order  striking  Bonaparte  off  was  given.  Aubry  was,  however,  on  the 
Comito  in  June  1795,  and  signed  the  order,  which  probably  may  have  originated  from 
him,  for  the  transfer  of  Bonaparte  to  the  infantry.  It  will  be  seen  that,  in  the  or- 
dinary military  sense  of  the  term,  Napoleon  was  only  in  Paris  without  employment 


30  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1794. 

Deeply  mortified  at  this  unexpected  stroke,  Bonaparte 
retired  into  private  life,  and  found  himself  doomed  to  an 
inactivity  very  uncongenial  with  his  ardent  character.  He 
lodged  in  the  Kue  du  Mail,  in  an  hotel  near  the  Place  des 
Victoires,  and  we  recommenced  the  sort  of  life  we  had 
led  in  1792,  before  his  departure  for  Corsica.  It  was  not 
without  a  struggle  that  he  determined  to  await  patiently 
the  removal  of  the  prejudices  which  were  cherished  against 
him  by  men  in  power  ;  and  he  hoped  that,  in  the  perpet- 
ual changes  which  were  taking  place,  those  men  might 
be  superseded  by  others  more  favourable  to  him.  He  fre- 
quently dined  and  spent  the  evening  with  me  and  my 
elder  brother  ;  and  his  pleasant  conversation  and  manners 
made  the  hours  pass  away  very  agreeably.  I  called  on 
him  almost  every  morning,  and  I  met  at  his  lodgings  sev- 
eral persons  who  were  distinguished  at  the  time  ;  among 
others  Salicetti,  with  whom  he  used  to  maintain  very  ani- 
mated conversations,  and  who  would  often  solicit  a  private 
interview  with  him.  On  one  occasion  Salicetti  paid  him 
three  thousand  francs,  in  assignats,  as  the  price  of  his  car- 
riage, which  his  straitened  circumstances  obliged  him  to 
dispose  of.1  I  could  easily  perceive  that  our  young  friend 

from  the  15th  of  September  to  the  4th  or  5th  of  October  1795 ;  all  the  rest  of  the 
time  in  Paris  he  had  a  command  which  he  did  not  choose  to  take  up.  The  distress 
under  which  Napoleon  is  said  to  have  laboured  in  pecuniary  matters  was  probably 
shared  by  most  officers  at  that  time  ;  see  Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  82.  This  period  is  fully 
described  in  lung,  tome  ii.  p.  475,  and  tome  iii.  pp.  1-93. 

1  Of  Napoleon's  poverty  at  this  time  Madame  Junot  says,  "  On  Bonaparte's  return 
to  Paris,  after  the  misfortunee  of  which  he  accused  Salicetti  of  being  the  cause,  he 
was  in  very  destitute  circumstances.  His  family,  who  were  banished  from  Corsica, 
found  an  asylum  at  Marseilles ;  and  they  could  not  now  do  for  him  what  they 
•would  have  done  had  they  been  in  the  country  whence  they  derived  their  pecuniary 
resources.  From  time  to  time  he  received  remittances  of  money,  and  I  suspect  they 
came  from  his  excellent  brother  Joseph,  who  had  then  recently  married  Mademoi- 
selle Clary ;  but  with  all  his  economy  these  supplies  were  insufficient.  Bonaparte 
was  therefore  in  absolute  distress.  Junot  often  used  to  speak  of  the  six  months 
they  passed  together  in  Paris  at  this  time.  When  they  took  an  evening  stroll  on 
the  Boulevard,  which  used  to  be  the  resort  of  young  men,  mounted  on  fine  horses, 
and  displaying  all  the  luxury  which  they  were  permitted  to  show  at  that  time,  Bona- 
parte would  declaim  against  fate,  and  express  his  contempt  for  the  dandies  with 
their  whickers  and  their  oreillea  de  chien,  who,  as  they  rode  past,  were  eulogising 


1795.    PROPOSES  TO  JOIN  THE  GRAND  S&1GNIOR.    3t 

either  was  or  wished  to  be  initiated  in  some  political  in- 
trigue ;  and  I  moreover  suspected  that  Salicetti  had  bound 
him  by  an  oath  not  to  disclose  the  plans  that  were  hatching. 
He  became  pensive,  melancholy,  and  anxious  ;  and  he  al- 
ways looked  with  impatience  for  Salicetti 's  daily  visit.1 
Sometimes,  withdrawing  his  mind  from  political  affairs, 
he  would  envy  the  happiness  of  his  brother  Joseph,  who 
had  just  then  married  Mademoiselle  Clary,  the  daughter 
of  a  rich  and  respectable  merchant  of  Marseilles.  He 
would  often  say,  "  That  Joseph  is  a  lucky  rogue." 

Meanwhile  time  passed  away,  and  none  of  his  projects 
succeeded — none  of  his  applications  were  listened  to.  He 
was  vexed  by  the  injustice  with  which  he  was  treated,  and 
tormented  by  the  desire  of  entering  upon  some  active 
pursuit.  He  could  not  endure  the  thought  of  remaining 
buried  in  the  crowd.  He  determined  to  quit  France  ;  and 
the  favourite  idea,  which  he  never  afterwards  relinquished, 
that  the  East  is  a  fine  field  for  glory,  inspired  him  with 
the  wish  to  proceed  to  Constantinople,  and  to  enter  the 
service  of  the  Grand  Seignior.  What  romantic  plans, 
what  stupendous  projects  he  conceived !  He  asked  me 
whether  I  would  go  with  him?  I  replied  in  the  negative. 
I  looked  upon  him  as  a  half-crazy  young  fellow,  who  was 
driven  to  extravagant  enterprises  and  desperate  resolu- 
tions by  his  restless  activity  of  mind,  joined  to  the  irritat- 
ing treatment  he  had  experienced,  and,  perhaps,  it  may 
be  added,  his  want  of  money.  He  did  not  blame  me  for 
my  refusal  to  accompany  him  ;  and  he  told  me  that  Juuot, 
Marmont,  and  some  other  young  officers  whom  he  had 
known  at  Toulon,  would  be  willing  to  follow  his  fortunes. 

He  drew  up  a  note,  which  commenced  with  the  words 

in  ecstasy  the  manner  in  which  Madame  Scio  sang  paole  pafumee,  paole  panactite. 
'  And  it  is  on  such  beings  as  these,'  he  would  say,  '  that  Fortune  confers  her  favours. 
Grand  Dieu  I  how  contemptible  is  human  nature ! ' "  (Memoirs  of  the  Duchesse 
cTAbrantes,  vol.  i.  p.  SO,  edit.  1888). 

1  Salicetti  was  implicated  in  the  insurrection  of  the  20th  May  1795,  1st  Prairial, 
year  III.,  and  was  obliged  to  fly  to  Venice. 


32  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1794, 

Note  for  ....  It  was  addressed  to  no  one,  and  was 
merely  a  plan.  Some  days  after  he  wrote  out  another, 
which,  however,  did  not  differ  very  materially  from  the 
first,  and  which  he  addressed  to  Aubert  and  Coni.  I 
made  him  a  fair  copy  of  it,  and  it  was  regularly  for- 
warded. It  was  as  follows  : — 

NOTE. 

At  a  moment  when  the  Empress  of  Russia  has  strengthened  her 
union  with  the  Emperor  of  Germany  (Austria),  it  is  the  interest  of 
France  to  do  everything  in  her  power  to  increase  the  military 
power  of  Turkey. 

That  power  possesses  a  numerous  and  brave  militia,  but  is  very 
backward  in  the  scientific  part  of  the  art  of  war. 

The  organisation  and  the  service  of  the  artillery,  which,  in  our 
modern  tactics,  so  powerfully  facilitate  the  gaining  of  battles,  and 
on  which,  almost  exclusively,  depend  the  attack  and  defence  of 
fortresses,  are  especially  the  points  in  which  France  excels,  and  in 
which  the  Turks  are  most  deficient. 

They  have  several  times  applied  to  us  for  artillery  officers,  and 
we  have  sent  them  some  ;  but  the  officers  thus  sent  have  not  been 
sufficiently  powerful,  either  in  numbers  or  talent,  to  produce  any 
important  result. 

General  Bonaparte,  who,  from  his  youth,  has  served  in  the 
artillery,  of  which  he  was  entrusted  with  the  command  at  the  siege 
of  Toulon,  and  in  the  two  campaigns  of  Italy,  offers  his  services  to 
proceed  to  Turkey,  with  a  mission  from  the  (French)  Government. 

He  proposes  to  take  along  with  him  six  or  seven  officers,  of  dif- 
ferent kinds,  and  who  may  be,  altogether,  perfect  masters  of  the 
military  art. 

He  will  have  the  satisfaction  of  being  useful  to  his  country  in  this 
new  career,  if  he  succeed  in  rendering  the  Turkish  power  more 
formidable,  by  completing  the  defence  of  their  principal  fortresses, 
and  constructing  new  ones. 

This  note  shows  the  error  of  the  often-repeated  assertion, 
that  he  proposed  entering  the  service  of  the  Turks  against 
Austria.  He  makes  no  mention  of  such  a  thing ;  and  the 
two  countries  were  not  at  war.1 

1  The  Scottish  biographer  makes  Bonaparte  say  that  it  would  be  strange  if  a  little 
Corsican  should  become  King  of  Jerusalem.  I  never  hoard  anything  drop  from  him 


1795.  MADAME  DE  BOURRIENNE  ON  BONAPARTE.    38 

No  answer  was  returned  to  this  note.  Turkey  remained 
unaided,  and  Bonaparte  unoccupied.  I  must  confess  that 
for  the  failure  of  this  project,  at  least  I  was  not  sorry.  I 
should  have  regretted  to  see  a  young  man  of  great  prom- 
ise, and  one  for  whom  I  cherished  a  sincere  friendship, 
devote  himself  to  so  uncertain  a  fate.  Napoleon  has  less 
than  any  man  provoked  the  events  which  have  favoured 
him  ;  no  one  has  more  yielded  to  circumstances  from 
which  he  was  so  skilful  to  derive  advantages.  If,  however, 
a  clerk  of  the  War  Office  had  but  written  on  the  note, 
"  Granted, "  that  little  word  would  probably  have  changed 
the  fate  of  Europe. 

Bonaparte  remained  in  Paris,  forming  schemes  for  the 
gratification  of  his  ambition,  and  his  desire  of  making  a  fig- 
ure in  the  world  ;  but  obstacles  opposed  all  he  attempted. 

Women  are  better  judges  of  character  than  men. 
Madame  de  Bourrienne,  knowing  the  intimacy  which  sub- 
sisted between  us,  preserved  some  notes  which  she  made 
upon  Bonaparte,  and  the  circumstances  which  struck  her 
as  most  remarkable,  during  her  early  connection  with 
him.  My  wife  did  not  entertain  so  favourable  an  opinion 
of  him  as  I  did  ;  the  warm  friendship  I  cherished  for  him 
probably  blinded  me  to  his  faults.  I  subjoin  Madame  de 
Bourrienne's  notes,  word  for  word. 

On  the  day  after  our  second  return  from  Germany,  which  was  in 
May  1795,  we  met  Bonaparte  in  the  Palais  Royal,  near  a  shop  kept 
by  a  man  named  Girardin.  Bonaparte  embraced  Bourrienne  as  a 
friend  whom  he  loved  and  was  glad  to  see.  We  went  that  evening 
to  the  Theatre  Frangais.  The  performance  consisted  of  a  tragedy, 
and  Le  Sourd,  ou  I'Auberge  pleine.  During  the  latter  piece  the  au- 
dience was  convulsed  with  laughter.  The  part  of  Dasnieres  was  rep- 
resented by  Batiste  the  younger,  and  it  was  never  played  better. 
The  bursts  of  laughter  were  so  loud  and  frequent  that  the  actor  was 
several  times  obliged  to  stop  in  the  midst  of  his  part.  Bonaparte 
alone  (and  it  struck  me  as  being  very  extraordinary)  was  silent,  and 

which  supports  the  probability  of  such  a  remark,  and  certainly  there  is  nothing  ill 
his  note  to  warrant  the  inference  of  his  having  made  it. — Sourrlenne, 

VOL.  I.— 3 


84          MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1794* 

coldly  insensible  to  the  humour  which  was  so  irresistibly  diverting  to 
every  one  else.  I  remarked  at  this  period  that  his  character  was  re- 
served, and  frequently  gloomy.  His  smile  was  hypocritical,  and 
often  misplaced  ;  and  I  recollect  that  a  few  days  after  our  return 
he  gave  us  one  of  those  specimens  of  savage  hilarity  which  I  greatly 
disliked,  and  which  prepossessed  me  against  him.  He  was  telling 
us  that,  being  before  Toulon,  where  he  commanded  the  artillery, 
one  of  his  officers  was  visited  by  his  wife,  to  whom  he  had  been  but 
*  short  time  married,  and  whom  he  tenderly  loved.  A  few  days 
after,  orders  were  given  for  another  attack  upon  the  town,  in  which 
this  officer  was  to  be  engaged.  His  wife  came  to  General  Bonaparte, 
and  with  tears  entreated  him  to  dispense  with  her  husband's  ser- 
vices that  day.  The  General  was  inexorable,  as  he  himself  told  us, 
with  a  sort  of  savage  exultation.  The  moment  for  the  attack  ar- 
rived, and  the  officer,  though  a  very  brave  man,  as  Bonaparte  him- 
self assured  us,  felt  a  presentiment  of  his  approaching  death.  He 
turned  pale  and  trembled.  He  was  stationed  beside  the  General, 
and  during  an  interval  when  the  firing  from  the  town  was  very 
heavy,  Bonaparte  called  out  to  him,  "Take  care,  there  is  a  shell 
coming  !  "  The  officer,  instead  of  moving  to  one  side,  stooped  down, 
and  was  literally  severed  in  two.  Bonaparte  laughed  loudly  while 
he  described  the  event  with  horrible  minuteness. 

At  this  time  we  saw  him  almost  every  day.  He  frequently  came 
to  dine  with  us.  As  there  was  a  scarcity  of  bread,  and  sometimes 
only  two  ounces  per  head  daily  were  distributed  in  the  section,  it 
was  customary  to  request  one's  guests  to  bring  their  own  bread,  as 
it  could  not  be  procured  for  money.  Bonaparte  and  his  brother 
Louis  (a  mild,  agreeable  young  man,  who  was  the  General's  aide  de 
camp)  used  to  bring  with  them  their  ration  bread,  which  was  black, 
and  mixed  with  bran.  I  was  sorry  to  observe  that  all  this  bad  bread 
fell  to  the  share  of  the  poor  aide  de  camp,  for  we  provided  the  Gen- 
eral with  a  finer  kind,  which  was  made  clandestinely  by  a  pastry- 
cook, from  flour  which  we  contrived  to  smuggle  from  Sens,  where 
my  husband  had  some  farms.  Had  we  been  denounced,  the  affair 
might  have  cost  us  our  heads. 

We  spent  six  weeks  in  Paris,  and  we  went  frequently  with  Bona- 
parte to  the  theatres,  and  to  the  fine  concerts  given  by  Garat  in  the 
Rue  St.  Marc.  These  were  the  first  brilliant  entertainments  that 
took  place  after  the  death  of  Robespierre.  There  was  always  some- 
thing original  in  Bonaparte's  behaviour,  for  he  often  slipped  away 
from  us  without  saying  a  word ;  and  when  we  were  supposing  ha 
had  left  the  theatre,  we  would  suddenly  discover  him  in  the  second 
or  third  tier,  sitting  alone  in  a  box,  and  looking  rather  sulky. 


1795.  INDIFFERENCE  OF  BONAPARTE.  35 

Before  our  departure  for  Sens,  where  my  husband's  family  reside, 
and  which  was  fixed  upon  for  the  place  of  my  first  accouchement,  we 
looked  out  for  more  agreeable  apartments  than  we  had  in  the  Rue 
Grenier  St.  Lazare,  which  we  only  had  temporarily.  Bonaparte  used 
to  assist  us  in  our  researches.  At  last  we  took  the  first  floor  of  a 
handsome  new  house,  No.  19  Rue  des  Marais.  Bonaparte,  who 
wished  to  stop  in  Paris,  went  to  look  at  a  house  opposite  to  ours. 
He  had  thoughts  of  taking  it  for  himself,  his  uncle  Fesch  (after- 
wards Cardinal  Fesch),  and  a  gentleman  named  Patrauld,  formerly 
one  of  his  masters  at  the  Military  School.  One  day  he  said,  "  With 
that  house  over  there,  my  friends  in  it,  and  a  cabriolet,  I  shall  be 
the  happiest  fellow  in  the  world." 

We  soon  after  left  town  for  Sens.  The  house  was  not  taken  by 
him,  for  other  and  great  affairs  were  preparing.  During  the  interval 
between  our  departure  and  the  fatal  day  of  Vendemiaire  several 
letters  passed  between  him  and  his  school  companion.  These  let- 
ters were  of  the  most  amiable  and  affectionate  description.  They 
have  been  stolen.  On  our  return,  in  November  of  the  same  year, 
everything  was  changed.  The  college  friend  was  now  a  great  per- 
sonage. He  had  got  the  command  of  Paris  in  return  for  his  share 
in  the  events  of  Vend6miaire.  Instead  of  a  small  house  in  the  Rue 
des  Marais,  he  occupied  a  splendid  hotel  in  the  Rue  des  Capucines  ; 
the  modest  cabriolet  was  converted  into  a  superb  equipage,  and  the 
man  himself  was  no  longer  the  same.  But  the  friends  of  his  youth 
were  still  received  when  they  made  their  morning  calls.  They  were 
invited  to  grand  dejeuners,  which  were  sometimes  attended  by  ladies ; 
and,  among  others,  by  the  beautiful  Madame  Tallien  and  her  friend 
the  amiable  Madame  de  Beauharnais,  to  whom  Bonaparte  had  be- 
gun to  pay  attention.  He  cared  little  for  his  friends,  and  ceased  to 
address  them  in  the  style  of  familiar  equality. 

After  the  13th  of  Vendemiaire  M.  de  Bourrienne  saw  Bonaparte 
only  at  distant  periods.  In  the  month  of  February  1796  my  hus- 
band was  arrested,  at  seven  in  the  morning,  by  a  party  of  men, 
armed  with  muskets,  on  the  charge  of  being  a  returned  emigrant. 
He  was  torn  from  his  wife  and  his  child,  only  six  months  old,  being 
barely  allowed  time  to  dress  himself.  I  followed  him.  They  con- 
veyed him  to  the  guard-house  of  the  Section,  and  thence  I  know  not 
whither  ;  and,  finally,  in  the  evening,  they  placed  him  in  the  lock- 
up-house of  the  prefecture  of  police,  which,  I  believe,  is  now  called 
the  central  bureau.  There  he  passed  two  nights  and  a  day,  among 
men  of  the  lowest  description,  some  of  whom  were  even  malefactors. 
I  and  his  friends  ran  about  everywhere,  trying  to  find  somebody  to 
rescue  him,  and,  among  the  rest,  Bonaparte  was  applied  to.  It  wa« 


36  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1704, 

with  great  difficulty  he  could  be  seen.  Accompanied  by  one  of  my 
husband's  friends,  I  waited  for  the  Commandant  of  Paris  until 
midnight,  but  he  did  not  come  home.  Next  morning  I  returned  at 
an  early  hour,  and  found  him.  I  stated  what  had  happened  to  my 
husband,  whose  life  was  then  at  stake.  He  appeared  to  feel  very 
little  for  the  situation  of  his  friend,  but,  however,  determined  to 
write  to  Merlin,  the  Minister  of  Justice.  I  carried  the  letter  accord- 
ing to  its  address,  and  met  the  Minister  as  he  was  coming  downstairs, 
on  his  way  to  the  Directory.  Being  in  grand  costume,  he  wore  a 
Henri  IV.  hat,  surmounted  with  a  multitude  of  plumes,  a  dress 
which  formed  a  singular  contrast  with  his  person.  He  opened  the 
letter  ;  and  whether  it  was  that  he  cared  as  little  for  the  General  as 
for  the  cause  of  M.  de  Bourrienne's  arrest,  he  replied  that  the  mat- 
ter was  no  longer  in  his  hands,  and  that  it  was  now  under  the  cog- 
nisance of  the  public  administrators  of  the  laws.  The  Minister  then 
stepped  into  his  carriage,  and  the  writer  was  conducted  to  several 
offices  in  his  hotel.  She  passed  through  them  with  a  broken  heart, 
for  she  met  with  none  but  harsh  men,  who  told  her  that  the  pris- 
oner deserved  death.  From  them  she  learned  that  on  the  follow- 
ing day  he  would  be  brought  before  the  judge  of  the  peace  for  his 
Section,  who  would  decide  whether  there  was  ground  for  putting 
him  on  his  trial.  In  fact,  this  proceeding  took  place  next  day.  He 
was  conveyed  to  the  house  of  the  judge  of  the  peace  for  the  Section 
of  Bondy,  Rue  Grange-aux-Belles,  whose  name  was  Lemaire.  His 
countenance  was  mild  ;  and  though  his  manner  was  cold,  he  had 
none  of  the  harshness  and  ferocity  common  to  the  Government 
agents  of  that  time.  His  examination  of  the  charge  was  long,  and 
he  several  times  shook  his  head.  The  moment  of  decision  had  ar- 
rived, and  everything  seemed  to  indicate  that  the  termination  would 
be  to  place  the  prisoner  under  accusation.  At  seven  o'clock  he  de- 
sired me  to  be  called.  I  hastened  to  him,  and  beheld  a  most  heart- 
rending scene.  BourrSenne  was  suffering  under  a  haemorrhage, 
which  had  continued  since  two  o'clock,  and  had  interrupted  the  ex- 
amination. The  judge  of  the  peace,  who  looked  sad,  sat  with  his 
head  resting  on  his  hand.  I  threw  myself  at  his  feet,  and  implored 
his  clemency.  The  wife  and  the  two  daughters  of  the  judge  visited 
this  scene  of  sorrow,  and  assisted  me  in  softening  him.  He  was  a 
worthy  and  feeling  man,  a  good  husband  and  parent,  and  it  was 
evident  that  he  struggled  between  compassion  and  duty.  He  kept 
referring  to  the  laws  on  the  subject,  and,  after  long  researches  said 
to  me,  "To-morrow  is  Decadi,  and  no  proceedings  can  take  place 
on  that  day.  Find,  madame,  two  responsible  persons,  who  will  an- 
swer for  the  appearance  of  your  husband,  and  I  will  permit  him  tA 


1785.  THE  NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  87 

go  home  with  you,  accompanied  by  the  two  guardians."  Next  day 
two  friends  were  found,  one  of  whom  was  M.  Desmaisons,  counsel- 
lor of  the  court,  who  became  bail  for  M.  de  Bourrienne.  He  con- 
tinued under  these  guardians  six  months,  until  a  law  compelled  the 
persons  who  were  inscribed  on  the  fatal  list  to  remove  to  the  dis- 
tance of  ten  leagues  from  Paris.  One  of  the  guardians  was  a  man 
of  straw  ;  the  other  was  a  knight  of  St.  Louis.  The  former  was 
left  in  the  antechamber ;  the  latter  made,  every  evening,  one  of 
our  party  at  cards.  The  family  of  M.  de  Bourrienne  have  always 
felt  the  warmest  gratitude  to  the  judge  of  the  peace  and  his  family. 
That  worthy  man  saved  the  life  of  M.  de  Bourrienne,  who,  when 
he  returned  from  Egypt,  and  had  it  in  his  power  to  do  him  some 
service,  hastened  to  his  house  ;  but  the  good  judge  was  no  more  ! 

The  letters  mentioned  in  the  narrative  were  at  this  time 
stolen  from  me  by  the  police  officers. 

Everyone  was  now  eager  to  pay  court  to  a  man  who  had 
risen  from  the  crowd  in  consequence  of  the  part  he  had 
acted  at  an  extraordinary  crisis,  and  who  was  spoken  of 
as  the  future  General  of  the  Army  of  Italy.  It  was  ex- 
pected that  he  would  be  gratified,  as  he  really  was,  by  the 
restoration  of  some  letters  which  contained  the  expression 
of  his  former  very  modest  wishes,  called  to  recollection  his 
unpleasant  situation,  his  limited  ambition,  his  pretended 
aversion  for  public  employment,  and  finally  exhibited  his 
intimate  relations  with  those  who  were,  without  hesitation, 
characterised  as  emigrants,  to  be  afterwards  made  the  vic- 
tims of  confiscation  and  death. 

The  13th  of  Vendemiaire  (5th  October  1795)  was  ap- 
proaching. The  National  Convention  had  been  painfully 
delivered  of  a  new  constitution,  called,  from  the  epoch  of 
its  birth,  "  the  Constitution  of  Year  IH."  It  was  adopted 
on  the  22d  of  August  1795.  The  provident  legislators  did 
not  forget  themselves.  They  stipulated  that  two-thirds 
of  their  body  should  form  part  of  the  new  legislature. 
The  party  opposed  to  the  Convention  hoped,  on  the  con- 
trary, that,  by  a  general  election,  a  majority  would  be  ob- 
tained for  its  opinion.  That  opinion  was  against  the  con- 


38  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1794- 

tinuation  of  power  in  the  hands  of  men  who  had  already 
so  greatly  abused  it.  The  same  opinion  was  also  enter- 
tained by  a  great  part  of  the  most  influential  Sections  of 
Paris,  both  as  to  the  possession  of  property  and  talent. 
These  Sections  declared  that,  in  accepting  the  new  con- 
stitution, they  rejected  the  decree  of  the  30th  of  August, 
which  required  the  re-election  of  two-thirds.  The  Conven- 
tion, therefore,  found  itself  menaced  in  what  it  held  most 
dear — its  power, — and  accordingly  resorted  to  measures 
of  defence.  A  declaration  was  put  forth,  stating  that  the 
Convention,  if  attacked,  would  remove  to  Chalons-sur- 
Marne  ;  and  the  commanders  of  the  armed  force  were 
called  upon  to  defend  that  body. 

The  5th  of  October,  the  day  on  which  the  Sections  of 
Paris  attacked  the  Convention,  is  certainly  one  which 
ought  to  be  marked  in  the  wonderful  destiny  of  Bonaparte. 
"With  the  events  of  that  day  were  linked,  as  cause  and 
effect,  many  great  political  convulsions  of  Europe.  The 
blood  which  flowed  ripened  the  seeds  of  the  youthful 
General's  ambition.  It  must  be  admitted  that  the  history 
of  past  ages  presents  few  periods  full  of  such  extraordinary 
events  as  the  years  included  between  1795  and  1815.  The 
man  whose  name  serves,  in  some  measure,  as  a  recapitu- 
lation of  all  these  great  events  was  entitled  to  believe 
himself  immortal. 

Living  retired  at  Sens  since  the  month  of  July,  I  only 
learned  what  had  occasioned  the  insurrection  of  the  Sec- 
tions from  public  report  and  the  journals.  I  cannot, 
therefore,  say  what  part  Bonaparte  may  have  taken  in  the 
intrigues  which  preceded  that  day.  He  was  officially 
characterised  only  as  secondary  actor  in  the  scene.  The 
account  of  the  affair  which  was  published  announces  that 
Barras  was,  on  that  very  day,  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
Army  of  the  Interior,  and  Bonaparte  second  in  command. 
Bonaparte  drew  up  that  account.  The  whole  of  the  man- 
uscript was  in  his  handwriting,  and  it  exhibits  all  the 


1795.  BONAPARTE'S  NARRATIVE  OF  THE  DEFENCE.  39 

peculiarity  of  his  style  and  orthography.  He  sent  me  a 
copy. 

Those  who  read  the  bulletin  of  the  13th  Vendemiaire, 
cannot  fail  to  observe  the  care  which  Bonaparte  took  to 
cast  the  reproach  of  shedding  the  first  blood  on  the  men 
he  calls  rebels.  He  made  a  great  point  of  representing 
his  adversaries  as  the  aggressors.  It  is  certain  he  long 
regretted  that  day.  He  often  told  me  that  he  would  give 
years  of  his  life  to  blot  it  out  from  the  page  of  his  history. 
He  was  convinced  that  the  people  of  Paris  were  dreadfully 
irritated  against  him,  and  he  would  have  been  glad  if 
Barras  had  never  made  that  speech  in  the  Convention,  with 
the  part  of  which,  complimentary  to  himself,  he  was  at 
the  time  so  well  pleased.  Barras  said,  "  It  is  to  his  able 
and  prompt  dispositions  that  we  are  indebted  for  the 
defence  of  this  assembly,  around  which  he  had  posted  the 
troops  with  so  much  skill."  This  is  perfectly  true,  but  it 
is  not  always  agreeable  that  every  truth  should  be  told. 
Being  out  of  Paris,  and  a  total  stranger  to  this  affair,  I 
know  not  how  far  he  was  indebted  for  his  success  to  chance, 
or  to  his  own  exertions,  in  the  part  assigned  to  him  by 
the  miserable  Government  which  then  oppressed  France. 
He  represented  himself  only  as  secondary  actor  in  this 
sanguinary  scene  in  which  Barras  made  him  his  associate. 
He  sent  to  me,  as  already  mentioned,  an  account  of  the 
transaction,  written  entirely  in  his  own  hand,  and  dis- 
tinguished by  all  the  peculiarities  of  his  style  and 
orthography.1 

"  On  the  13th,"  says  Bonaparte,  "  at  five  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  the  representative  of  the  people,  Barras,  was 
appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Army  of  the  Inter- 
ior, and  General  Bonaparte  was  nominated  second  in 
command. 

1  Joseph  Bonaparte,  in  a  note  on  this  passage,  insinuates  that  the  account  of  the 
13th  Vendemiaire  was  never  sent  to  Sens,  but  was  abstracted  by  Bourrienne,  with 
other  documents,  from  Napoleon's  cabinet  (Erreurt,  tome  i.  p.  230). 


40  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1794- 

"  The  artillery  for  service  on  the  frontier  was  still  at  the 
camp  of  Sablons,  guarded  solely  by  150  men  ;  the  remain- 
der was  at  Marly  with  200  men.  The  depot  of  Meudon 
was  left  unprotected.  There  were  at  the  Feuillans  only 
a  few  four-pounders  without  artillerymen,  and  but  80,000 
cartridges.  The  victualling  depots  were  dispersed 
throughout  Paris.  In  many  Sections  the  drums  beat  to 
arms  ;  the  Section  of  the  Theatre  Franyais  had  advanced 
posts  even  as  far  as  the  Pont  Neuf,  which  it  had  barricaded. 

"  General  Barras  ordered  the  artillery  to  move  immedi- 
ately from  the  camp  of  Sablons  to  the  Tuileries,  and 
selected  the  artillerymen  from  the  battalions  of  the  89th 
regiment,  and  from  the  gendarmerie,  and  placed  them  at 
the  Palace  ;  sent  to  Meudon  200  men  of  the  police  legion 
whom  he  brought  from  Versailles,  50  cavalry,  and  two 
companies  of  veterans ;  he  ordered  the  property  which 
was  at  Marly  to  be  conveyed  to  Meudon  ;  caused  car- 
tridges to  be  brought  there,  and  established  a  workshop 
at  that  place  for  the  manufacture  of  more.  He  secured 
means  for  the  subsistence  of  the  army  and  of  the  Conven- 
tion for  many  days,  independently  of  the  depots  which 
were  in  the  Sections. 

"  General  Verdier,  who  commanded  at  the  Palais  Na- 
tional, exhibited  great  coolness  ;  he  was  required  not  to 
suffer  a  shot  to  be  fired  till  the  last  extremity.  In  the 
meantime  reports  reached  him  from  all  quarters  acquaint- 
ing him  that  the  Sections  were  assembled  in  arms,  and 
had  formed  their  columns.  He  accordingly  arrayed  his 
troops  so  as  to  defend  the  Convention,  and  his  artillery 
was  in  readiness  to  repulse  the  rebels.  His  cannon  was 
planted  at  the  Feuillans  to  fire  down  the  Rue  Honore. 
Eight-pounders  were  pointed  at  every  opening,  and  in  the 
event  of  any  mishap,  General  Verdier  had  cannon  in 
reserve  to  fire  in  flank  upon  the  column  which  should 
have  forced  a  passage.  He  left  in  the  Carrousel  three 
howitzers  (eight-pounders)  to  batter  down  the  houses 


7  795.  BONAPARTE'S  NARRATIVE  OF  THE  DEFENCE.  41 


from  which  the  Convention  might  be  fired  upon.  At  four 
o'clock  the  rebel  columns  marched  out  from  every  street 
to  unite  their  forces.  It  was  necessary  to  take  advantage 
of  this  critical  moment  to  attack  the  insurgents,  even  had 
they  been  regular  troops.  But  the  blood  about  to  flow 
was  French  ;  it  was  therefore  for  these  misguided  people, 
already  guilty  of  rebellion,  to  embrue  their  hands  in  the 
blood  of  their  countrymen  by  striking  the  first  blow. 

"At  a  quarter  before  five  o'clock  the  insurgents  had 
formed.  The  attack  was  commenced  by  them  on  all 
sides.  They  were  everywhere  routed.  French  blood  was 
spilled :  the  crime,  as  well  as  the  disgrace,  fell  this  day 
upon  the  Sections. 

"  Among  the  dead  were  everywhere  to  be  recognized 
emigrants,  landowners,  and  nobles ;  the  prisoners  con- 
sisted for  the  most  part  of  the  chouans  of  Chare tte. 

"  Nevertheless  the  Sections  did  not  consider  themselves 
beaten :  they  took  refuge  in  the  church  of  St.  Roch,  in 
the  theatre  of  the  Republic,  and  in  the  Palais  figalite; 
and  everywhere  they  were  heard  furiously  exciting  the 
inhabitants  to  arms.  To  spare  the  blood  which  would 
have  been  shed  the  next  day  it  was  necessary  that  no  time 
should  be  given  them  to  rally,  but  to  follow  them  with 
vigour,  though  without  incurring  fresh  hazards.  The 
General  ordered  Montchoisy,  who  commanded  a  reserve 
at  the  Place  de  la  Revolution,  to  form  a  column  with  two 
twelve-pounders,  to  march  by  the  Boulevard  in  order  to 
turn  the  Place  Vendome,  to  form  a  junction  with  the 
picket  stationed  at  headquarters,  and  to  return  in  the 
same  order  of  column. 

"General  Brune,  with  two  howitzers,  deployed  in  the 
streets  of  St.  Nicaise  and  St.  Honore.  General  Cartaux 
sent  two  hundred  men  and  a  four-pounder  of  his  division 
by  the  Rue  St.  Thomas-du-Louvre  to  debouch  in  the 
square  of  the  Palais  figalite.  General  Bonaparte,  who 
had  hig  horse  killed  under  him,  repaired  to  the  Feuillans. 


42  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1794 


"The  columns  began  to  move.  St.  Koch  and  the 
theatre  of  the  Republic  were  taken  by  assault,  when  the 
rebels  abandoned  them,  and  retreated  to  the  upper  part 
of  the  Rue  de  la  Loi,  and  barricaded  themselves  on  all 
sides.  Patrols  were  sent  thither,  and  several  cannon- 
shots  were  fired  during  the  night,  in  order  to  prevent 
them  from  throwing  up  defences,  which  object  was  effec- 
tually accomplished. 

"At  daybreak,  the  General  having  learned  that  some 
students  from  the  St.  Genevieve  side  of  the  river  were 
marching  with  two  pieces  of  cannon  to  succour  the 
rebels,  sent  a  detachment  of  dragoons  in  pursuit  of  them, 
who  seized  the  cannon  and  conducted  them  to  the  Tuil- 
eries.  The  enfeebled  Sections,  however,  still  showed  a 
front.  They  had  barricaded  the  Section  of  Grenelle,  and 
placed  their  cannon  in  the  principal  streets.  At  nine 
o'clock  General  Beruyer  hastened  to  form  his  division  in 
battle  array  in  the  Place  Vendome,  marched  with  two 
eight-pounders  to  the  Rue  des  Vieux-Augustins,  and 
pointed  them  in  the  direction  of  the  Section  Le  Pelletier. 
General  Vachet,  with  a  corps  of  tirailleurs,  marched  on 
his  right,  ready  to  advance  to  the  Place  Victoire.  General 
Brune  marched  to  the  Perron,  and  planted  two  howitzers 
at  the  upper  end  of  the  Rue  Vivienne.  General  Duvigier, 
with  his  column  of  six  hundred  men,  and  two  twelve- 
pounders,  advanced  to  the  streets  of  St.  Roch  and  Mont- 
martre.  The  Sections  lost  courage  with  the  apprehension 
of  seeing  their  retreat  cut  off,  and  evacuated  the  post  at 
the  sight  of  our  soldiers,  forgetting  the  honour  of  the 
French  name  which  they  had  to  support.  The  Section  of 
Brutus  still  caused  some  uneasiness.  The  wife  of  a 
representative  had  been  arrested  there.  General  Duvigier 
was  ordered  to  proceed  along  the  Boulevard  as  far  as  the 
Rue  Poissonniere.  General  Beruyer  took  up  a  position 
at  the  Place  Victoire,  and  General  Bonaparte  occupied 
the  Pont-au-Change. 


1793.  MANUSGRIT  DE  SAINTE  HELENE.  43 

"The  Section  of  Brutus  "was  surrounded,  and  the 
troops  advanced  upon  the  Place  de  Greve,  where  the 
crowd  poured  in  from  the  Isle  St.  Louis,  from  the  The- 
atre Fran^ais,  and  from  the  Palace.  Everywhere  the  pa- 
triots had  regained  their  courage,  while  the  poniards  of 
the  emigrants,  arme  1  against  us,  had  disappeared.  The 
people  universally  admitted  their  error. 

"  The  next  day  the  two  Sections  of  Le  Pelletier  and  the 
Theatre  Francais  were  disarmed." 

The  result  of  this  petty  civil  war  brought  Bonaparte  for- 
ward ;  but  the  party  he  defeated  at  that  period  never  par- 
doned him  for  the  past,  and  that  which  he  supported 
dreaded  him  in  the  future.  Five  years  after  he  will  be 
found  reviving  the  principles  which  he  combated  on  the 
5th  of  October  1795.  On  being  appointed,  on  the  motion 
of  Barras,  Lieutenant-General  of  the  Army  of  the  Interior, 
he  established  his  headquarters  in  the  Rue  Neuve  des  Ca- 
pucines.  The  statement  in  the  Manuscrit  de  Sainte  Helene, 
that  after  the  13th  Brumaire  he  remained  unemployed  at 
Paris,  is  therefore  obviously  erroneous.  So  far  from  this, 
he  was  incessantly  occupied  with  the  policy  of  the  nation, 
and  with  his  own  fortunes.  Bonaparte  was  in  constant, 
almost  daily,  communication  with  every  one  then  in 
power,  and  knew  how  to  profit  by  all  he  saw  or  heard. 

To  avoid  returning  to  this  Manuscrit  de  Sainte  Helbne, 
which  at  the  period  of  its  appearance  attracted  more 
attention  than  it  deserved,  and  which  was  very  generally 
attributed  to  Bonaparte,  I  shall  here  say  a  few  wordt 
respecting  it.  I  shall  briefly  repeat  what  I  said  in  a  note 
when  my  opinion  was  asked,  under  high  authority,  by  a 
minister  of  Louis  XYTTT. 

No  reader  intimately  acquainted  with  public  affairs  can 
be  deceived  by  the  pretended  authenticity  of  this  pam- 
phlet. What  does  it  contain  ?  Facts  perverted  and 
heaped  together  without  method,  and  related  in  an  ob- 
scure, affected,  and  ridiculously  sententious  style.  B«- 


44         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.     1794-95. 

sides  what  appears  in  it,  but  which  is  badly  placed  there, 
it  is  impossible  not  to  remark  the  omission  of  what  should 
necessarily  be  there,  were  Napoleon  the  author.  It  is  full 
of  absurd  and  of  insignificant  gossip,  of  thoughts  Napoleon 
never  had,  expressions  unknown  to  him,  and  affectations 
far  removed  from  his  character.  With  some  elevated 
ideas,  more  than  one  style  and  an  equivocal  spirit  can  be 
seen  in  it.  Professed  coincidences  are  put  close  to  un- 
pardonable anachronisms,  and  to  the  most  absurd  revela- 
tions. It  contains  neither  his  thoughts,  his  style,  his  ac- 
tions, nor  his  life.  Some  truths  are  mixed  up  with  an 
inconceivable  mass  of  falsehoods.  Some  forms  of  expres- 
sion used  by  Bonaparte  are  occasionally  met  with,  but 
they  are  awkwardly  introduced,  and  often  with  bad  taste.1 
It  has  been  reported  that  the  pamphlet  was  written  by 
M.  Bertrand,  formerly  an  officer  of  the  army  of  the  Vis- 
tula, and  a  relation  of  the  Comte  de  Simeon,  peer  of 
France. 

1  Manuscrit  venu  de  Sainte  H&lene  cCune  mantere  inconnue,  London,  Murray ; 
Bruxelles,  De  Mat,  20  Avril  1817.  This  work  merits  a  note.  Metternich  (TO!,  i. 
pp.  312-13)  says,  "  At  the  time  when  it  appeared  the  manuscript  of  St.  Helena  made 
a  great  impression  upon  Europe.  This  pamphlet  was  generally  regarded  as  a  pre- 
cursor of  the  memoirs  which  Napoleon  was  thought  to  be  writing  in  his  place  of 
exile.  The  report  soon  spread  that  the  work  was  conceived  and  executed  by 
Madame  de  Stael.  Madame  de  Stae'l,  for  her  part,  attributed  it  to  Benjamin  Con- 
stant, from  whom  she  was  at  this  time  separated  by  some  disagreement.  Afterwards 
it  came  to  be  known  that  the  author  was  the  Marquis  Lullin  de  Chateauvieux,  a 
man  in  society,  whom  no  one  had  suspected  of  being  able  to  hold  m  pen."  Jomini 
(tome  i.  p.  6  note)  says,  "  It  will  be  remarked  that  in  the  course  of  this  work  [his 
Life  of  Napoleon]  the  author  has  used  some  fifty  pages  of  the  pretended  ManuscrU 
de  Sainte  JJelene.  Parfrom  wishing  to  commit  a  plagiarism,  he  considers  he  onghtto 
render  this  homage  to  a  clever  and  original  work,  several  false  points  of  view  in 
which,  however,  he  has  combated.  It  would  have  been  easy  for  him  to  rewrite  these 
pages  in  other  terms,  but  they  appeared  to  him  to  be  so  well  suited  to  the  character 
of  Napoleon  that  he  has  preferred  to  preserve  them."  In  the  will  of  Napoleon 
occurs  (see  end  of  this  work)  :  "  I  disavow  the  bfanuserit  de  Sainte  Helene,  and  the 
other  works  under  the  title  of  Jfaxtms,  Sentences,  etc.,  which  they  have  been 
pleased  to  publish  during  the  last  six  years.  Such  rules  are  not  thoee  which  have 
guided  my  life."  This  manuscript  must  not  be  confused  with  the  Manorial  of 
Saint  Helena. 


1795-97.  .  45 


CHAPTER    IV. 
1795-1797. 

On  my  return  to  Paris  I  meet  Bonaparte — His  interview  with  Josephine 
— Bonaparte's  marriage,  and  departure  from  Paris  ten  days  after — 
Portrait  and  character  of  Josephine — Bonaparte's  dislike  of  national 
property — Letter  to  Josephine — Letter  of  General  Colli,  and  Bona- 
parte's reply — Bonaparte  refuses  to  serve  with  Kellerman — Marmont's 
letters — Bonaparte's  order  to  me  to  join  the  army — My  departure  from 
Sens  for  Italy — Insurrection  of  the  Venetian  States. 

AFTER  the  13th  Vendemiaire  I  returned  to  Paris  from 
Sens.  During  the  short  time  I  stopped  there  I  saw  Bona- 
parte less  frequently  than  formerly.  I  had,  however,  no 
reason  to  attribute  this  to  anything  but  the  pressure  of 
public  business  with  which  he  was  now  occupied.  When 
I  did  meet  him  it  was  most  commonly  at  breakfast  or 
dinner.  One  day  he  called  my  attention  to  a  young  lady 
who  sat  opposite  to  him,  and  asked  what  I  thought  of  her. 
The  way  in  which  I  answered  his  question  appeared  to  give 
him  much  pleasure.  He  then  talked  a  great  deal  to  me  about 
her,  her  family,  and  her  amiable  qualities  ;  he  told  me  that 
he  should  probably  marry  her,  as  he  was  convinced  that 
the  union  would  make  him  happy.  I  also  gathered  from 
his  conversation  that  his  marriage  with  the  young  widow 
would  probably  assist  him  in  gaining  the  objects  of  his 
ambition.  His  constantly-increasing  influence  with  her 
had  already  brought  him  into  contact  with  the  most  influen- 
tial persons  of  that  epoch.  He  remained  in  Paris  only  ten 
days  after  his  marriage,  which  took  place  on  the  9th  of 
March  1796.1  It  was  a  union  in  which  great  harmony 

1  Bonaparte's  first  interview  with  Josephine,  and  the  circumstance  which,  gave 
rise  to  it,  are  thus  described  in  the  Menioireg  de  Constant : — 

"  Eugene  was  not  more  than  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  of  age  when  he  ventured  to 


40  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1795- 


prevailed,  notwithstanding  occasional  slight  disagreements. 
Bonaparte  never,  to  my  knowledge,  caused  annoyance  to 
his  wife.  Madame  Bonaparte  possessed  personal  graces 
and  many  good  qualities.1  I  am  convinced  that  all  who 

introduce  himself  to  General  Bonaparte,  for  the  purpose  of  soliciting  his  father's 
sword,  of  which  he  understood  the  General  had  become  possessed.  The  countenance, 
air,  and  frank  manner  of  Eugene  pleased  Bonaparte,  and  he  immediately  granted 
him  the  boon  he  sought.  As  soon  as  the  sword  was  placed  in  the  boy's  hands  he 
burst  into  tears,  and  kissed  it.  This  feeling  of  affection  for  his  father's  memory,  and 
the  natural  manner  in  which  it  was  evinced,  increased  the  interest  of  Bonaparte  in 
his  young  visitor.  Madame  de  Beauharnais,  on  learning  the  kind  reception  which 
the  General  had  given  her  son,  thought  it  her  duty  to  call  and  thank  him.  Bona- 
parte \vas  much  pleased  with  Josephine  on  this  first  interview,  and  he  returned  her 
visit.  The  acquaintance  thus  commenced  speedily  led  to  their  marriage." 

This  anecdote  is  related  in  nearly  the  same  terms  in  A  Voice  from  St.  Helena. 
The  story  seems  unlikely,  however,  as  there  was  no  disarmament  after  the  13th 
Vendtimiaire,  and  Josephine,  as  a  friend  of  Barras,  would  have  been  safe  from  any 
domiciliary  visit ;  moreover,  Bonaparte  himself,  at  St.  Helena,  says  that  he  first  met 
Josephine  at  Barras'  (see  lung's  BoiMparte,  tome  iii.  p.  116). 

1  "  Neither  of  his  wives  had  ever  anything  to  complain  of  from  Napoleon's  per- 
sonal manners"  (Metternich,  vol.  i.  p.  279). 

Madame  de  Remusat,  who,  to  paraphrase  Thierg'  Baying  on  Bourrienne  himself,  is 
a  trustworthy  witness,  for  if  she  received  benefits  from  Napoleon  they  did  not  weigh 
on  her,  says,  "However,  Napoleon  had  some  affection  for  his  first  wife;  and,  in 
fact,  if  he  has  at  any  time  been  touched,  no  doubt  it  has  been  only  for  her  and  by 
her"  (tome  i.  p.  113).  "Bonaparte  was  young  when  he  first  knew  Madame  de 
Boauharnais.  In  the  circle  where  he  met  her  she  had  a  great  superiority  by  the 
name  she  bore  and  by  the  extreme  elegance  of  her  manners.  ...  In  marrying 
Madame  de  Beauharnais..  Boi,aparte  believed  he  was  allying  himself  to  a  very  grand 
lady  ;  thus  this  was  one  more  conquest"  (p.  114).  But  in  speaking  of  Josephine's 
complaints  to  Napoleon  of  his  love  affairs,  Mndame  de  Remusat  says,  "  Her  husband 
sometimes  answered  by  violences,  the  excess  of  which  I  do  not  dare  to  detail,  until 
the  moment  when,  his  new  fancy  having  suddenly  passed,  he  felt  his  tenderness  for 
his  wife  again  renewed.  Then  he  wns  touched  by  her  sufferings,  replaced  his  insults 
by  caresses  which  were  hardly  more  measured  than  his  violences,  and,  as  she  was 
gentle  and  untenacious,  she  fell  back  into  her  feeling  of  security  "  (p.  206). 

Miot  de  Melito,  who  was  a  follower  of  Joseph  Bonaparte,  says,  "  No  woman  has 
united  ao  much  kindness  to  so  much  natural  grace,  or  has  done  more  good  with  more 
pleasure  than  she  did.  She  honoured  me  with  her  friendship,  and  the  remembrance 
of  the  benevolence  she  has  shown  me,  to  the  last  moment  of  her  too  short  existence, 
will  never  be  effaced  from  my  heart"  (tome  i.  pp.  101-2). 

Meneval,  the  successor  of  Bourrienne  in  his  place  of  secretary  to  Napoleon,  and 
who  remained  attached  to  the  Emperor  until  the  end,  says  of  Josephine  (tome  i.  p 
227),  "  Josephine  was  irresistibly  attractive.  Her  beauty  was  not  regular,  but  she 
had  La  grAce,  plus  belle  encore  que  la  beaute,  according  to  the  good  La  Fontaine. 
She  had  the  soft  abandonment,  the  supple  and  elegant  movements,  and  the  graceful 
carelessness  of  the  Creoles.*  Her  temper  was  always  the  same.  She  WBS  gentle  and 


*  The  reader  must  remember  that  the  term  "  Creole  "  does  not  imply  any  taint  of 
black  blood,  but  only  that  the  person,  of  European  family,  has  been  born  in  the 
West  Indies. 


EMPRESS    OF  FRANCE 


1797.  CHARACTER  OF  JOSEPHINE.  47 

were  acquainted  with  her  must  have  felt  bound  to  speak 
well  of  her;  to  few,  indeed,  did  she  ever  give  cause  for 
complaint.  In  the  time  of  her  power  she  did  not  lose  any 
of  her  friends,  because  she  forgot  none  of  them.  Benevo- 
lence was  natural  to  her,  but  she  was  not  always  prudent 
in  its  exercise.  Hence  her  protection  was  often  extended 
to  persons  who  did  not  deserve  it.  Her  taste  for  splendour 
and  expense  was  excessive.  This  proneness  to  luxury 
became  a  habit  which  seemed  constantly  indulged  without 
any  motive.  What  scenes  have  I  not  witnessed  when  the 
moment  for  paying  the  tradesmen's  bills  arrived !  She 
always  kept  back  one-half  of  their  claims,  and  the  discov- 
ery of  this  exposed  her  to  new  reproaches.  How  many 
tears  did  she  shed  which  might  have  been  easily  spared ! 

kind,  affable  and  indulgent  with  every  one,  without  difference  of  persons.  She  had 
neither  a  superior  mind  nor  much  learning,  but  her  exquisite  politeness,  her  full 
acquaintance  with  society,  with  the  court,  and  with  their  innocent  artifices,  made 
her  always  know  at  need  the  best  thing  to  say  or  to  do." 

When  Talleyranil  was  asked  about  her,  "Avait-elle  de  1'esprit?"  he  answered, 
"Elle  s'en  passait  supurieurement  bien  "  (Diary  of  Henry  Greville,  p.  77). 

Perhaps  Napoleon's  feeling  for  Josephine  may  be  best  judged  by  one  little  trait. 
After  the  divorce,  Josephine's  affairs,  as  usual  with  her,  became  embarrassed.  The 
Comte  Mollien,  chosen  for  his  conciliatory  manners,  was  sent  by  the  Emperor  to  see 
Josephine,  and  regulate  matters.  On  his  return  Napoleon  learnt  that  Josephine  had 
shed  tears.  "  Napoleon  interrupted  the  Minister  to  say  to  him  that  he  had  specially 
ordered  him  not  to  make  her  weep  "  (Meneval,  tome  iii.  p.  237). 

It  may  be  well  also  to  have  an  unfavourable  portrait  of  her.  "Josephine,"  says 
Lucien  Bonaparte,  "  was  not  ill-natured,  or  rather,  it  has  been  constantly  said  that 
she  was  very  kind  ;  but  that  was  when  her  acts  of  kindness  cost  her  nothing.  She 
had  knowledge  enough  of  the  '  grand  monde '  into  which  she  had  been  introduced  by 
her  first  husband  a  short  time  before  the  Revolution  of  1789.  She  had  very  little 
mind,  and  could  not  be  called  beautiful,  but  there  were  some  Creole  reminiscences  in 
the  supple  undulations  of  her  figure,  which  was  rather  below  the  ordinary  height. 
Her  face  had  no  natural  freshness,  but  that  was  sufficiently  remedied  for  candle-light 
by  the  care  of  her  toilette.  Yet  all  her  person  was  not  devoid  of  some  remains  of 
'  attracto-partage '  of  her  first  youth,  which  the  painter  Gerard,  that  skilful  restorer 
of  the  damaged  beauty  of  faded  women,  has  agreeably  reproduced  in  the  portraits 
which  remain  to  us  of  the  wife  of  the  First  Consul."  Lucien  goes  on  to  say  that  he 
hardly  noticed  her  in  1796,  so  inferior  was  she  to  the  other  beauties  of  the  Court  of 
Ban-as,  of  which  the  wife  of  Tallien  was  the  real  Calypso  (Lucien  Bonaparte,  by 
lung,  tome  i.  pp.  135-36). 

For  a  corroboration  of  this  sneer  at  Josephine's  kindness,  see  cFAbrantts,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  59-60,  where  one  of  her  proteges,  finding  that  instead  of  a  petition,  he  had  given 
her  his  tailor's  bill  to  be  presented  to  Napoleon,  is  amazed  by  receiving  her  assurances 
that  she  and  Napoleon  have  read  the  petition  together,  au4  that  the  success  of  this 
affair  had  made  her  the  happiest  woman  in  the  world  ! 


48          MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.     1795^ 

When  fortune  placed  a  crown  on  her  head  she  told  me 
that  the  event,  extraordinary  as  it  was,  had  been  predicted. 
It  is  certain  that  she  put  faith  in  fortune-tellers.  I  often 
expressed  to  her  my  astonishment  that  she  should  cherish 
such  a  belief,  and  she  readily  laughed  at  her  own  credulity ; 
but  notwithstanding  never  abandoned  it.  The  event  had 
given  importance  to  the  prophecy  ;  but  the  foresight  of  the 
prophetess,  said  to  be  an  old  negress,  was  not  the  less  a 
matter  of  doubt. 

Not  long  before  the  13th  of  Vendemiaire,  that  day  which 
opened  for  Bonaparte  his  immense  career,  he  addressed 
a  letter  to  me  at  Sens,  in  which,  after  some  of  his  usually 
friendly  expressions,  he  said,  "  Look  out  a  small  piece  of 
land  in  your  beautiful  valley  of  the  Yonne.  I  will  pur- 
chase it  as  soon  as  I  can  scrape  together  the  money.  I 
wish  to  retire  there  ;  but  recollect  that  I  will  have  nothing 
to  do  with  national  property." 

Bonaparte  left  Paris  on  the  21st  of  March  1796,  while  I 
was  still  with  my  guardians.  He  no  sooner  joined  the 
French  army  than  General  Colli,  then  in  command  of  the 
Piedmontese  army,  transmitted  to  him  the  following  letter, 
which,  with  its  answer,  I  think  sufficiently  interesting  to 
deserve  preservation : — 

GENERAL — I  suppose  that  you  are  ignorant  of  the  arrest  of  one 
of  my  officers,  named  Moulin,  the  bearer  of  a  flag  of  truce,  who  has 
been  detained  for  some  days  past  at  Murseco,  contrary  to  the  laws 
of  war,  and  notwithstanding  an  immediate  demand  for  his  liberation 
being  made  by  General  Count  Vital.  His  being  a  French  emigrant 
cannot  take  from  him  the  rights  of  a  flag  of  truce,  and  I  again  claim 
him  in  that  character.  The  courtesy  and  generosity  which  I  have 
always  experienced  from  the  generals  of  your  nation  induces  me  to 
hope  that  I  shall  not  make  this  application  in  vain  ;  and  it  is  with 
regret  that  I  mention  that  your  chief  of  brigade,  BarthSlemy,  who 
ordered  the  unjust  arrest  of  my  flag  of  truce,  having  yesterday  by 
the  chance  of  war  fallen  into  my  hands,  that  officer  will  be  dealt 
with  according  to  the  treatment  which  M.  Moulin  may  receive. 

I  most  sincerely  wish  that  nothing  may  occur  to  change  the  noble 


1797.  BONAPARTE  AND  RELLERMAX.  49 


and  humane  conduct  which  the  two  nations  have  hitherto  been  ac- 
customed to  observe  towards  each  other.     I  have  the  honour,  etc., 

(Signed)    COLLI. 
CBVA,  17tA  April  1796. 

Bonaparte  replied  as  follows  : — 

GENERAL^.  An  emigrant  is  a  parricide  whom  no  character  can 
render  sacred.  The  feelings  of  honour,  and  the  respect  due  to  the 
French  people,  were  forgotten  when  M.  Moulin  was  sent  with  a  flag 
of  truce.  You  know  the  laws  of  war,  and  I  therefore  do  not  give 
credit  to  the  reprisals  with  which  you  threaten  the  chief  of  brigade, 
Barthelemy.  If,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  war,  you  authorise  such  an 
aot  of  barbarism,  all  the  prisoners  taken  from  you  shall  be  imme- 
diately made  responsible  for  it  with  the  most  deplorable  vengeance, 
for  I  entertain  for  the  officers  of  your  nation  that  esteem  which  is 
due  to  brave  soldiers. 

The  Executive  Directory,  to  whom  these  letters  were 
transmitted,  approved  of  the  arrest  of  M.  Moulin ;  but 
ordered  that  he  should  be  securely  guarded,  and  not 
brought  to  trial,  in  consequence  of  the  character  with 
which  he  had  been  invested. 

About  the  middle  of  the  year  1796  the  Directory  pro- 
posed to  appoint  General  Kellerman,  who  commanded  the 
army  of  the  Alps,  second  in  command  of  the  army  of  Italy. 

On  the  24th  of  May  1796  Bonaparte  wrote  to  Carnot 
respecting  this  plan,  which  was  far  from  being  agreeable 
to  him.  He  said,  "  Whether  I  shall  be  employed  here  or 
anywhere  else  is  indifferent  to  me  :  to  serve  the  country, 
and  to  merit  from  posterity  a  page  in  our  history,  is  all 
my  ambition.  If  you  join  Kellerman  and  me  in  command 
in  Italy  you  will  undo  everything.  General  Kellerman 
has  more  experience  than  I,  and  knows  how  to  make  war 
better  than  I  do  ;  but  both  together,  we  shall  make  it 
badly.  I  will  not  willingly  serve  with  a  man  who  con- 
siders himself  the  first  general  in  Europe." 

Numbers  of  letters  from  Bonaparte  to  his  wife  have  be«n 
VOL.  I.— 4 


50  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1795- 

published.  I  cannot  deny  their  authenticity,  nor  is  it  my 
wish  to  do  so.  I  will,  however,  subjoin  one  which  appears 
to  me  to  differ  a  little  from  the  rest.  It  is  less  remarkable 
for  exaggerated  expressions  of  love,  and  a  singularly  am- 
bitious and  affected  style,  than  most  of  the  correspondence 
here  alluded  to.  Bonaparte  is  announcing  the  victory  of 
Arcola  to  Josephine. 

VERONA,  the  29<A,  noon.1 

At  length,  my  adored  Josephine,  I  live  again.  Death  is  no  longer 
before  me,  and  glory  and  honour  are  still  in  my  breast.  The  enemy 
is  beaten  at  Arcola.  To-morrow  we  will  repair  the  blunder  of  Vau- 
bois,  who  abandoned  Rivoli.  In  eight  days  Mantua  will  be  ours, 
and  then  thy  husband  will  fold  thee  in  his  arms,  and  give  thee  a 
thousand  proofs  of  his  ardent  affection.  I  shall  proceed  to  Milan  as 
soon  as  I  can :  I  am  a  little  fatigued.  I  have  received  letters  from 
Eugene  and  Hortense.  I  am  delighted  with  the  children.  I  will 
send  you  their  letters  as  soon  as  I  am  joined  by  my  household,  which 
is  now  somewhat  dispersed. 

We  have  made  five  thousand  prisoners,  and  "killed  at  least  six 
thousand  of  the  enemy.  Adieu,  my  adorable  Josephine.  Think  of 
me  often.  When  you  cease  to  love  your  Achilles,  when  your  heart 
grows  cool  towards  him.  you  will  be  very  cruel,  very  unjust.  But 
I  am  sure  you  will  always  continue  my  faithful  mistress,  as  I  shall 
ever  remain  your  fond  lover  (tend/re  amie).  Death  alone  can  break 
the  union  which  sympathy,  love,  and  sentiment  have  formed.  Let 
me  have  news  of  your  health.  A  thousand  and  a  thousand  kisses. 

It  is  impossible  for  me  to  avoid  occasionally  placing 
myself  in  the  foreground  in  the  course  of  these  Memoirs. 
I  owe  it  to  myself  to  answer,  though  indirectly,  to  certain 
charges  which,  on  various  occasions,  have  been  made 
against  me.  Some  of  the  documents  which  I  am  about  to 
insert  belong,  perhaps,  less  to  the  history  of  the  General- 
in-Chief  of  the  army  of  Italy  than  to  that  of  his  secretary  ; 
but  I  must  confess  I  wish  to  show  that  I  was  not  an  in- 
truder, nor  yet  pursuing,  as  an  obscure  intriguer,  the 
path  of  fortune.  I  was  influenced  much  more  by  friend- 
ship than  by  ambition  when  I  took  a  part  on  the  scene 

1  There  is  no  other  date  ;  but  the  name  of  Arcola  is  sufficient. — Bourrienne. 


1797.  LETTERS  FROM  MARMONT.  51 

where  the  rising  glory  of  the  future  Emperor  already  shed 
a  lustre  on  all  who  were  attached  to  his  destiny.  It  will 
be  seen  by  the  following  letters  with  what  confidence  I 
was  then  honoured  ;  but  these  letters,  dictated  by  friend- 
ship, and  not  written  for  history,  speak  also  of  our  military 
achievements ;  and  whatever  brings  to  recollection  the 
events  of  that  heroic  period  must  still  be  interesting  to 
many. 

HEADQUAHTEB8   AT  MlLAH, 

20*A  Prairial,  year  IV.  (8<A  June  1796). 

The  General-in-Chief  has  ordered  me,  my  dear  Bourrienne,  to 
make  known  to  you  the  pleasure  he  experienced  on  hearing  of  you, 
and  his  ardent  desire  that  you  should  join  us.  Take  your  depar- 
ture, then,  my  dear  Bourrienne,  and  arrive  quickly.  You  may  be 
certain  of  obtaining  the  testimonies  of  affection  which  are  your  due 
from  all  who  know  you ;  and  we  much  regret  that  you  were  not 
with  us  to  have  a  share  in  our  success.  The  campaign  which  we 
have  just  concluded  will  be  celebrated  in  the  records  of  history. 
With  less  than  30,000  men,  in  a  state  of  almost  complete  destitu- 
tion, it  is  a  fine  thing  to  have,  in  the  course  of  less  than  two  months, 
beaten,  eight  different  times,  an  army  of  from  65  to  70,000  men, 
obliged  the  King  of  Sardinia  to  make  a  humiliating  peace,  and 
driven  the  Austrians  from  Italy.  The  last  victory,  of  which  you 
have  doubtless  had  an  account,  the  passage  of  the  Mincio,  has  closed 
our  labours.  There  now  remain  for  us  the  siege  of  Mantua  and  the 
castle  of  Milan  ;  but  these  obstacles  will  not  detain  us  long.  Adieu, 
my  dear  Bourrienne  :  I  repeat  General  Bonaparte's  request  that  yoq 
should  repair  hither,  and  the  testimony  of  his  desire  to  see  you. 
Beceive,  etc.,  (Signed)  MARMONT. 

Chief of  Brigade  (Artillery),  and  Aide  de  camp  to  the  General-in-Chief 

I  was  obliged  to  remain  at  Sens,  soliciting  my  erasurw 
from  the  emigrant  list,  which  I  did  not  obtain,  however, 
till  1797,  and  to  put  an  end  to  a  charge  made  against  me 
of  having  fabricated  a  certificate  of  residence.  Meanwhile 
I  applied  myself  to  study,  and  preferred  repose  to  the 
agitation  of  camps.  For  these  reasons  I  did  not  then  ac- 
cept this  friendly  invitation,  notwithstanding  that  I  was 
very  desirous  of  seeing  my  young  college  friend  in  tho 


52  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1795- 

midst  of  his  astonishing  triumphs.  Ten  months  after,  I 
received  another  letter  from  Marmont,  in  the  following 
terms : — 

llEADQTJAETEKS,  GORIZIA, 

SW  Germinal,  year  V.  (22d  March  1797). 

The  General-in-Chief,  my  dear  Bourrienne,  has  ordered  me  to  ex- 
press to  you  his  wish  for  your  prompt  arrival  here.  We  have  all 
along  anxiously  desired  to  see  you,  and  look  forward  with  great 
pleasure  to  the  moment  when  we  shall  meet.  I  join  with  the  Gen- 
eral, my  dear  Bourrienne,  in  urging  you  to  join  the  army  without 
loss  of  time.  You  will  increase  a  united  family,  happy  to  receive 
you  into  its  hosom.  I  enclose  an  order  written  by  the  General, 
which  will  serve  you  as  a  passport.  Take  the  post  route  and  arrive  as 
soon  as  you  can.  We  are  on  the  point  of  penetrating  into  Germany. 
The  language  is  changing  already,  and  in  four  days  we  shall  hear 
no  more  Italian.  Prince  Charles  has  been  well  beaten,  and  we  are 
pursuing  him.  If  this  campaign  be  fortunate,  we  may  sign  a  peace, 
which  is  so  necessary  for  Europe,  in  Vienna.  Adieu,  my  dear 
Bourrienne  :  reckon  for  something  the  zeal  of  one  who  is  much  at- 
tached to  you.  (Signed)  MARMONT. 


BONAPARTE,    GENERAL-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE  ARJfY  OF  ITALY. 

Headquarters,  Gorizia,  2rZ  Germinal,  year  V. 
The  citizen  Bourrie.nnc  is  to  come  to  me  on  receipt  of  the  pres- 
ent order.  (Signed) 

BONAPARTE. 


The  odious  manner  in  which  I  was  then  harassed,  I 
know  not  why,  on  the  part  of  the  Government  respecting 
my  certificate  of  residence,  rendered  my  stay  in  France 
not  very  agreeable.  I  was  even  threatened  with  being 
put  on  my  trial  for  having  produced  a  certificate  of  resi- 
dence which  was  alleged  to  be  signed  by  nine  false  wit- 
nesses. This  time,  therefore,  I  resolved  without  hesita- 
tion to  set  out  for  the  army.  General  Bonaparte's  order, 
which  I  registered  at  the  municipality  of  Sens,  answered 
for  a  passport,  which  otherwise  would  probably  have  been 


1797.  MASSACRE  IN   VERONA.  53 

refused  me.     I  have  always  felt  a  strong  sense  of  gratitude 
for  his  conduct  towards  me  on  this  occasion. 

Notwithstanding  the  haste  I  made  to  leave  Sens,  the 
necessary  formalities  and  precautions  detained  me  some 
days,  and  at  the  moment  I  was  about  to  depart  I  received 
the  following  letter : — 

HEADQUABTEBS,  JUDENBOTOG, 
19#i  Germinal,  year  V.  (8th  April  1797). 

The  General-in-Chief  again  orders  me,  my  dear  Bourrienne,  to 
urge  you  to  come  to  him  quickly.  We  are  in  the  midst  of  success 
and  triumphs.  The  German  campaign  begins  even  more  brilliantly 
than  did  the  Italian.  You  may  judge,  therefore,  what  a  promise  it 
holds  out  to  us.  Come,  my  dear  Bourrienne,  immediately — yield 
to  our  solicitations — share  our  pains  and  pleasures,  and  you  will  add 
to  our  enjoyments. 

I  have  directed  the  courier  to  pass  through  Sens,  that  he  may  de- 
Uver  this  letter  to  yeu,  and  bring  me  back  your  answer. 

(Signed)    MARMONT. 

To  the  above  letter  this  order  was  subjoined  : — 

The  citizen  Fauvelet  de  Bourrienne  is  ordered  to  leave  Sens,  and 
repair  immediately  by  post  to  the  headquarters  of  the  army  of  Italy. 

(Signed)    BONAPARTE. 

I  arrived  at  the  Venetian  territory  at  the  moment  when 
the  insurrection  against  the  French  was  on  the  point  of 
breaking  out  Thousands  of  peasants  were  instigated  to 
rise  under  the  pretext  of  appeasing  the  troubles  of  Ber- 
gamo and  Brescia.  I  passed  through  Verona  on  the  16th 
of  April,  the  eve  of  the  signature  of  the  preliminaries  of 
Leoben  and  of  the  revolt  of  Verona.  Easter  Sunday  was 
the  day  which  the  ministers  of  Jesus  Christ  selected  for 
preaching  "that  it  was  lawful,  and  even  meritorious,  to 
kill  Jacobins."  Death  to  Frenchmen  ! — Death  to  Jacobins  ! 
as  they  called  all  the  French,  were  their  rallying  cries.  At 
the  time  I  had  not  the  slightest  idea  of  this  state  of 
things,  for  I  had  left  Sens  only  on  the  llth  of  April 


54  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1795- 

After  stopping  two  hours  at  Verona,  I  proceeded  on  my 
journey  without  being  aware  of  the  massacre  which 
threatened  that  city.  When  about  a  league  from  the 
town  I  was,  however,  stopped  by  a  party  of  insurgents  on 
their  way  thither,  consisting,  as  I  estimated,  of  about  two 
thousand  men.  They  only  desired  me  to  cry  El  viva 
Santo  Marco,  an  order  with  which  I  speedily  complied, 
and  passed  on.  What  would  have  become  of  me  had  I 
been  in  "Verona  on  the  Monday  ?  On  that  day  the  bells 
were  rung,  while  the  French  were  butchered  in  the  hos- 
pitals. Every  one  met  in  the  streets  was  put  to  death. 
The  priests  headed  the  assassins,  and  more  than  four  hun- 
dred Frenchmen  were  thus  sacrificed.  The  forts  held  out 
against  the  Venetians,  though  they  attacked  them  with 
fury  ;  but  repossession  of  the  town  was  not  obtained  until 
after  ten  days.  ,Ou  the  very  day  of  the  insurrection  of 
Verona  some  Frenchmen  were  assassinated  between  that 
city  and  Vicenza,  through  which  I  passed  on  the  day  be- 
fore without  danger ;  and  scarcely  had  I  passed  through 
Padua,  when  I  learned  that  others  had  been  massacred 
there.  Thus  the  assassinations  travelled  as  rapidly  as  the 
post. 

I  shall  say  a  few  words  respecting  the  revolt  of  the 
Venetian  States,  which,  in  consequence  of  the  difference 
of  political  opinions,  has  been  viewed  in  very  contradic- 
tory lights. 

The  last  days  of  Venice  were  approaching,  and  a  storm 
had  been  brewing  for  more  than  a  year.  About  the  be- 
ginning of  April  1797  the  threatening  symptoms  of  a 
general  insurrection  appeared.  The  quarrel  commenced 
when  the  Austrians  entered  Peschiera,  and  some  pretext 
was  also  afforded  by  the  reception  given  to  Monsieur, 
afterwards  Louis  XVlLL.  It  was  certain  that  Venice  had 
made  military  preparations  during  the  siege  of  Mantua 
in  1796.  The  interests  of  the  aristocracy  outweighed  the 
political  considerations  in  our  favour.  On  the  7th  of 


1797.        RISING   IN  THE    VENETIAN  STATES.  55 

June  1796  General  Bonaparte  wrote  thus  to  the  Execu- 
tive Directory : 

The  Senate  of  Venice  lately  sent  two  judges  of  their  Council  her* 
to  ascertain  definitively  how  things  «tand.  I  repeated  my  com- 
plaints. I  spoke  to  them  about  the  reception  given  to  Monsieur. 
Should  it  be  your  plan  to  extract  five  or  six  millions  from  Venice, 
I  have  expressly  prepared  this  sort  of  rupture  for  you.  If  your  in- 
tentions be  more  decided,  I  think  this  ground  of  quarrel  ought  to  be 
kept  up.  Let  me  know  what  you  mean  to  do,  and  wait  till  the 
favourable  moment,  which  I  shall  seize  according  to  circumstances; 
for  we  must  not  have  to  do  with  all  the  world  at  once. 

The  Directory  answered  that  the  moment  was  not 
favourable ;  that  it  was  first  necessary  to  take  Mantua, 
and  give  Wurmser  a  sound  beating.  However,  towards 
the  end  of  the  year  1796  the  Directory  began  to  give 
more  credit  to  the  sincerity  of  the  professions  of  neutral- 
ity made  on  the  part  of  Venice.  It  was  resolved,  there- 
fore, to  be  content  with  obtaining  money  and  supplies  for 
the  army,  and  to  refrain  from  violating  the  neutrality. 
The  Directory  had  not  then  in  reserve,  like  Bonaparte, 
the  idea  of  making  the  dismemberment  of  Venice  serve 
as  a  compensation  for  such  of  the  Austrian  possessions  as 
the  French  Republic  might  retain. 

In  1797  the  expected  favourable  moment  had  arrived. 
The  knell  of  Venice  was  rung ;  and  Bonaparte  thus 
wrote  to  the  Directory  on  the  30th  of  April :  "I  am  con- 
vinced that  the  only  course  to  be  now  taken  is  to  destroy 
this  ferocious  and  sanguinary  Government."  On  the  3d 
of  May,  writing  from  Palma  Nuova,  he  says.-  "I  see 
nothing  that  can  be  done  but  to  obliterate  the  Venetian 
name  from  the  face  of  the  globe." 

Towards  the  end  of  March  1797  the  Government  of 
Venice  was  in  a  desperate  state.  Ottolini,  the  Podesta  of 
Bergamo,  an  instrument  of  tyranny  in  the  hands  of  the 
State  inquisitors,  then  harassed  the  people  of  Bergamo 
and  Brescia,  who,  after  the  reduction  of  Mantua,  wished 


56  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1795- 

to  be  separated  from  Venice.  He  drew  up,  to  be  sent  to 
the  Senate,  a  long  report  respecting  the  plans  of  separa- 
tion, founded  on  information  given  him  by  a  Roman  ad- 
vocate, named  Marcelin  Serpini,  who  pretended  to  have 
gleaned  the  facts  he  communicated  in  conversation  with 
officers  of  the  French  army.  The  plan  of  the  patriotic 
party  was,  to  unite  the  Venetian  territories  on  the  main- 
land with  Lombardy,  and  to  form  of  the  whole  one  re- 
public. The  conduct  of  Ottolini  exasperated  the  party 
inimical  to  Venice,  and  augmented  the  prevailing  discon- 
tent. Having  disguised  his  valet  as  a  peasant,  he  sent 
him  off  to  Venice  with  the  report  he  had  drawn  up  on 
Serpini's  communications,  and  other  information;  but 
this  report  never  reached  the  inquisitors.  The  valet  was 
arrested,  his  despatches  taken,  and  Ottolini  fled  from 
Bergamo.  This  gave  a  beginning  to  the  general  rising  of 
the  Venetian  States.  In  fact,  the  force  of  circumstances 
alone  brought  on  the  insurrection  of  those  territories 
against  their  old  insular  government.  General  La  Hoz, 
who  commanded  the  Lombard  Legion,  was  the  active 
protector  of  the  revolution,  which  certainly  had  its  origin 
more  in  the  progress  of  the  prevailing  principles  of  lib- 
erty than  in  the  crooked  policy  of  the  Senate  of  Venice. 
Bonaparte,  indeed,  in  his  despatches  to  the  Directory, 
stated  that  the  Senate  had  instigated  the  insurrection ; 
but  that  was  not  quite  correct,  and  he  could  not  wholly 
believe  his  own  assertion. 

Pending  the  vacillation  of  the  Venetian  Senate,  Vienna 
was  exciting  the  population  of  its  States  on  the  mainland 
to  rise  against  the  French.  The  Venetian  Government  had 
always  exhibited  an  extreme  aversion  to  the  French  Revo- 
lution, which  had  been  violently  condemned  at  Venice. 
Hatred  of  the  French  had  been  constantly  excited  and  en- 
couraged, and  religious  fanaticism  had  inflamed  many 
persons  of  consequence  in  the  country.  From  the  end  of 
1796  the  Venetian  Senate  secretly  continued  its  arma- 


1797.        RISING  IN  THE   VENETIAN  STATES.  5T 


ments,  and  the  whole  conduct  of  that  Government  an- 
nounced intentions  which  have  been  called  perfidious,  but 
the  only  object  of  which  was  to  defeat  intentions  still 
more  perfidious.  The  Senate  was  the  irreconcilable  enemy 
of  the  French  Republic.  Excitement  was  carried  to  such 
a  point  that  in  many  places  the  people  complained  that 
they  were  not  permitted  to  arm  against  the  French.  The 
Austrian  generals  industriously  circulated  the  most  sinis- 
ter reports  respecting  the  armies  of  the  Sambre-et-Meuse 
and  the  Rhine,  and  the  position  of  the  French  troops  in 
the  Tyrol  These  impostures,  printed  in  bulletins,  were 
well  calculated  to  instigate  the  Italians,  and  especially  the 
Venetians,  to  rise  in  mass  to  exterminate  the  French,  when 
the  victorious  army  should  penetrate  into  the  Hereditary 
States. 

The  pursuit  of  the  Archduke  Charles  into  the  heart  of 
Austria  encouraged  the  hopes  which  the  Venetian  Senate 
had  conceived,  that  it  would  be  easy  to  annihilate  the  feeble 
remnant  of  the  French  army,  as  the  troops  were  scattered 
through  the  States  of  Venice  on  the  mainland.  Wherever 
the  Senate  had  the  ascendency,  insurrection  was  secretly 
fomented  ;  wherever  the  influence  of  the  patriots  prevailed, 
ardent  efforts  were  made  to  unite  the  Venetian  terra  firma 
to  the  Lombard  Republic. 

Bonaparte  skilfully  took  advantage  of  the  disturbances, 
and  the  massacres  consequent  on  them,  to  adopt  towards 
the  Senate  the  tone  of  an  offended  conqueror.  He  pub- 
lished a  declaration  that  the  Venetian  Government  was  the 
most  treacherous  imaginable.  The  weakness  and  cruel 
hypocrisy  of  the  Senate  facilitated  the  plan  he  had  con- 
ceived of  making  a  peace  for  France  at  the  expense  of  the 
Venetian  Republic.  On  returning  from  Leoben,  a  con- 
queror and  pacificator,  he,  without  ceremony,  took  posses- 
sion of  Venice,  changed  the  established  government,  and, 
master  of  all  the  Venetian  territory,  found  himself,  in  the 
negotiations  of  Campo  Formio,  able  to  dispose  of  it  as  he 


58  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1795^ 


pleased,  as  a  compensation  for  the  cessions  which  had 
been  exacted  from  Austria.  After  the  19th  of  May  he 
wrote  to  the  Directory  that  one  of  the  objects  of  his  treaty 
with  Venice  was  to  avoid  bringing  upon  us  the  odium  of 
violating  the  preliminaries  relative  to  the  Venetian  terri- 
tory, and,  at  the  same  time,  to  afford  pretexts  and  to  facili- 
tate their  execution. 

At  Campo  Formio  the  fate  of  this  republic  was  decided. 
It  disappeared  from  the  number  of  States  without  effort  or 
noise.  The  silence  of  its  fall  astonished  imaginations 
warmed  by  historical  recollections  from  the  brilliant  pages 
of  its  maritime  glory.  Its  power,  however,  which  had  been 
silently  undermined,  existed  no  longer  except  in  the  pres- 
tige of  those  recollections.  What  resistance  could  it  have 
opposed  to  the  man  destined  to  change  the  face  of  all  Eu- 
rope? 


1797.  59 


CHAPTER  V. 
1797. 

Signature  of  the  preliminaries  of  peace — Fall  of  Venice — My  arrival  and 
reception  at  Leoben — Bonaparte  wishes  to  pursue  his  success — The 
Directory  opposes  him — He  wishes  to  advance  on  Vienna — Movement 
of  the  army  of  the  Sambre-et-Meuse — Bonaparte's  dissatisfaction 
— Arrival  at  Milan — We  take  up  our  residence  at  Montebello — Napo- 
leon's judgment  respecting  Dandolo  and  Melzi. 

I  JOINED  Bonaparte  at  Leoben  on  the  19th  of  April,  the 
day  after  the  signature  of  the  preliminaries  of  peace. 
These  preliminaries  resembled  in  no  respect  the  definitive 
treaty  of  Campo  Formio.  The  still  incomplete  fall  of  the 
State  of  Venice  did  not  at  that  time  present  an  available 
prey  for  partition.  All  was  arranged  afterwards.  Woe 
to  the  small  States  that  come  in  immediate  contact  with 
two  colossal  empires  waging  war  ! 

Here  terminated  my  connection  with  Bonaparte  as  a 
comrade  and  equal,  and  those  relations  with  him  com- 
menced in  which  I  saw  him  suddenly  great,  powerful, 
and  surrounded  with  homage  and  glory.  I  no  longer 
addressed  him  as  I  had  been  accustomed  to  do.  I  appre- 
ciated too  well  his  personal  importance.  His  position 
placed  too  great  a  social  distance  between  him  and  me  not 
to  make  me  feel  the  necessity  of  fashioning  my  demeanour 
accordingly.  I  made  with  pleasure,  and  without  regret, 
the  easy  sacrifice  of  the  style  of  familiar  companionship 
and  other  little  privileges.  He  said,  in  a  loud  voice,  when 
I  entered  the  salon  where  he  was  surrounded  by  the 
officers  who  formed  his  brilliant  staff,  "  I  am  glad  to  see 
you,  at  last " — "  Te  voila  done,  enfin  ;  "  but  as  soon  as  we 


60          MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1797- 

were  alone  he  made  me  understand  that  he  was  pleased 
with  my  reserve,  and  thanked  me  for  it.  I  was  immedi- 
ately placed  at  the  head  of  his  Cabinet.  I  spoke  to  him 
the  same  evening  respecting  the  insurrection  of  the  Vene- 
tian territories,  of  the  dangers  which  menaced  the  French, 
and  of  those  which  I  had  escaped,  etc.  "  Care  thou1 
nothing  about  it,"  said  he  ;  "  those  rascals  shall  pay  for  it. 
Their  republic  has  had  its  day,  and  is  done."  This  repub- 
lic was,  however,  still  existing,  wealthy  and  powerful. 
These  words  brought  to  my  recollection  what  I  had  read 
in  a  work  by  one  Gabriel  Naude,  who  wrote  during  the 
reign  of  Louis  XHL  for  Cardinal  de  Bagin  :  "  Do  you  see 
Constantinople,  which  flatters  itself  with  being  the  seat 
of  a  double  empire  ;  and  Venice,  which  glories  in  her 
stability  of  a  thousand  years  ?  Their  day  will  come." 

In  the  first  conversation  which  Bonaparte  had  with  me, 
I  thought  I  could  perceive  that  he  was  not  very  well  satisfied 
with  the  preliminaries.  He  would  have  liked  to  advance 
with  his  army  to  Vienna.  He  did  not  conceal  this  from 
me.  Before  he  offered  peace  to  Prince  Charles,  he  wrote 
to  the  Directory  that  he  intended  to  pursue  his  success, 
but  that  for  this  purpose  he  reckoned  on  the  co-operation 
of  the  armies  of  the  Sambre-et-Meuse  and  the  Rhine. 
The  Directory  replied  that  he  must  not  reckon  on  a  diver- 
sion in  Germany,  and  that  the  armies  of  the  Sambre-et- 
Meuse  and  the  Rhine  were  not  to  pass  that  river.  A 
resolution  so  unexpected — a  declaration  so  contrary  to 
what  he  had  constantly  solicited,  compelled  him  to  termi- 
nate his  triumphs,  and  renounce  his  favourite  project  of 
planting  the  standard  of  the  republic  on  the  ramparts  of 
Vienna,  or  at  least  of  levying  contributions  on  the  suburbs 
of  that  capital. 

A  law  of  the  23d  of  August  1794  forbade  the  use  of  any 
other  names  than  those  in  the  register  of  births.  I  wished 
to  conform  to  this  law,  which  very  foolishly  interfered  with 

1  He  used  to  tutoyer  me  in  this  familiar  manner  until  his  return  to  Milan. 


1797.  MOREAU  CROSSES  THE  RHINE.  <J1 

old  habits.  My  eldest  brother  was  living,  and  I  therefore 
designated  myself  Fauvelet  the  younger.  This  annoyed 
General  Bonaparte.  "  Such  change  of  name  is  absolute 
nonsense,"  said  he.  "  I  have  known  you  for  twenty  years 
by  the  name  of  Bourrienne.  Sign  as  you  still  are  named, 
and  see  what  the  advocates  with  their  laws  will  do." 

On  the  20th  of  April,  as  Bonaparte  was  returning  to 
Italy,  he  was  obliged  to  stop  on  an  island  of  the  Taglia- 
mento, while  a  torrent  passed  by,  which  had  been  occasioned 
by  a  violent  storm.  A  courier  appeared  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  river.  He  reached  the  island.  Bonaparte  read  in 
the  despatches  of  the  Directory  that  the  armies  of  the 
Sambre-et-Meuse  and  the  Rhine  were  in  motion  ;  that  they 
were  preparing  to  cross  the  Rhine,  and  had  commenced 
hostilities  on  the  very  day  of  the  signing  of  the  preliminaries. 
This  information  arrived  seven  days  after  the  Directory  had 
written  that  "  he  must  not  reckon  on  the  co-operation  of 
the  armies  of  Germany."  It  is  impossible  to  describe  the 
General's  vexation  on  reading  these  despatches.  He  had 
signed  the  preliminaries  only  because  the  Government 
had  represented  the  co-operation  of  the  armies  of  the 
Rhine  as  impracticable  at  that  moment,  and  shortly  after- 
wards he  was  informed  that  the  co-operation  was  about  to 
take  place  !  The  agitation  of  his  mind  was  so  great  that 
he  for  a  moment  conceived  the  idea  of  crossing  to  the  left 
bank  of  the  Tagliamento,  and  breaking  off  the  negotiations 
under  some  pretext  or  other.  He  persisted  for  some  time 
in  this  resolution,  which,  however,  Berthier  and  some 
other  generals  successfully  opposed.  He  exclaimed, 
"  What  a  difference  would  there  have  been  in  the  pre- 
liminaries, if,  indeed,  there  had  been  any  !" 

His  chagrin,  I  might  almost  say  his  despair,  increased 
when,  some  days  after  his  entry  into  the  Venetian  States, 
he  received  a  letter  from  Moreau,  dated  the  23d  of 
April,  in  which  that  general  informed  him  that,  having 
passed  the  Rhine  on  the  20th  with  brilliant  success,  and 


62          MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

taken  four  thousand  prisoners,  it  would  not  be  long  before 
he  joined  him.  Who,  in  fact,  can  say  what  would  have 
happened  but  for  the  vacillating  and  distrustful  policy  of 
the  Directory,  which  always  encouraged  low  intrigues,  and 
participated  in  the  jealousy  excited  by  the  renown  of 
the  young  conqueror?  Because  the  Directory  dreaded 
his  ambition  they  sacrificed  the  glory  of  our  arms  and  the 
honour  of  the  nation  ;  for  it  cannot  be  doubted  that,  had 
the  passage  of  the  Rhine,  so  urgently  demanded  by  Bona- 
parte, taken  place  some  days  sooner,  he  would  have  been 
able,  without  incurring  any  risk,  to  dictate  imperiously 
the  conditions  of  peace  on  the  spot ;  or,  if  Austria  were 
obstinate,  to  have  gone  on  to  Vienna  and  signed  it  there. 
Still  occupied  with  this  idea,  he  wrote  to  the  Directory  on 
the  8th  of  May  :  "  Since  I  have  received  intelligence  of 
the  passage  of  the  Rhine  by  Hoche  and  Moreau,  I  much 
regret  that  it  did  not  take  place  fifteen  days  sooner  ;  or,  at 
least,  that  Moreau  did  not  say  that  he  was  in  a  situation 
to  effect  it."  (He  had  been  informed  to  the  contrary.) 
What,  after  this,  becomes  of  the  unjust  reproach  against 
Bonaparte  of  having,  through  jealousy  of  Moreau,  deprived 
France  of  the  advantages  which  a  prolonged  campaign 
would  have  procured  her  ?  Bonaparte  was  too  devoted  to 
the  glory  of  France  to  sacrifice  it  to  jealousy  of  the  glory 
of  any  individual. 

In  traversing  the  Venetian  States  to  return  to  Milan,  he 
often  spoke  to  me  of  Venice.  He  always  assured  me  that 
he  was  originally  entirely  unconnected  with  the  insurrec- 
tions which  had  agitated  that  country ;  that  common 
sense  would  show,  as  his  project  was  to  advance  into  the 
basin  of  the  Danube,  he  had  no  interest  in  having  his 
rear  disturbed  by  revolts,  and  his  communications  inter- 
rupted or  cut  off.  "  Such  an  idea,"  said  he,  "  would 
be  absurd,  and  could  never  enter  into  the  mind  of  a 
man  to  whom  even  his  enemies  cannot  deny  a  certain 
degree  of  tact."  He  acknowledged  that  he  was  not 


1797.  ONLY  TWO  MEN  IN  ITALY.  03 

vexed  that  matters  bad  turned  out  as  they  had  done, 
because  he  had  already  taken  advantage  of  these  cir- 
cumstances in  the  preliminaries  and  hoped  to  profit  still 
more  from  them  in  the  definitive  peace.  "  When  I  arrive 
at  Milan,"  said  he,  "  I  will  occupy  myself  with  Venice." 
It  is  therefore  quite  evident  to  me  that  in  reality  the 
General-in-Chief  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Venetian 
insurrections  ;  that  subsequently  he  was  not  displeased 
with  them ;  and  that,  later  still,  he  derived  great  ad- 
vantage from  them. 

We  arrived  at  Milan  on  the  5th  of  May,  by  way  of 
Leybach,  Trieste,  Palma-Nuova,  Padua,  Verona,  and 
Mantua.  Bonaparte  soon  took  up  his  residence  at 
Montebello,  a  very  fine  chateau,  three  leagues  from 
Milan,  with  a  view  over  the  rich  and  magnificent  plains 
of  Lombardy.  At  Montebello  commenced  the  negotia- 
tions for  the  definitive  peace  which  were  terminated  at 
Passeriano.  The  Marquis  de  Gallo,  the  Austrian  pleni- 
potentiary, resided  half  a  league  from  Montebello. 

During  his  residence  at  Montebello  the  General-in  Chief 
made  an  excursion  to  the  Lake  of  Como  and  to  the  Lago 
Maggiore.  He  visited  the  Borromean  Islands  in  succession, 
and  occupied  himself  on  his  return  with  the  organisation 
of  the  towns  of  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Milan.  He  sought  for 
men  and  found  none.  "  Good  God,"  said  he,  "  how  rare 
men  are !  There  are  eighteen  millions  in  Italy,  and  I  have 
with  difficulty  found  two,  Dandolo  and  Melzi." 

He  appreciated  them  properly.  Dandolo  was  one  of 
the  men  who,  in  those  revolutionary  times,  reflected  the 
greatest  honour  upon  Italy.  After  being  a  member  of  the 
great  council  of  the  Cisalpine  Republic,  he  exercised  the 
functions  of  Proveditore-General  in  Dalmatia.  It  is  only 
necessary  to  mention  the  name  of  Dandolo  to  the  Dalma- 
tians to  learn  from  the  grateful  inhabitants  how  just  and 
vigorous  his  administration  was.  The  services  of  Melzi 
are  known.  He  was  Chancellor  and  Keeper  of  the 


64          MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

Seals  of  the  Italian  monarchy,  and  was  created  Duke  of 
Lodi.1 

In  those  who  have  seen  the  world  the  truth  of  Napoleon's 
reproach  excites  little  astonishment.  In  a  country  which, 
according  to  biographies  and  newspapers,  abounds  with 
extraordinary  men,  a  woman  of  much  talent2  said,  "What 
has  most  surprised  me,  since  the  elevation  of  my  husband 
has  afforded  me  the  opportunity  of  knowing  many  persons, 
and  particularly  those  employed  in  important  affairs,  is 
the  universal  mediocrity  which  exists.  It  surpasses  all 
that  the  imagination  can  conceive,  and  it  is  observable 
in  all  ranks,  from  the  clerk  to  the  minister.  Without  this 
experience  I  never  could  have  believed  my  species  to  be  so 
contemptible." 

Who  does  not  remember  Oxenstiern's  remark  to  his  son, 
who  trembled  at  going  so  young  to  the  congress  of  Mun- 
ster:  "Go,  my  son.  You  will  see  by  what  sort  of  men 
the  world  is  governed." 

'  Francesco,  Comte  de  Melzi  d'Eryl  (1753-1816),  Vice-President  of  the  Italian 
Republic,  1802  ;  Chancellor  of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy,  1805 ;  Due  de  Lodi,  1807. 
*  Madame  Roland. 


1797.  66 


CHAPTER  VI 

1797. 

Napoleon's  correspondence — Release  of  French  prisoners  at  Olmutz— 
Negotiations  with  Austria — Bonaparte's  dissatisfaction — Letter  of 
complaint  from  Bonaparte  to  the  Executive  Directory — Note  respect- 
ing the  affairs  of  Venice  and  the  Club  of  Clichy,  written  by  Bonaparte 
and  circulated  in  the  army — Intercepted  letter  of  the  Emperor  Francis. 

DURING  the  time  when  the  preliminaries  of  Leoben  sus- 
pended military  operations,  Napoleon  was  not  anxious  to 
reply  immediately  to  all  letters.  He  took  a  fancy  to  do, 
not  exactly  as  Cardinal  Dubois  did,  when  he  threw  into 
the  fire  the  letters  he  had  received,  saying,  "  There  !  my 
correspondents  are  answered,"  but  something  of  the  same 
kind.  To  satisfy  himself  that  people  wrote  too  much, 
and  lost,  in  trifling  and  useless  answers,  valuable  time,  he 
told  me  to  open  only  the  letters  which  came  by  extraordi- 
nary couriers,  and  to  leave  all  the  rest  for  three  weeks  in 
the  basket.  At  the  end  of  that  time  it  was  unnecessary 
to  reply  to  four-fifths  of  these  communications.  Some 
were  themselves  answers  ;  some  were  acknowledgments 
of  letters  received  ;  others  contained  requests  for  favours 
already  granted,  but  of  which  intelligence  had  not  been 
received.  Many  were  filled  with  complaints  respecting 
provisions,  pay,  or  clothing,  and  orders  had  been  issued 
upon  all  these  points  before  the  letters  were  written. 
Some  generals  demanded  reinforcements,  money,  pro- 
motion, etc.  By  not  opening  their  letters  Bonaparte  was 
spared  the  unpleasing  office  of  refusing.  "When  the  General- 
in-Chief  compared  the  very  small  number  of  letters  which 
it  was  necessary  to  answer  with  the  large  number  which 
VOL.  I.— 6 


(56  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1797. 

time  alone  had  answered,  he  laughed  heartily  at  his  whimsi- 
cal idea.  Would  not  this  mode  of  proceeding  be  prefer- 
able to  that  of  causing  letters  to  be  opened  by  any  one 
who  may  be  employed,  and  replying  to  them  by  a  circular 
to  which  it  is  only  necessary  to  attach  a  date  ? 

During  the  negotiations  which  followed  the  treaty  of 
Leoben,  the  Directory  ordered  General  Bonaparte  to  de- 
mand the  liberty  of  MM.  de  La  Fayette,  Latour-Maubourg, 
and  Bureau  de  Puzy,  detained  at  Olmutz  since  1792  as 
prisoners  of  state.  The  General-in-Chief  executed  this 
commission  with  as  much  pleasure  as  zeal,  but  he  often 
met  with  difficulties  which  appeared  to  be  insurmount- 
able. It  has  been  very  incorrectly  stated  that  these  pris- 
oners obtained  their  liberty  by  one  of  the  articles  of 
the  preliminaries  of  Leoben.  I  wrote  a  great  deal  on 
this  subject  to  the  dictation  of  General  Bonaparte,  and  I 
joined  him  only  on  the  day  after  the  signature  of  these 
preliminaries.  It  was  not  till  the  end  of  May  of  the  year 
1797  that  the  liberation  of  these  captives  was  demanded, 
and  they  did  not  obtain  their  freedom  till  the  end  of 
August.  There  was  no  article  in  the  treaty,  public  or 
secret,  which  had  reference  to  them.  Neither  was  it  at 
his  own  suggestion  that  Bonaparte  demanded  the  en- 
largement of  the  prisoners,  but  by  order  of  the  Directory. 
To  explain  why  they  did  not  go  to  France  immediately 
after  their  liberation  from  Olmutz,  it  is  necessary  to  rec- 
ollect that  the  events  of  the  18th  Fructidor  occurred  be- 
tween the  period  when  the  first  steps  were  taken  to  pro- 
cure their  liberty  and  the  date  of  their  deliverance.  It 
required  all  Bonaparte's  ascendency  and  vigour  of  char- 
acter to  enable  him  to  succeed  in  his  object  at  the  end  of 
three  months. 

We  had  arrived  at  the  month  of  July,  and  the  negotia* 
tions  were  tediously  protracted.  It  was  impossible  to 
attribute  the  embarrassment  which  was  constantly  occur- 
ring to  anything  but  the  artful  policy  of  Austria.  Other 


1797.  CRITICISMS  ON  BONAPARTE.  67 

affairs  occupied  Bonaparte.  The  news  from  Paris  en- 
grossed all  his  attention.  He  saw  with  extreme  displeas- 
ure the  manner  in  which  the  influential  orators  of  the 
councils,  and  pamphlets  written  in  the  same  spirit  as  they 
spoke,  criticised  him,  his  army,  his  victories,  the  affairs  of 
Venice,  and  the  national  glory.  He  was  quite  indignant 
at  the  suspicions  which  it  was  sought  to  create  respecting 
his  conduct  and  ulterior  views. 

The  following  excerpts,  attributed  to  the  pens  of  Du- 
mouriez  or  Rivarol,  are  specimens  of  some  of  the  com- 
ments of  the  time  : — • 

EXTRACTS  OF  LETTERS  IN  "  LE  SPECTATUER  DU  NORD"  OP  1797. 

General  Bonaparte  is,  without  contradiction,  the  most  brilliant 
warrior  who  has  appeared  at  the  head  of  the  armies  of  the  French 
Republic.  His  glory  is  incompatible  with  democratic  equality,  and 
the  services  he  has  rendered  are  too  great  to  be  recompensed  ex- 
cept by  hatred  and  ingratitude.  He  is  very  young,  and  consequently 
has  to  pursue  a  long  career  of  accusations  and  of  persecutions. 

.  .  .  Whatever  may  be  the  crowning  event  of  his  military 
career,  Bonaparte  is  still  a  great  man.  All  his  glory  is  due  to  him- 
self alone,  because  he  alone  has  developed  a  character  and  a  genius 
of  which  no  one  else  has  furnished  an  example. 

EXTRACT  OP  LETTER  OP  18TH  APRIL  1797  m 

"LE  SPECTATEUR  DU  NORD." 

Regard,  for  instance,  this  wretched  war.  Uncertain  in  Cham- 
pagne, it  becomes  daring  under  Dumouriez,  unbridled  under  the 
brigands  who  fought  the  Vendeeans,  methodic  under  Pichegru, 
vulgar  under  Jourdan,  skilled  under  Moreau,  rash  under  Bona- 
parte. Each  general  has  put  the  seal  of  his  genius  on  his  career, 
and  has  given  life  or  death  to  his  army.  From  the  commencement 
of  his  career  Bonaparte  has  developed  an  ardent  character  which  is 
irritated  by  obstacles,  and  a  quickness  which  forestalls  every  de- 
termination of  the  enemy.  It  is  with  heavier  and  heavier  blows 
that  he  strikes.  He  throws  his  army  on  the  enemy  like  an  un- 
loosed torrent.  He  is  all  action,  and  he  is  so  in  everything.  See 
him  fight,  negotiate,  decree,  punish,  all  is  the  matter  of  a  moment. 
He  compromises  with  Turin  as  with  Rome.  He  invades  Modena  as 
he  burns  Binasco.  He  never  hesitates  :  to  cut  the  Gordian  knot  ia 
always  his  method. 


68          MEMOIRS  0V  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1797, 

Bonaparte  could  not  endure  to  have  his  conduct  predi- 
cated ;  and  enraged  at  seeing  his  campaigns  depreciated, 
his  glory  and  that  of  his  army  disparaged,1  and  intrigues 
formed  against  him  in  the  Club  of  Clichy,  he  wrote  the 
following  letter  to  the  Directory  : — 

To  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  EXECUTIVE  DIBECTORY. 

I  have  just  received,  Citizens-Directors,  a  copy  of  the  motion  of 
Dumolard  (23d  June  1797). 

This  motion,  printed  by  order  of  the  Assembly,  it  is  evident,  ia 
directed  against  me.  I  was  entitled,  after  having  five  times  con- 
cluded peace,  and  given  a  death-blow  to  the  coalition,  if  not  to  civic 
triumphs,  at  least  to  live  tranquilly  under  the  protection  of  the  first 
magistrates  of  the  Republic.  At  present  I  find  myself  ill-treated, 
persecuted,  and  disparaged,  by  every  shameful  means  which  their 
policy  brings  to  the  aid  of  persecution.  I  would  have  been  indif- 
ferent to  all  except  that  species  of  opprobrium  with  which  the  first 
magistrates  of  the  Republic  endeavour  to  overwhelm  me.  After 
having  deserved  well  of  my  country  by  my  last  act,  I  am  not  bound 
10  hear  myself  accused  in  a  manner  as  absurd  as  atrocious.  I  have 
not  expected  that  a  manifesto,  signed  by  emigrants,  paid  by  Eng- 
land, should  obtain  more  credit  with  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred 
than  the  evidence  of  eighty  thousand  men — than  mine  1  What  1 
we  were  assassinated  by  traitors — upwards  of  four  hundred  men 
perished ;  and  the  first  magistrates  of  the  Republic  make  it  a  crime 
to  have  believed  the  statement  for  a  moment.  Upwards  of  four 
hundred  Frenchmen  were  dragged  through  the  streets.  They 
were  assassinated  before  the  eyes  of  the  governor  of  the  fort.  They 
were  pierced  with  a  thousand  blows  of  stilettos,  such  as  I  sent  you—- 
and the  representatives  of  the  French  people  cause  it  to  be  printed, 
that  if  they  believed  this  fact  for  an  instant,  they  were  excusable. 
I  know  well  there  are  societies  where  it  is  said,  "Is  this  blood,  then, 
so  pure  ?  " 

If  only  base  men,  who  are  dead  to  the  feeling  of  patriotism  and 
national  glory,  had  spoken  of  me  thus,  I  would  not  have  com- 
plained. I  would  have  disregarded  it ;  but  I  have  a  right  to  com- 

1  The  extraordinary  folly  of  the  opposition  to  the  Directory  in  throwing  Bona 
parte  on  to  the  side  of  the  Directory,  will  be  seen  by  reading  the  speech  of  Dnmo- 
lard,  BO  often  referred  to  by  Bourrienne  (Thiers,  vol.  v.  pp.  110-111),  and  by  the 
attempts  of  Mathieu  Dumas  to  remove  the  impression  that  the  opposition  slighted 
the  fortunate  General.  (See  Dttmas,  tome  iii.  p.  90  ;  see  also  Lanfrey,  tome  i.  pp. 
287-299). 


1797.  BONAPARTE'S  PROTEST  TO  THE  DIRECTORY.  69 


plain  of  the  degradation  to  which  the  first  magistrates  of  the  Re» 
public  reduce  those  who  have  aggrandised,  and  carried  the  French 
name  to  so  high  a  pitch  of  glory.  Citizens-Directors,  I  reiterate  the 
demand  I  made  for  my  dismissal ;  I  wish  to  live  in  tranquillity,  if 
the  poniards  of  Clichy  will  allow  me  to  live.  You  have  employed 
me  in  negotiations.  I  am  not  very  fit  to  conduct  them. 

About  the  same  time  he  drew  up  the  following  note 
respecting  the  affairs  of  Venice,  which  was  printed  with- 
out the  author's  name,  and  circulated  through  the  whole 

army  : — 

NOTE. 

Bonaparte,  pausing  before  the  gates  of  Turin,  Parma,  Rome,  and 
Vienna,  offering  peace  when  he  was  sure  of  obtaining  nothing  but 
fresh  triumphs— Bonaparte,  whose  every  operation  exhibits  respect 
for  religion,  morality,  and  old  age ;  who,  instead  of  heaping,  as  he 
might  have  done,  dishonour  upon  the  Venetians,  and  humbling  their 
republic  to  the  earth,  loaded  her  with  acts  of  kindness,  and  took 
such  great  interest  in  her  glory — is  this  the  same  Bonaparte  who  is 
accused  of  destroying  the  ancient  Government  of  Venice,  and  de- 
mocratising Genoa,  and  even  of  interfering  in  the  affairs  of  the 
prudent  and  worthy  people  of  the  Swiss  Cantons  ?  Bonaparte  had 
passed  the  Tagliamento,  and  entered  Germany,  when  insurrections 
broke  out  in  the  Venetian  States  ;  these  insurrections  were,  there- 
fore, opposed  to  Bonaparte's  project;  surely,  then,  he  could  not 
favour  them.  When  he  was  in  the  heart  of  Germany  the  Venetians 
massacred  more  than  four  hundred  French  troops,  drove  their 
quarters  out  of  Verona,  assassinated  the  unfortunate  Laugier,  and 
presented  the  spectacle  of  a  fanatical  party  in  arms.  He  returned 
to  Italy ;  and  on  his  arrival,  as  the  winds  cease  their  agitation  at 
the  presence  of  Neptune,  the  whole  of  Italy,  which  was  in  com- 
motion, which  was  in  arms,  was  restored  to  order. 

However,  the  deputies  from  Bonaparte  drew  up  different  articles 
conformable  to  the  situation  of  the  country,  and  in  order  to  pre- 
vent, not  a  revolution  in  the  Government,  for  the  Government  was 
defunct,  and  had  died  a  natural  death,  but  a  crisis,  and  to  save  the 
city  from  convulsion,  anarchy,  and  pillage.  Bonaparte  spared  a 
division  of  his  army  to  save  Venice  from  pillage  and  massacre.  All 
the  battalions  were  in  the  streets  of  Venice,  the  disturbers  were  put 
down,  and  the  pillage  discontinued.  Property  and  trade  were  pre- 
served, when  General  Baraguey  d'Hilliers  entered  Venice  with  his 
division.  Bonaparte,  as  usual,  spared  blood,  and  was  the  protector 


70  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1797. 

of  Venice.  Whilst  the  French  troops  remained  they  conducted 
themselves  peaceably,  and  only  interfered  to  support  the  provisional 
Government. 

Bonaparte  could  not  say  to  the  deputies  of  Venice,  who  came  to 
ask  his  protection  and  assistance  against  the  populace,  who  wished 
to  plunder  them,  ' '  I  cannot  meddle  with  your  affairs. "  He  could 
not  say  this,  for  Venice,  and  all  its  territories,  had  really  formed 
the  theatre  of  war  ;  and,  being  in  the  rear  of  the  army  of  Italy,  the 
Republic  of  Venice  was  really  under  the  jurisdiction  of  that  army. 
The  rights  of  war  confer  upon  a  general  the  powers  of  supreme 
police  over  the  countries  which  are  the  seat  of  war.  As  the  great 
Frederick  said,  "  There  are  no  neutrals  where  there  is  war." 
Ignorant  advocates  and  babblers  have  asked,  in  the  Club  of  Clichy, 
why  we  occupy  the  territory  of  Venice.  These  declaimers  should 
learn  war,  and  they  would  know  that  the  Adige,  the  Brenta,  and 
the  Tagliamento,  where  we  have  been  fighting  for  two  years,  are 
within  the  Venetian  States.  But,  gentlemen  of  Clichy,  we  are  at 
no  loss  to  perceive  your  meaning.  You  reproach  the  army  of  Italy 
for  having  surmounted  all  difficulties — for  subduing  all  Italy — for 
having  twice  passed  the  Alps — for  having  marched  on  Vienna,  and 
obliged  Austria  to  acknowledge  the  Republic  that  you,  men  of 
Clichy,  would  destroy.  You  accuse  Bonaparte,  I  see  clearly,  for 
having  brought  about  peace.  But  I  know  you,  and  I  speak  in  the 
name  of  eighty  thousand  soldiers.  The  time  is  gone  when  base 
advocates  and  wretched  declaimers  could  induce  soldiers  to  revolt. 
If,  however,  you  compel  them,  the  soldiers  of  the  army  of  Italy 
will  soon  appear  at  the  Barrier  of  Clichy,  with  their  General.  But 
woe  unto  you  if  they  do  1 

Bonaparte  having  arrived  at  Palma-Nuova,  issued  a  manifesto  on 
the  3d  of  May  1797.  Arrived  at  Mestre,  where  he  posted  his  troops, 
the  Government  sent  three  deputies  to  him,  with  a  decree  of  the 
Great  Council,  without  Bonaparte  having  solicited  it  and  without 
his  having  thought  of  making  any  change  in  the  Government  of 
that  country.  The  governor  of  Venice  was  an  old  man,  ninety -nine 
years  of  age,  confined  by  illness  to  his  apartment.  Everyone  felt 
the  necessity  of  renovating  this  Government  of  twelve  hundred 
years'  existence,  and  to  simplify  its  machinery,  in  order  to  preserve 
its  independence,  honour,  and  glory.  It  was  necessary  to  deliberate, 
first,  on  the  manner  of  renovating  the  Government ;  secondly,  on 
the  means  of  atoning  for  the  massacre  of  the  French,  the  iniquity 
of  which  every  one  was  sensible. 

Bonaparte,  after  having  received  the  deputation  at  Mestre,  told 
them  that  in  order  to  obtain  satisfaction  for  the  assassination  of  his 


1707.    LETTER  FROM  THE  EMPEROR  FRANCIS.         71 

brethren  in  arms,  he  wished  the  Great  Council  to  arrest  the  inquis- 
itors. He  afterwards  granted  them  an  armistice,  and  appointed 
Milan  as  the  place  of  conference.  The  deputies  arrived  at  Milan 
on  the  ...  A  negotiation  commenced  to  re-establish  harmony  be- 
tween the  Governments.  However,  anarchy,  with  all  its  horrors, 
afflicted  the  city  of  Venice.  Ten  thousand  Sclavonians  threatened 
to  pillage  the  shops.  Bonaparte  acquiesced  in  the  proposition  sub- 
mitted by  the  deputies,  who  promised  to  verify  the  loss  which  had 
been  sustained  by  pillage. 

Bonaparte  also  addressed  a  manifesto  to  the  Doge, 
which  appeared  in  all  the  public  papers.  It  contained 
fifteen  articles  of  complaint,  and  was  followed  by  a  decree 
ordering  the  French  Minister  to  leave  Venice,  the  Venetian 
agents  to  leave  Lombardy,  and  the  Lion  of  St.  Mark  to  be 
pulled  down  in  all  the  Continental  territories  of  Venice. 

The  General-in-Chief  now  openly  manifested  his  resolu- 
tion of  marching  on  Paiis  ;  and  this  disposition,  which 
was  well  known  in  the  army,  was  soon  communicated  to 
Vienna.  At  this  period  a  letter  from  the  Emperor  Francis 
II.  to  his  brother,  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  was  inter- 
cepted by  Bonaparte.  I  translated  the  letter,  which  proved 
to  him  that  Francis  IE.  was  acquainted  with  his  project. 
He  likewise  saw  with  pleasure  the  assurances  which  the 
Emperor  gave  his  brother  of  his  love  of  peace,  as  well  as 
the  wavering  of  the  imperial  resolves,  and  the  incertitude 
respecting  the  fate  of  the  Italian  princes,  which  the  Em- 
peror easily  perceived  to  depend  on  Bonaparte.  The 
Emperor's  letter  was  as  follows  : — 

MY  DEAR  BROTHER — I  punctually  received  your  third  letter,  con- 
taining a  description  of  your  unhappy  and  delicate  situation.  You 
may  be  assured  that  I  perceive  it  as  clearly  as  you  do  yourself ;  and 
I  pity  you  the  more  because,  in  truth,  I  do  not  know  what  advice  to 
give  you.  You  are.  like  me,  the  victim  of  the  former  inactivity  of 
the  princes  of  Italy,  who  ought,  at  once,  to  have  acted  with  all  their 
united  forces,  while  I  still  possessed  Mantua.  If  Bonaparte's  pro- 
ject be,  as  I  learn,  to  establish  republics  in  Italy,  this  is  likely  to 
«nd  in  spreading  republicanism  over  the  whole  country.  I  have 


72          MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

already  commenced  negotiations  for  peace,  and  the  preliminaries 
are  ratified.  If  the  French  observe  them  as  strictly  as  I  do,  and 
will  do,  then  your  situation  will  be  improved  ;  but  already  the 
French  are  beginning  to  disregard  them.  The  principal  problem 
which  remains  to  be  solved  is,  whether  the  French  Directory  ap- 
prove of  Bonaparte's  proceedings,  and  whether  the  latter,  as  appears 
by  some  papers  distributed  through  his  army,  is  not  disposed  to 
revolt  against  his  country,  which  also  seems  to  be  probable,  from 
his  severe  conduct  towards  Switzerland,  notwithstanding  the  assur- 
ances of  the  Directory,  that  he  had  been  ordered  to  leave  the  country 
untouched.  If  this  should  be  the  case,  new  and  innumerable  dif- 
ficulties may  arise.  Under  these  circumstances  I  can,  at  present, 
advise  nothing  ;  for,  as  to  myself,  it  is  only  time  and  the  circum- 
stances of  the  moment  which  can  point  out  how  I  am  to  act. 

There  is  nothing  new  here.  We  are  all  well ;  but  the  heat  is 
extraordinary.  Always  retain  your  friendship  and  love  for  me. 
Make  my  compliments  to  your  wife,  and  believe  me  ever 

Your  best  Friend  and  Brother, 
FRANCIS. 

HITZEHDOKF,  July  80, 1707. 


1797.  73 


CHAPTER    VH 
1797. 

Unfounded  reports — Carnot — Capitulation  of  Mantua — General  Clarke — 
The  Directory  yields  to  Bonaparte — Berthier — Arrival  of  Eugene 
Beauhamais  at  Milan — Comte  Delaunay  d'Entraigues — Hi  a  inter- 
view with  Bonaparte — Seizure  of  his  papers — Copy  of  one  describing  a 
conversation  between  him  and  Comte  de  Montgaillard — The  Em- 
peror Francis — The  Prince  de  Conde  and  General  Pichegru. 

WHILE  Bonaparte  was  expressing  his  opinion  on  his  cam- 
paigns and  the  injustice  with  which  they  had  been  criti- 
cised, it  was  generally  believed  that  Carnot  dictated  to 
him  from  a  closet  in  the  Luxembourg  all  the  plans  of  his 
operations,  and  that  Berthier  was  at  his  right  hand,  with- 
out whom,  notwithstanding  Carnot's  plans,  which  were 
often  mere  romances,  he  would  have  been  greatly  em- 
barrassed. This  twofold  misrepresentation  was  very  cur- 
rent for  some  time  ;  and,  notwithstanding  it  was  contrary 
to  the  evidence  of  facts,  it  met  with  much  credence,  par- 
ticularly abroad.  There  was,  however,  no  foundation  for 
the  opinion.  Let  us  render  to  Caesar  that  which  is 
Caesar's  due.  Bonaparte  was  a  creator  in  the  art  of  war, 
and  no  imitator.  That  no  man  was  superior  to  him  in 
that  art  is  incontestable.  At  the  commencement  of  the 
glorious  campaign  in  Italy  the  Directory  certainly  sent 
out  instructions  to  him  ;  but  he  always  followed  his  own 
plans,  and  continually  wrote  back  that  all  would  be  lost  if 
movements  conceived  at  a  distance  from  the  scene  of 
action  were  to  be  blindly  executed.  He  also  offered  to 
resign.  At  length  the  Directory  perceived  the  impossi- 
bility of  prescribing  operations  of  war  according  to  the 


74          MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

view  of  persons  in  Paris ;  and  when  I  became  the  secretary 
of  the  General-in-Chief  I  saw  a  despatch  of  the  Directory, 
dated  May,  1796,  committing  the  whole  plan  of  the  cam- 
paign to  his  judgment ;  and  assuredly  there  was  not  a  sin- 
gle operation  or  movement  which  did  not  originate  with 
him.  Carnot  was  obliged  to  yield  to  his  firmness.  When 
the  Directory,  towards  the  end  of  1796,  felt  disposed  to 
treat  for  peace,  General  Clarke,  appointed  to  conclude  the 
armistice,  was  authorised,  in  case  Mantua  should  not  be 
taken  before  the  negotiation  was  brought  to  a  close,  to 
propose  leaving  the  blockade  in  statu  quo.  Had  such  a 
condition  been  adopted  it  would  doubtless  have  been  stip- 
ulated that  the  Emperor  of  Austria  should  be  allowed  to 
provision  the  garrison  and  inhabitants  of  the  city  day  by 
day.  Bonaparte,  convinced  that  an  armistice  without 
Mantua  would  by  no  means  conduce  to  peace,  earnestly 
opposed  such  a  conditon.  He  carried  his  point ;  Mantua 
capitulated,  and  the  result  is  well  known.  Yet  he  was 
not  blind  to  the  hazards  of  war  ;  while  preparing,  during 
the  blockade,  an  assault  on  Mantua,  he  wrote  thus  to  the 
Directory :  "A  bold  stroke  of  this  nature  depends  abso- 
lutely for  success  on  a  dog  or  a  goose."  This  was  about 
a  question  of  surprise. 

Bonaparte  was  exceedingly  sensitive  to  the  rumours 
which  reached  him  respecting  Carnot  and  Berthier.  He 
one  day  said  to  me  :  "  What  gross  stupidity  is  this?  It 
is  very  well  to  say  to  a  general,  '  Depart  for  Italy,  gain 
battles,  and  sign  a  peace  at  Vienna ; '  but  the  execution — 
that  is  not  so  easy.  I  never  attached  any  value  to  the 
plans  which  the  Directory  sent  me.  Too  many  circum- 
stances occur  on  the  spot  to  modify  them.  The  move- 
ment of  a  single  corps  of  the  enemy's  army  may  confound 
a  whole  plan  arranged  by  the  fireside.  Only  fools  can 
believe  such  stuff.  As  for  Berthier,  since  you  have  been 
with  me,  you  see  what  he  is — he  is  a  blockhead.  Yet  it 
is  he  who  does  it  all ;  it  is  he  who  gathers  a  great  part  of 


1797.  CHARACTER   OF  BERTHIER.  75 

the  glory  of  the  army  of  Italy."  I  told  him  that  this 
erroneous  opinion  could  not  last  long  ;  that  each  person 
would  be  allowed  his  merit,  and  that  at  least  posterity 
would  judge  rightly.  This  observation  seemed  to  pleas* 
him. 

Berthier  was  a  man  full  of  honour,  courage,  and  pro- 
bity, and  exceedingly  regular  in  the  performance  of  his 
duties.  Bonaparte's  attachment  to  him  arose  more  from 
habit  than  liking.  Berthier  did  not  concede  with  affa- 
bility, and  refused  with  harshness.  His  abrupt,  egotistic, 
and  careless  manners  did  not,  however,  create  him  many 
enemies,  but,  at  the  same  time,  did  not  make  him  many 
friends.  In  consequence  of  our  frequent  intercourse  he 
had  contracted  the  friendly  practice  of  speaking  to  me  in 
the  second  person  singular  ;  but  he  never  wrote  to  me  in 
that  style.  He  was  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  disposi- 
tion of  all  the  corps,  and  could  name  their  commanders 
and  their  respective  forces.  Day  or  night  he  was  always 
at  hand  and  made  out  with  clearness  all  the  secondary 
orders  which  resulted  from  the  dispositions  of  the  Gen- 
eral-in-Chief. In  fact,  he  was  an  excellent  head  of  the 
staff  of  an  army  ;  but  that  is  all  the  praise  that  can  be 
given,  and  indeed  he  wished  for  no  greater.  He  had  such 
entire  confidence  in  Bonaparte,  and  looked  up  to  him 
with  so  much  admiration,  that  he  never  would  have  pre- 
sumed to  oppose  his  plans  or  give  any  advice.  Berthier's 
talent  was  very  limited,  and  of  a  special  nature  ;  his  char- 
acter was  one  of  extreme  weakness.  Bonaparte's  friend- 
ship for  him  and  the  frequency  of  his  name  in  the  bulle- 
tins and  official  despatches  have  unduly  elevated  his  repu- 
tation. Bonaparte,  giving  his  opinion  to  the  Directory 
respecting  the  generals  employed  in  his  army,  said,  "  Ber- 
thier has  talents,  activity,  courage,  character — all  in  his 
favour."  This  was  in  1796.  He  then  made  an  eagle  of 
him  ;  at  St.  Helena  he  called  him  a  goose.  He  should 
neither  have  raised  him  so  high  nor  sunk  him  so  low. 


76  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

Berthier  neither  merited  the  one  nor  the  other.  Bona- 
parte was  a  man  of  habit ;  he  was  much  attached  to  all 
the  people  about  him,  and  did  not  like  new  faces.  Ber- 
thier loved  him.  He  carried  out  his  orders  well,  and  that 
enabled  him  to  pass  off  with  his  small  portion  of  talent. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  young  Beauharnais  came  to 
Milan.  He  was  seventeen  years  old.  He  had  lived  in 
Paris  with  his  mother  since  the  departure  of  Bonaparte. 
On  his  arrival  he  immediately  entered  the  service  as  aide 
de  camp  to  the  General-in-Chief,  who  felt  for  him  an  affec- 
tion which  was  justified  by  his  good  qualities. 

Comte  Delaunay  d'Entraigues,  well  known  in  the  French 
Revolution,1  held  a  diplomatic  post  at  Venice  when  that 
city  was  threatened  by  the  French.  Aware  of  his  being 
considered  the  agent  of  all  the  machinations  then  existing 
against  France,  and  especially  against  the  army  of  Italy, 
he  endeavoured  to  escape  ;  but  the  city  being  surrounded, 
he  was  seized,  together  with  all  his  papers.  The  ap- 
parently frank  manners  of  the  Count  pleased  Bonaparte, 
who  treated  him  with  indulgence.  His  papers  were 
restored,  with  the  exception  of  three  relating  to  political 
subjects.  He  afterwards  fled  to  Switzerland,  and  ungrate- 
fully represented  himself  as  having  been  oppressed  by 
Bonaparte.  His  false  statements  have  induced  many 
writers  to  make  of  him  an  heroic  victim.  He  was  assas- 
sinated by  his  own  servant  in  1802. 

I  kept  a  copy  of  one  of  his  most  interesting  papers.  It 
has  been  much  spoken  of,  and  Fauche-Borel  has,  I  believe, 
denied  its  authenticity  and  the  truth  of  its  contents.  The 
manner  in  which  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  General-in- 
Chief,  the  importance  attached  to  it  by  d'Entraigues,  the 
differences  I  have  observed  between  the  manuscript  I 
copied  and  versions  which  I  have  since  read,  and  the 
knowledge  of  its  authenticity,  having  myself  transcribed 
it  from  the  handwriting  of  the  Count,  who  in  my  presence 

i  Thiers'  French  Revolution,  v.  113 ;  lung,  iii.  195 ;  Miot  de  Melito,  i.  170. 


VICEROY  OF  ITALY 


1797.     PICHEGRU  AND  THE  PRINCE  DE  CONDE.        77 

vouched  for  the  truth  of  the  facts  it  details — all  these  cir- 
cumstances induce  me  to  insert  it  here,  and  compel  me  to 
doubt  that  it  was,  as  Fauche-Borel  asserted,  a  fabrication. 

This  manuscript  is  en  titled,  My  Conversation  urith  Comte 
de  Montgaillard,  on  the  £th  of  December  1796,  from  Six  in 
the  Afternoon  till  Midnight,  in  the  presence  of  the  Abbe 
Dumontel. 

[On  my  copy  are  written  the  words,  "  Extracts  from 
this  conversation,  made  by  me,  from  the  original."  I 
omitted  what  I  thought  unimportant,  and  transcribed  only 
the  most  interesting  passages.  Montgaillard  spoke  of  his 
escape,  of  his  flight  to  England,  of  his  return  to  France, 
of  his  second  departure,  and  finally  of  his  arrival  at  Bale 
in  August  1796.] 

The  Prince  de  Conde  soon  afterwards,  he  said,  called  me  to 
Miilheim,  and  knowing  the  connections  I  had  had  in  France,  pro- 
posed that  I  should  sound  General  Pichegru,  whose  headquarters 
were  at  Altkirch,  where  he  then  was,  surrounded  by  four  represen- 
tatives of  the  Convention. 

I  immediately  went  to  Neufchatel,  taking  with  me  four  or  five 
hundred  louis.  I  cast  my  eyes  on  Fauche-Borel,  the  King's  printer 
at  Neufchatel,  and  also  yours  and  mine,  as  the  instrument  by  which 
to  make  the  first  overture,  and  I  selected  as  his  colleague  M.  Cour- 
ant,  a  native  of  Neufchatel.  I  persuaded  them  to  undertake  the 
business  :  I  supplied  them  with  instructions  and  passports.  They 
were  foreigners :  so  I  furnished  them  with  all  the  necessary  docu- 
ments to  enable  them  to  travel  in  France  as  foreign  merchants  and 
purchasers  of  national  property.  I  went  to  Bale  to  wait  for  news 
from  them. 

On  the  13th  of  August  Fauche  and  Courant  set  out  for  the  head- 
quarters at  Altkirch.  They  remained  there  eight  days  without  find- 
ing an  opportunity  to  speak  to  Pichegru,  who  was  surrounded  by 
»epresentatives  and  generals.  Pichegru  observed  them,  and  seeing 
them  continually  wheresoever  he  went,  he  conjectured  that  they 
had  something  to  say  to  him,  and  he  called  out  in  a  loud  voice, 
while  passing  them,  "  lam  going  to  Huningen."  Fauche  contrived 
to  throw  himself  in  his  way  at  the  end  of  a  corridor.  Pichegru  ob- 
served him,  and  fixed  his  eyes  upon  him,  and  although  it  rained  in 
torrents,  he  said  aloud,  ' '  /  am  going  to  dine  at  the  ch&teau  qf  Ma- 


78  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

dame  Salomon."  This  chateau  was  three  leagues  from  Huningen, 
and  Madame  Salomon  was  Pichegru's  mistress. 

Fauche  set  off  directly  to  the  chateau,  and  begged  to  speak  with 
General  Pichegru.  He  told  the  general  that,  being  in  the  posses- 
sion of  some  of  J.  J.  Rousseau's  manuscripts,  he  wished  to  publish 
them  and  dedicate  them  to  him.  "Very  good,"  said  Pichegru ;  "but 
I  should  like  to  read  them  first ;  for  Ronsseau  professed  principles 
of  liberty  in  which  I  do  not  concur,  and  with  which  I  should  not 
like  to  have  my  name  connected." —  "But,"  said  Fauche,  "  I  have 
something  else  to  speak  to  you  about." — "  What  is  it,  and  on  whose 
behalf?" — "  On  behalf  of  the  Prince  de  Conde." — "Be  silent,  then, 
and  follow  me. " 

He  conducted  Fauche  alone  into  a  retired  cabinet,  and  said  to 
him,  "Explain  yourself;  what  does  Monseigneur  le  Prince  de 
Conde  wish  to  communicate  to  me  ?  "  Fauche  was  embarrassed, 
and  stammered  out  something  unintelligible.  "  Compose  yourself," 
said  Pichegru  ;  "  my  sentiments  are  the  same  as  the  Prince  de 
Conde's.  What  does  he  desire  of  me  ?  "  Fauche,  encouraged  by 
these  words,  replied,  "  The  Prince  wishes  to  join  you.  He  counts 
on  you,  and  wishes  to  connect  himself  with  you." 

"These  are  rague  and  unmeaning  words,"  observed  Pichegru. 
"All  this  amounts  to  nothing.  Go  back,  and  ask  for  written  in- 
structions, and  return  in  three  days  to  my  headquarters  at  Altkirch. 
You  will  find  me  alone  precisely  at  six  o'clock  in  the  evening." 

Fauche  immediately  departed,  arrived  at  Bule,  and  informed  me 
of  all  that  had  passed.  I  spent  the  night  in  writing  a  letter  to  Gen- 
eral Pichegru.  (The  Prince  de  Conde,  who  was  invested  with  all 
the  powers  of  Louis  XVIII. ,  except  that  of  granting  the  cordon-lieu, 
had,  by  a  note  in  his  own  handwriting,  deputed  to  me  all  his  pow- 
ers, to  enable  me  to  maintain  a  negotiation  with  General  Piche- 
gru). 

I  therefore  wrote  to  the  general,  stating,  in  the  outset,  every- 
thing that  was  calculated  to  awaken  in  him  that  noble  sentiment 
of  pride  which  is  the  instinct  of  great  minds  ;  and  after  pointing 
out  to  him  the  vast  good  it  was  in  his  power  to  effect,  I  spoke  of  the 
gratitude  of  the  King,  and  the  benefit  he  would  confer  on  his  coun- 
try by  restoring  royalty.  I  told  him  that  his  Majesty  would  make 
him  a  marshal  of  France,  and  governor  of  Alsace,  as  no  one  could 
better  govern  the  province  than  he  who  had  so  valiantly  defended 
it.  I  added  that  he  would  have  the  cordon-rouge,  the  Chateau  de 
Chambord,  with  its  park,  and  twelve  pieces  of  cannon  taken  from 
the  Austrians,  a  million  of  ready  money,  200,000  livres  per  annum, 
and  an  hotel  in  Paris  ;  that  the  town  of  Arbois,  Pichegru's  native 


1797.    PICHEORU  AND  THE  PRINCE  DE  CONDE.        79 

place,  should  bear  his  name,  and  be  exempt  from  all  taxation  for 
twenty-five  years;  that  a  pension  of  200,000  livres  would  be 
granted  to  him,  with  half  reversion  to  his  wife,  and  50,000  livres  to 
his  heirs  for  ever,  until  the  extinction  of  his  family.  Such  were 
the  offers,  made  in  the  name  of  the  King,  to  General  Pichegru. 
(Then  followed  the  boons  to  be  granted  to  the  officers  and  soldiers, 
an  amnesty  to  the  people,  etc).  I  added  that  the  Prince  de  Conde" 
desired  that  he  would  proclaim  the  King  in  the  camps,  surrender 
the  city  of  Huniugen  to  him,  and  join  him  for  the  purpose  of  march- 
ing on  Parie. 

Pichegru,  having  read  my  letter  with  graat  attention,  said  to 
Fauche,  "  This  is  all  very  well  ;  but  who  is  this  M.  de  Montgail- 
lard  who  talks  of  being  thus  authorised  ?  I  neither  know  him  nor 
his  signature.  Is  he  the  author?" — "Yes,"  replied  Fauche. — 
"  But,"  said  Pichegru,  "  I  must,  before  making  any  negotiation  on 
my  part,  be  assured  that  the  Prince  de  Conde,  with  whose  hand- 
writing I  am  well  acquainted,  approves  of  all  that  has  been  written 
in  his  name  by  M.  de  Montgaillard.  Return  directly  to  M.  de 
Montgaillard,  and  tell  him  to  communicate  my  answer  to  the 
Prince. 

Fauche  immediately  departed,  leaving  M.  Courant  with  Pichegru. 
He  arrived  at  Bale  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening.  I  set  off  di- 
rectly for  Miilheim,  the  Prince  de  Conde' s  headquarters,  and  ar- 
rived there  at  half -past  twelve.  The  Prince  was  in  bed,  but  I  awoke 
him.  He  made  me  sit  down  by  his  bedside,  and  our  conference  then 
commenced. 

After  having  informed  the  Prince  of  the  state  of  affairs,  all  that 
remained  was  to  prevail  on  him  to  write  to  General  Pichegru  to  con- 
firm the  truth  of  what  had  been  stated  in  his  name.  This  matter, 
which  appeared  so  simple,  and  so  little  liable  to  objection,  occupied 
the  whole  night.  The  Prince,  as  brave  a  man  as  can  possibly  be, 
inherited  nothing  from  the  great  Conde  but  his  undaunted  courage. 
In  other  respects  he  is  the  most  insignificant  of  men ;  without  re- 
sources of  mind,  or  decision  of  character  ;  surrounded  by  men  of  me- 
diocrity, and  even  baseness  ;  and  though  he  knows  them  well,  he 
suffers  himself  to  be  governed  by  them. 

It  required  nine  hours  of  hard  exertion  on  my  part  to  get  him  to 
write  to  General  Pichegru  a  letter  of  eight  lines.  1st.  He  did  not 
wish  it  to  be  in  his  handwriting.  2d.  He  objected  to  dating  it,  3d. 
He  was  unwilling  to  call  him  General,  lest  he  should  recognise  the 
republic  by  giving  that  title.  4th.  He  did  not  like  to  address  it,  or 
affix  his  seal  to  it. 

At  length  he  consented  to  all,  and  wrote  to  Pichegru  that  he  night 


80  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

place  full  confidence  in  the  letters  of  the  Comte  de  Montgaillard. 
When  all  this  was  settled,  after  great  difficulty,  the  Prince  next 
hesitated  about  sending  the  letter  ;  but  at  length  he  yielded.  I 
set  off  for  Bale,  and  despatched  Fauche  to  Altkirch,  to  General 
Pichegru. 

The  general,  after  reading  the  letter  of  eight  lines,  and  recognising 
the  handwriting  and  signature,  immediately  returned  it  to  Fauche, 
saying,  ' '  I  have  seen  the  signature  :  that  is  enough  for  me.  The 
word  of  the  Prince  is  a  pledge  with  which  every  Frenchman  ought 
to  be  satisfied.  Take  back  his  letter."  He  then  inquired  what 
was  the  Prince's  wish.  Fauche  explained  that  he  wished — 1st. 
That  Pichegru  should  proclaim  the  King  to  his  troops,  and  hoist 
the  white  flag.  2d.  That  he  should  deliver  up  Huningen  to  the 
Prince.  Pichegru  objected  to  this.  "  I  will  never  take  part  in 
such  a  plot,"  said  he  ;  "I  have  no  wish  to  make  the  third  volume 
of  La  Fayette  and  Dumouriez.  I  know  my  resources  ;  they  are  as 
certain  as  they  are  vast.  Their  roots  are  not  only  in  my  army,  but 
in  Paris,  in  the  Convention,  in  the  departments,  and  in  the  armies 
of  those  generals,  my  colleagues,  who  think  as  I  do.  I  wish  to  do 
nothing  by  halves.  There  must  be  a  complete  end  of  the  present 
state  of  things.  France  cannot  continue  a  Republic.  She  must 
have  a  king,  and  that  king  must  be  Louis  XVIIL  But  we  must 
not  commence  the  counter-revolution  until  we  are  certain  of  effect- 
ing it.  '  Surely  and  rightly '  is  my  motto.  The  Prince's  plan  leads 
to  nothing.  He  would  be  driven  from  Huningen  in  four  days,  and 
in  fifteen  I  should  be  lost.  My  army  is  composed  both  of  good  men 
and  bad.  We  must  distinguish  between  them,  and,  by  a  bold  stroke, 
assure  the  former  of  the  impossibility  of  drawing  back,  and  that 
their  only  safety  lies  in  success.  For  this  purpose  I  propose  to  pass 
the  Rhine,  at  any  place  and  any  time  that  may  be  thought  neces- 
sary. In  the  advance  I  will  place  those  officers  on  whom  I  can  de- 
pend, and  who  are  of  my  way  of  thinking.  I  will  separate  the  bad, 
and  place  them  in  situations  where  they  can  do  no  harm,  and  their 
position  shall  be  such  as  to  prevent  them  from  uniting.  That  done, 
as  soon  as  I  shall  be  on  the  other  side  of  the  Rhine,  I  will  proclaim 
the  King,  and  hoist  the  white  flag.  Conde's  corps  and  the  Emperor's 
army  will  then  join  us.  I  will  immediately  repass  the  Rhine,  and 
re-enter  France.  The  fortresses  will  be  surrendered,  and  will  be 
held  in  the  King's  name  by  the  Imperial  troops.  Having  joined 
Condi's  army,  I  immediately  advance.  All  my  means  now  develop 
themselves  on  every  side.  We  march  upon  Paris,  and  in  a  fort- 
night will  be  there.  But  it  is  necessary  that  you  should  know  that 
you  must  give  the  French  soldier  wine  and  a  crown  in  his  hand  if 


1797.  "FRANCE  MUST  HAVE  A  KINO."  81 


you  would  have  him  cry  Vive  le  Roi!  Nothing  must  be  wanting  at 
the  first  moment.  My  army  must  be  well  paid  as  far  as  the  fourth 
or  fifth  march  in  the  French  territory.  There,  go  and  tell  all  this 
to  the  Prince,  show  my  handwriting,  and  bring  me  back  his 
answer." 

During  these  conferences  Pichegru  was  surrounded  by  four  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  Merlin  de  Thion- 
ville,  the  most  insolent  and  the  most  ferocious  of  inquisitors.  These 
men,  having  the  orders  of  the  Committee,  pressed  Pichegru  to  pass 
the  Rhine  and  go  and  besiege  Manheim,  where  Merlin  had  an 
understanding  with  the  inhabitants.  Thus,  if  on  the  one  hand  the 
Committee  by  its  orders  made  Pichegru  wish  to  hasten  the  execution 
of  his  plan,  on  the  other  he  had  not  a  moment  to  lose  ;  for  to  delay 
obeying  the  orders  of  the  four  representatives  was  to  render  himself 
suspected.  Every  consideration,  therefore,  called  upon  the  Prince  to 
decide,  and  decide  promptly.  Good  sense  required  him  also  to  do 
another  thing,  namely,  to  examine  without  prejudice  what  sort  of 
man  Pichegru  was,  to  consider  the  nature  of  the  sacrifice  he  made,  and 
what  were  his  propositions.  Europe  acknowledged  his  talents,  and 
he  had  placed  the  Prince  in  a  condition  to  judge  of  his  good  faith. 
Besides,  his  conduct  and  his  plan  afforded  fresh  proofs  of  his 
sincerity.  By  passing  the  Rhine  and  placing  himself  between  the 
armies  of  Conde  and  Wurmser,  he  rendered  desertion  impossible  ; 
and,  if  success  did  not  attend  his  attempt,  his  own  acts  forced  him 
to  become  an  emigrant.  He  left  in  the  power  of  his  fierce  enemies 
his  wife,  his  father,  his  children.  Everything  bore  testimony  to 
his  honesty  ;  the  talents  he  had  shown  were  a  pledge  for  his  genius, 
his  genius  for  his  resources  ;  and  the  sacrifices  he  would  have  to 
make  in  case  of  failure  proved  that  he  was  confident  of  success. 

What  stupid  conceit  was  it  for  any  one  to  suppose  himself  better 
able  to  command  Pichegru's  army  than  Pichegru  himself ! — to  pre- 
tend to  be  better  acquainted  with  the  frontier  provinces  than 
Pichegru,  who  commanded  them,  and  had  placed  his  friends  in 
them  as  commanders  of  the  towns !  This  self-conceit,  however, 
ruined  the  monarchy  at  this  time,  as  well  as  at  so  many  others.  The 
Prince  de  Conde,  after  reading  the  plan,  rejected  it  in  toto.  To 
render  it  successful  it  was  necessary  to  make  the  Austrians  parties 
to  it.  This  Pichegru  exacted,  but  the  Prince  of  Cond£  would  not 
hear  a  word  of  it,  wishing  to  have  confined  to  himself  the  glory  of 
effecting  the  counter-revolution.  He  replied  to  Pichegru  by  a  few 
observations,  and  concluded  his  answer  by  returning  to  his  first 
plan— that  Pichegru  should  proclaim  the  King  without  passing  the 
Rhine,  and  should  give  up  Huningen  ;  that  then  the  army  of Conde 
VOL.  I.— 6 


82  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

by  itself,  and  without  the  aid  of  the  Austrians,  would  join  him.  In 
that  case  he  could  promise  100,000  crowns  in  louia,  which  he  had  at 
Bale,  and  1,400,000  livres,  which  he  had  in  good  bills  payable  at 
sight. 

No  argument  or  entreaty  had  any  effect  on  the  Prince  de  Conde. 
The  idea  of  communicating  his  plan  to  Wurmser  and  sharing  his 
glory  with  him  rendered  him  blind  and  deaf  to  every  consideration. 
However,  it  was  necessary  to  report  to  Pichegru  the  observations  of 
the  Prince  de  Conde,  and  Courant  was  commissioned  to  do  so. 

Tins  document  appeared  so  interesting  to  me  that 
while  Bonaparte  was  sleeping  I  was  employed  in  copying 
it.  Notwithstanding  posterior  and  reiterated  denials  of 
its  truth,  I  believe  it  to  be  perfectly  correct. 

Napoleon  had  ordered  plans  of  his  most  famous  battles 
to  be  engraved,  and  had  paid  in  advance  for  them.  The 
work  was  not  done  quickly  enough  for  him.  He  got 
angry,  and  one  day  said  to  his  geographer,  Bacler  d'Albe, 
whom  he  liked  well  enough,  "  Ah !  do  hurry  yourself,  and 
think  all  this  is  only  the  business  of  a  moment.  If  you 
make  further  delay  you  will  sell  nothing  ;  everything  ia 
soon  forgotten ! " 

We  were  now  in  July,  and  the  negotiations  were  carried 
on  with  a  tardiness  which  showed  that  something  was  kept 
in  reserve  on  both  sides.  Bonaparte  at  this  time  was 
anything  but  disposed  to  sign  a  peace,  which  he  always 
hoped  to  be  able  to  make  at  Vienna,  after  a  campaign  in 
Germany,  seconded  by  the  armies  of  the  Rhine  and  the 
Sambre-et-Meuse.  The  minority  of  the  Directory  re- 
commended peace  on  the  basis  of  the  preliminaries,  but 
the  majority  wished  for  more  honourable  and  advantage- 
ous terms  ;  while  Austria,  relying  on  troubles  breaking 
out  in  France,  was  in  no  haste  to  conclude  a  treaty.  In 
these  circumstances  Bonaparte  drew  up  a  letter  to  be  sent 
to  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  in  which  he  set  forth  the 
moderation  of  France  ;  but  stated  that,  in  consequence  of 
the  many  delays,  nearly  all  hope  of  peace  had  vanished. 
He  advised  the  Emperor  not  to  rely  on  difficulties  arising 


1797.  BONAPARTE  AND  DESAIX.  88 

in  France,  and  doubted,  if  war  should  continue  and  the 
Emperor  be  successful  in  the  next  campaign,  that  he 
would  obtain  a  more  advantageous  peace  than  was  now  at 
his  option.  This  letter  was  never  sent  to  the  Emperor, 
but  was  communicated  as  the  draft  of  a  proposed  de- 
spatch to  the  Directory.  The  Emperor  Francis,  however, 
wrote  an  autograph  letter  to  the  General-in-Chief  of  the 
army  of  Italy,  which  will  be  noticed  when  I  come  to  the 
period  of  its  reception.  It  is  certain  that  Bonaparte  at 
this  time  wished  for  war.  He  was  aware  that  the  Cabinet 
of  Vienna  was  playing  with  him,  and  that  the  Austrian 
Ministers  expected  some  political  convulsion  in  Paris, 
which  they  hoped  would  be  favourable  to  the  Bourbons. 
He  therefore  asked  for  reinforcements.  His  army  consisted 
of  35,900  men,  and  he  desired  it  to  be  raised  to  60,000 
infantry  and  10,000  cavalry  ready  for  the  field. 

General  Desaix,  profiting  by  the  preliminaries  of  Leo- 
ben,  came  in  the  end  of  July  to  visit  the  scene  of  the  army 
of  Italy's  triumphs.  His  conversations  with  Bonaparte 
respecting  the  army  of  the  Rhine  were  far  from  giving 
him  confidence  in  his  military  situation  in  Italy,  or  as- 
surance of  support  from  that  army  in  the  event  of  hos- 
tilities commencing  beyond  the  mountains.  It  was  at 
this  period  that  their  intimacy  began.  Bonaparte  con- 
ceived for  Desaix  the  greatest  esteem  and  the  sincerest 
friendship.1  When  Desaix  was  named  temporary  com- 
mander of  the  force  called  the  army  of  England,  during 
the  absence  of  General  Bonaparte,  the  latter  wrote  to  the 
Directory  that  they  could  not  have  chosen  a  more  dis- 
tinguished officer  than  Desaix  ;  these  sentiments  he  never 
belied.  The  early  death  of  Desaix  alone  could  break  their 
union,  which,  I  doubt  not,  would  eventually  have  had 

1  Desaix,  discontented  with  the  conduct  of  affairs  in  Germany,  seceded  from  the 
army  of  the  Rhine,  to  which  he  belonged,  to  join  that  of  Napoleon.  Ho  was  sent  to 
Italy  to  organise  the  part  of  the  Egyptian  expedition  starting  from  Civita  Vecchia. 
He  took  with  him  his  two  aides  de  camp,  Bapp  and  Savary  (later  Due  de  Bovigo), 
both  of  whom,  on  his  death,  were  given  the  same  post  with  Bonaparte. 


84          MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1797. 

great  influence  on  the  political  and   military  career  of 
General  Bonaparte. 

All  the  world  knows  the  part  which  the  General-in-Chief 
of  the  army  of  Italy  took  at  the  famous  crisis  of  the  18th 
Fructidor  ;  his  proclamation,  his  addresses  to  the  army, 
and  his  celebrated  order  of  the  day.  Bonaparte  went 
much  into  detail  on  this  subject  at  St.  Helena  ;  and  I  shall 
now  proceed  to  state  what  I  knew  at  the  time  respecting 
that  memorable  event,  which  was  in  preparation  in  the 
month  of  June. 


1797.  85 


CHAPTER 
1797. 

The  royalists  of  the  interior — Bonaparte's  intention  of  marching  on  Paris 
with  25,000  men — His  animosity  against  the  emigrants  and  the 
Clichy  Club — His  choice  between  the  two  parties  of  the  Directory — 
Augereau's  order  of  the  day  against  the  word  Monsieur — Bonaparte 
wishes  to  be  made  one  of  the  five  Directors — He  supports  the  major- 
ity of  the  Directory — La  Vallette,  Augereau,  and  Bernadotte  sent  to 
Paris — Interesting  correspondence  relative  to  the  18th  Fructidor. 

BONAPAETE  had  long  observed  the  struggle  which  was  go- 
ing on  between  the  partisans  of  royalty  and  the  Republic. 
He  was  told  that  royalism  was  everywhere  on  the  increase. 
All  the  generals  who  returned  from  Paris  to  the  army 
complained  of  the  spirit  of  reaction  they  had  noticed. 
Bonaparte  was  constantly  urged  by  his  private  correspon- 
dents to  take  one  side  or  the  other,  or  to  act  for  himself. 
He  was  irritated  by  the  audacity  of  the  enemies  of  the 
Republic,  and  he  saw  plainly  that  the  majority  of  the 
councils  had  an  evident  ill-will  towards  him.  The  orators 
of  the  Club  of  Clichy  missed  no  opportunity  of  wound- 
ing his  self-love  in  speeches  and  pamphlets.  They  spared 
no  insults,  disparaged  his  success,  and  bitterly  censured 
his  conduct  in  Italy,  particularly  with  respect  to  Venice. 
Thus  his  services  were  recompensed  by  hatred  or  ingrati- 
tude. About  this  time  he  received  a  pamphlet,  which 
referred  to  the  judgments  pronounced  upon  him  by  the 
German  journals,  and  more  particularly  by  the  Spectator 
of  the  North,  which  he  always  made  me  translate. 

Bonaparte  was  touched  to  the  quick  by  the  comparison 
make  between  him  and  Moreau,  and  by  the  wish  to  repre- 
sent him  as  foolhardy  ("  savante  sous  Moreau,  fougueuse 


MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1797. 


sous  Buojmparte  ").  In  the  term  of  "  brigands,"  applied 
to  the  generals  who  fought  in  La  Vendee,  he  thought  ha 
recognized  the  hand  of  the  party  he  was  about  to  attack 
and  overthrow.  He  was  tired  of  the  way  in  which 
Moreau's  system  of  war  was  called  "  savante."  But  what 
grieved  him  still  more  was  to  see  sitting  in  the  councils 
of  the  nation  Frenchmen  who  were  detractors  and  enemies 
of  the  national  glory. 

He  urged  the  Directory  to  arrest  the  emigrants,  to 
destroy  the  influence  of  foreigners,  to  recall  the  armies, 
to  suppress  the  journals  sold  to  England,  such  as  the 
Quotidienne,  the  Memorial,  and  the  The,  which  he  accused 
of  being  more  sanguinary  than  Marat  ever  was.  In  case 
of  there  being  no  means  of  putting  a  stop  to  assassinations 
and  the  influence  of  Louis  XVHI.,  he  offered  to  resign. 

His  resolution  of  passing  the  Alps  with  25,000  men  and 
marching  by  Lyons  and  Paris  was  known  in  the  capital, 
and  discussions  arose  respecting  the  consequences  of  this 
passage  of  another  Rubicon.  On  the  17th  of  August 
1797  Camot  wrote  to  him  :  "  People  attribute  to  you  a 
thousand  absurd  projects.  They  cannot  believe  that  a 
man  who  has  performed  so  many  great  exploits  can  be 
content  to  live  as  a  private  citizen."  This  observation 
applied  to  Bonaparte's  reiterated  request  to  be  permitted 
to  retire  from  the  service  on  account  of  the  state  of  his 
health,  which,  he  said,  disabled  him  from  mounting  his 
horse,  and  to  the  need  which  he  constantly  urged  of 
having  two  years'  rest. 

The  General-in-Chief  was  justly  of  opinion  that  the 
tardiness  of  the  negotiations  and  the  difficulties  which 
incessantly  arose  were  founded  on  the  expectation  of  an 
event  which  would  change  the  government  of  France, 
and  render  the  chances  of  peace  more  favourable  to  Aus- 
tria. He  still  urgently  recommended  the  arrest  of  the 
emigrants,  the  stopping  of  the  presses  of  the  royalist 
journals,  which  he  said  were  sold  to  England  and  Aus- 


1797.         BONAPARTE  AND   TEE  DIRECTORY.  87 

tria,  and  the  suppression  of  the  Clichy  Club.  This  club 
was  held  at  the  residence  of  Gerard  Desoddieres,  in  the 
Rue  de  Clichy.  Aubry  was  one  of  its  warmest  partisans, 
and  he  was  the  avowed  enemy  of  the  revolutionary  cause 
which  Bonaparte  advocated  at  this  period.  Aubry's  con- 
duct at  this  time,  together  with  the  part  he  had  taken  in 
provoking  Bonaparte's  dismissal  in  1795,  inspired  the 
General  with  an  implacable  hatred  of  him. 

Bonaparte  despised  the  Directory,  which  he  accused  of 
weakness,  indecision,  pusillanimity,  wasteful  expendi- 
ture, of  many  errors,  and  perseverance  in  a  system  de- 
grading to  the  national  glory.1  He  knew  that  the  Clichy 

1  The  Directory  merited  these  accusations.  The  following  sketches  of  two  of 
their  official  sittings  present  a  singular  contrast : — 

«'  At  the  time  that  the  Directory  were  first  installed  in  the  Luxembourg  (27th 
October  1795),"  says  M.  Bailleul,  •'  there  was  hardly  a  single  article  of  furniture  in  it. 
In  a  small  room,  round  a  little  broken  table,  one  of  the  legs  of  which  had  given  way 
from  age,  on  which  table  they  had  deposited  a  quire  of  letter-paper,  and  a  writing- 
desk  A  calamet,  which  luckily  they  had  had  the  precaution  to  bring  with  them  from 
the  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  seated  on  four  rush-bottomed  chairs,  in  front  of 
some  logs  of  wood  ill-lighted,  the  whole  borrowed  from  the  porter  Dupont;  who 
would  believe  that  it  was  in  this  deplorable  condition  that  the  members  of  the  new 
Government,  after  having  examined  all  the  difficulties,  nay,  let  me  add,  all  the 
horrors  of  their  sitnation,resolved  to  confront  all  obstacles,  and  that  they  would  either 
deliver  France  from  the  abyss  in  which  she  was  plunged  or  perish  in  the  attempt  ? 
They  drew  up  on  a  sheet  of  letter-paper  the  act  by  which  they  declared  themselves 
constituted,  and  immediately  forwarded  it  to  the  Legislative  Bodies." 

And  the  Oomte  de  La  Vallette,  writing  to  M.  Cuvillier  Fleury,  says:  "I  saw  our 
five  kings,  dressed  in  the  robes  of  Francis  I.,  his  hat,  his  pantaloons,  and  his  lace  : 
the  face  of  La  Reveillere  looked  like  a  cork  upon  two  pins,  with  the  black  and 
greasy  hair  of  Clodion.  M.  de  Talleyrand,  in  pantaloons  of  the  colour  of  wine  dregs, 
sat  in  »  folding  chair  at  the  feet  of  the  Director  Barras,  in  the  Court  of  the  Petit 
Luxembourg,  and  gravely  presented  to  his  sovereigns  an  ambassador  from  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  while  the  French  were  eating  his  master's  dinner,  from 
the  soup  to  the  cheese.  At  the  right  hand  there  were  fifty  musicians  and  singers 
of  the  Opera,  Laine,  Lays,  Begnault,  and  the  actresses,  now  all  dead  of  old  age, 
roaring  a  patriotic  cantata  to  the  music  of  Mehul.  Facing  them,  on  another 
elevation,  there  were  two  hundred  young  and  beautiful  women,  with  their  arms 
and  bosoms  bare,  all  in  ecstasy  at  the  majesty  of  our  Pentarchy  and  the  happiness 
of  the  Republic.  They  also  wore  tight  flesh-coloured  pantaloons,  with  rings  on 
their  toes.  That  was  a  sight  that  never  will  be  seen  again.  A  fortnight  after  this 
magnificent  fSte,  thousands  of  families  wept  over  their  banished  fathers,  forty-eight 
departments  were  deprived  of  their  representatives,  and  forty  editors  of  newspapers 
were  forced  to  go  and  drink  the  waters  of  the  Elbe,  the  Synamary,  or  the  Ohio ! 
It  would  be  a  curious  disquisition  to.  seek  to  discover  what  really  were  at  that  time 
the  Republic  and  Liberty." 


88  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1797. 

party  demanded  his  dismissal  and  arrest.  He  was  given 
to  understand  that  Dumolard  was  one  of  the  most  de- 
cided against  him,  and  that,  finally,  the  royalist  party  was 
on  the  point  of  triumphing. 

Before  deciding  for  one  party  or  the  other  Bonaparte 
first  thought  of  himself.  He  did  not  imagine  that  he  had 
yet  achieved  enough  to  venture  on  possessing  himself  of 
that  power  which  certainly  he  might  easily  have  obtained. 
He  therefore  contented  himself  with  joining  the  party 
which  was,  for  the  moment,  supported  by  public  opinion. 
I  know  he  was  determined  to  march  upon  Paris  with 
25,000  men  had  affairs  taken  a  turn  unfavourable  to  the 
Republic,  which  he  preferred  to  royalty.  He  cautiously 
formed  his  plan.  To  defend  the  Directory  was,  he  con- 
ceived, to  defend  his  own  future  fortune  ;  that  is  to  say, 
it  was  protecting  a  power  which  appeared  to  have  no 
other  object  than  to  keep  a  place  for  him  until  his  re- 
turn. 

The  parties  which  rose  up  in  Paris  produced  a  reaction 
in  the  army.  The  employment  of  the  word  Monsieur  had 
occasioned  quarrels,  and  even  bloodshed.  General  Au- 
gereau,  in  whose  division  these  contests  had  taken  place, 
published  an  order  of  the  day,  setting  forth  that  every 
individual  in  his  division  who  should  use  the  word  Mon- 
sieur, either  verbally  or  in  writing,  under  any  pretence 
whatever,  should  be  deprived  of  his  rank,  and  declared  in- 
capable of  serving  in  the  Republican  armies.  This  order 
was  read  at  the  head  of  each  company. 

Bonaparte  viewed  the  establishment  of  peace  as  the 
close  of  his  military  career.  Repose  and  inactivity  were 
to  him  unbearable.  He  sought  to  take  part  in  the  civil 
affairs  of  the  Republic,  and  was  desirous  of  becoming  one 
of  the  five  Directors,  convinced  that,  if  he  obtained  that 
object,  he  would  speedily  stand  single  and  alone.  The 
fulfilment  of  this  wish  would  have  prevented  the  Egyptian 
expedition,  and  placed  the  imperial  crown  much  sooner 


1797.  ASPIRES  TO  THE  DIRECTORY. 


upon  his  head.  Intrigues  were  carried  on  in  Paris  in  his 
name,  with  the  view  of  securing  to  him  a  legal  dispensation 
on  the  score  of  age.  He  hoped,  though  he  was  but  eight- 
and-twenty,  to  supersede  one  of  the  two  Directors  who 
were  to  go  out  of  office. '  His  brothers  and  their  friends 
made  great  exertions  for  the  success  of  the  project,  which, 
however,  was  not  officially  proposed,  because  it  was  too 
adverse  to  the  prevailing  notions  of  the  day,  and  seemed 
too  early  a  violation  of  the  constitution  of  the  year  III., 
which,  nevertheless,  was  violated  in  another  way  a  few 
months  after. 

The  members  of  the  Directory  were  by  no  means 
anxious  to  have  Bonaparte  for  their  colleague.  They 
dissembled,  and  so  did  he.  Both  parties  were  lavish  of 
their  mutual  assurances  of  friendship,  while  they  cordially 
hated  each  other.  The  Directory,  however,  appealed  for 
the  support  of  Bonaparte,  which  he  granted  ;  but  his  sub- 
sequent conduct  clearly  proves  that  the  maintenance  of 
the  constitution  of  the  year  HI.  was  a  mere  pretext.  He 
indeed  defended  it  meanwhile,  because,  by  aiding  the 
triumph  of  the  opposite  party,  he  could  not  hope  to  pre- 
serve the  influence  which  he  exercised  over  the  Directory. 
I  know  well  that,  in  case  of  the  Clichy  party  gaining  the 
ascendency,  he  was  determined  to  cross  the  Alps  with  his 
army,  and  to  assemble  all  the  friends  of  the  Kepublic  at 
Lyons,  thence  to  march  upon  Paris. 

In  the  Memorial  of  St.  Helena  it  is  stated,  in  reference 
to  the  18th  Fructidor,  "  that  the  triumph  of  the  majority 
of  the  councils  was  his  desire  and  hope,  we  are  inclined 
to  believe  from  the  following  fact,  viz.,  that  at  the  crisis  of 
the  contest  between  the  two  factions  a  secret  resolution 
was  drawn  up  by  three  of  the  members  of  the  Directory, 
asking  him  for  three  millions  to  support  the  attack  on  the 
councils,  and  that  Napoleon,  under  various  pretences,  did 
not  send  the  money,  though  he  might  easily  have  done  so." 

1  The  Directors  had  to  be  forty  years  of  age  before  they  could  be  appointed. 


90  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1797. 

This  is  not  very  comprehensible.  There  was  no  secret 
resolution  of  the  members  who  applied  for  the  three  mill- 
ions. It  was  Bonaparte  who  offered  the  money,  which, 
however,  he  did  not  send ;  it  was  he  who  despatched 
Augereau ;  and  he  who  wished  for  the  triumph  of  the 
Directorial  majority.  His  memory  served  him  badly  at 
St.  Helena,  as  will  be  seen  from  some  correspondence 
which  I  shall  presently  submit  to  the  reader.  It  is  very 
certain  that  he  did  offer  the  money  to  the  Directory  ;  that 
is  to  say,  to  three  of  its  members.1  Bonaparte  had  so  de- 
cidedly formed  his  resolution  that  on  the  17th  of  July, 
wishing  to  make  Augereau  his  confidant,  he  sent  to  Vicenr 
za  for  him  by  an  extraordinary  courier. 

Bonaparte  adds  that  when  Bottot,  the  confidential 
agent  of  Barras,  came  to  Passeriano,  after  the  18th  Fruc- 
tidor,  he  declared  to  him  that  as  soon  as  La  Vallette 
should  make  him  acquainted  with  the  real  state  of  things 
the  money  should  be  transmitted.  The  inaccuracy  of 
these  statements  will  be  seen  in  the  correspondence 
relative  to  the  event.  In  thus  distorting  the  truth 
Napoleon's  only  object  could  have  been  to  proclaim  his 
inclination  for  the  principles  he  adopted  and  energetically 
supported  from  the  year  1800,  but  which,  previously  to 
that  period,  he  had  with  no  less  energy  opposed. 

He  decidedly  resolved  to  support  the  majority  of  the 
Directory,  and  to  oppose  the  royalist  faction  ;  the  latter, 
which  was  beginning  to  be  important,  would  have  been 
listened  to  had  it  offered  power  to  him.  About  the  end 
of  July  he  sent  his  aide  de  camp  La  Vallette  to  Paris.  La 
Vallette  was  a  man  of  good  sense  and  education,  pleasing 
manners,  pliant  temper,  and  moderate  opinions.  He  was 
decidedly  devoted  to  Bonaparte.  With  his  instructions 
he  received  a  private  cipher  to  enable  him  to  correspond 
with  the  General-in-Chief. 

1  Barras,  La  R6veill6re-Lcpaux,  and  Eewbell,  the  three  Directors  who  carried 
out  the  coup  d?eiat  of  the  18th  Fructidor  against  their  colleagues  Carnot  and 
Barth61emy.  (See  Thiers'  French  Revolution,  voL  v.  pp.  114, 139,  and  163.) 


1797.         CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  AUGEREAU.  91 

Augereau  went,  after  La  Vallette,  on  the  27th  of  July. 
Bonaparte  officially  wrote  to  the  Directory  that  Augereau 
"  had  solicited  leave  to  go  to  Paris  on  his  own  private 
business." 

But  the  truth  is,  Augereau  was  sent  expressly  to  second 
the  revolution  which  was  preparing  against  the  Clichy  par- 
ty and  the  minority  of  the  Directory. 

Bonapaiie  made  choice  of  Augereau  because  he  knew 
his  staunch  republican  principles,  his  boldness,  and  his 
deficiency  in  political  talent.  He  thought  him  well  calcu- 
lated to  aid  a  commotion,  which  his  own  presence  with 
the  army  of  Italy  prevented  him  from  directing  in  person  ; 
and  besides,  Augereau  was  not  an  ambitious  rival  who 
might  turn  events  to  his  own  advantage.  Napoleon  said, 
at  St.  Helena,  that  he  sent  the  addresses  of  the  army  of 
Italy  by  Augereau  because  he  was  a  decided  supporter  of 
the  opinions  of  the  day.  That  was  the  true  reason  for 
choosing  him. 

Bemadotte  was  subsequently  despatched  on  the  same 
errand.  Bonaparte's  pretence  for  sending  him  was,  that 
he  wished  to  transmit  to  the  Directory  four  flags,  which, 
out  of  the  twenty-one  taken  at  the  battle  of  Bivoli,  had 
been  left,  by  mistake,  at  Peschiera.  Bernadotte,  how- 
ever, did  not  take  any  great  part  in  the  affair.  He  was 
always  prudent. 

The  crisis  of  the  18th  Fructidor,  which  retarded  for 
three  years  the  extinction  of  the  pentarchy,  presents  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  events  of  its  short  existence.  It 
will  be  seen  how  the  Directors  extricated  themselves  from 
this  difficulty.  I  subjoin  the  correspondence  relating  to 
this  remarkable  episode  of  our  Revolution,  cancelling  only 
such  portions  of  it  as  are  irrelevant  to  the  subject.  It  ex- 
hibits several  variations  from  the  accounts  given  by  Napo- 
leon at  St.  Helena  to  his  noble  companions  in  misfortune. 

Augereau  thus  expressed  himself  on  the  18th  Fructidor 
(4th  September  1797) :— 


92  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1797. 

At  length,  General,  my  mission  is  accomplished,  and  the  prom* 
ises  of  the  army  of  Italy  are  fulfilled.  The  fear  of  being  anticipated 
has  caused  measures  to  be  hurried. 

At  midnight  I  despatched  orders  to  all  the  troops  to  march  tow- 
ards the  points  specified.  Before  day  all  the  bridges  and  principal 
places  were  planted  with  cannon.  At  daybreak  the  halls  of  the 
councils  were  surrounded,  the  guards  of  the  councils  were  amicably 
mingled  with  our  troops,  and  the  members,  of  whom  I  send  you 
a  list,  were  arrested  and  conveyed  to  the  Temple.  The  greater 
number  have  escaped,  and  are  being  pursued.  Carnot  has  disap- 
peared.1 

Paris  is  tranquil,  and  every  one  is  astounded  at  an  event  which 
promised  to  be  awful,  but  which  has  passed  over  like  a  fete. 

The  stout  patriots  of  the  faubourgs  proclaim  the  safety  of  the  Re- 
public, and  the  black  collars  are  put  down.  It  now  remains  for  the 
wise  energy  of  the  Directory  and  the  patriots  of  the  two  councils  to 
do  the  rest.  The  place  of  sitting  is  changed,  and  the  first  opera- 
tions promise  well.  This  event  is  a  great  step  towards  peace ;  which 
it  is  your  task  finally  to  secure  to  us. 

On  the  24th  Fructidor  (10th  September  1797)  Auge- 
reau  writes  : — 

My  aide  de  camp,  de  Verine,  will  acquaint  you  with  the  events  of 
the  18th.  He  is  also  to  deliver  to  you  some  despatches  from  the 
Directory,  where  much  uneasiness  is  felt  at  not  hearing  from  you. 
No  less  uneasiness  is  experienced  on  seeing  in  Paris  one  of  your 
aides  de  camp^  whose  conduct  excites  the  dissatisfaction  and  dis- 
trust of  the  patriots,  towards  whom  he  has  behaved  very  ill. 

The  news  of  General  Clarke's  recall  will  have  reached  you  by  this 
time,  and  I  suspect  has  surprised  you.  Amongst  the  thousand  and 
one  motives  which  have  determined  the  Government  to  take  this 
step  may  be  reckoned  his  correspondence  with  Carnot,  which  has 
been  communicated  to  me,  and  in  which  he  treated  the  generals  of 
the  army  of  Italy  as  brigands. 

Moreau  has  sent  the  Directory  a  letter  which  throws  a  new  light 
on  Pichegru's  treason.  Such  baseness  is  hardly  to  be  conceived. 

The  Government  perseveres  in  maintaining  the  salutary  meas- 
ures which  it  has  adopted.  I  hope  it  will  be  in  vain  for  the  rem- 

1  In  1824  Louis  XVIII.  sent  letters  of  nobility  to  those  members  of  the  two  coun- 
cils who  were,  as  it  was  termed,  fruclidorised. — Bourrienne. 
*  La  Vallette. 


1797.       CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  BERNADOTTE.        93 

nant  of  the  factions  to  renew  their  plots.    The  patriots  will  continue 
united. 

Fresh  troops  having  been  summoned  to  Paris,  and  my  presence 
at  their  head  being  considered  indispensable  by  the  Government,  I 
Bhall  not  have  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  you  so  soon  as  I  hoped. 
This  has  determined  me  to  send  for  my  horses  and  carriages,  which 
I  left  at  Milan. 

Bernadotte  wrote  to  Bonaparte  on  the  24th  Fructidor  as 
follows : — 

The  arrested  deputies  are  removed  to  Rochefort,  where  they  will 
be  embarked  for  the  island  of  Madagascar.  Paris  is  tranquil.  The 
people  at  first  heard  of  the  arrest  of  the  deputies  with  indifference. 
A  feeling  of  curiosity  soon  drew  them  into  the  streets ;  enthusiasm 
followed,  and  cries  of  Vive  la  Republique,  which  had  not  been  heard 
for  a  long  time,  now  resounded  in  every  street.  The  neighbouring 
departments  have  expressed  their  discontent.  That  of  Allier  has, 
it  is  said,  protested  ;  but  it  will  cut  a  fine  figure.  Eight  thousand 
men  are  marching  to  the  environs  of  Paris.  Part  is  already  within 
the  precincts,  under  the  orders  of  General  Lemoine.  The  Govern- 
ment has  it  at  present  in  its  power  to  elevate  public  spirit ;  but 
everybody  feels  that  it  is  necessary  the  Directory  should  be  sur- 
rounded by  tried  and  energetic  Republicans.  Unfortunately  a  host 
of  men,  without  talent  and  resources,  already  suppose  that  what 
has  taken  place  has  been  done  only  in  order  to  advance  their  inter- 
ests. Time  is  necessary  to  set  all  to  rights.  The  armies  have  re- 
gained consistency.  The  soldiers  of  the  interior  are  esteemed,  or 
at  least  feared.  The  emigrants  fly,  and  the  non-juring  priests  con- 
ceal themselves.  Nothing  could  have  happened  more  fortunately 
to  consolidate  the  Republic. 

Bonaparte  wrote  as  follows,  to  the  Directory  on  the 
26th  Fructidor :  - 

Herewith  you  will  receive  a  proclamation  to  the  army,  relative  to 
the  events  of  the  18th.  I  have  despatched  the  45th  demi-brigade, 
eommanded  by  General  Bon,  to  Lyons,  together  with  fifty  cavalry  ; 
also  General  Lannes,  with  the  20th  light  infantry  and  the  9th  regi- 
ment of  the  line,  to  Marseilles.  I  have  issued  the  enclosed  procla- 
mation in  the  southern  departments.  I  am  about  to  prepare  a 
proclamation  for  the  inhabitants  of  Lyons,  as  soon  as  I  obtain  some 
information  of  what  may  have  passed  there. 


94  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1797. 


If  I  find  there  is  the  least  disturbance,  I  will  march  there  with 
the  utmost  rapidity.  Believe  that  there  are  here  a  hundred  thous- 
and men,  who  are  alone  sufficient  to  make  the  measures  you  have 
taken  to  place  liberty  on  a  solid  basis  be  respected.  What  avails  it 
that  we  gain  victories  if  we  are  not  respected  in  our  country.  In 
speaking  of  Paris,  one  may  parody  what  Cassius  said  of  Rome  :  "Of 
what  use  to  call  her  queen  on  the  banks  of  the  Seine,  when  she  is 
the  slave  of  Pitt's  gold  ?" 

After  the  18th  Fructidor  Augereau  wished  to  have  his 
reward  for  his  share  in  the  victory,  and  for  the  service 
which  he  had  rendered.  He  wished  to  be  a  Director. 
He  got,  however,  only  the  length  of  being  a  candidate  ; 
honour  enough  for  one  who  had  merely  been  an  instru- 
ment on  that  day. 


1797. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

1797. 

Bonaparte's  joy  at  the  result  of  the  18th  Fructidor.— His  letter  to  Au- 
gereau — His  correspondence  with  the  Directory  and  proposed  resigna- 
tion—Explanation of  the  Directory — Bottot — General  Clarke — Let- 
ter from  Madame  Bacciocchi  to  Bonaparte — Autograph  letter  of  the 
Emperor  Francis  to  Bonaparte — Arrival  of  Count  Cobentzel — Auto- 
graph note  of  Bonaparte  on  the  conditions  of  peace. 

BONAPARTE  was  delighted  when  he  heard  of  the  happy 
issue  of  the  18th  Fructidor.  Its  result  was  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Legislative  Body  and  the  fall  of  the  Clichyan 
party,  which  for  some  months  had  disturbed  his  tranquil- 
lity. The  Clichyans  had  objected  to  Joseph  Bonaparte's 
right  to  sit  as  deputy  for  Liamone  in  the  Council  of  Five 
Hundred.1  His  brother's  victory  removed  the  difficulty  ; 
but  the  General-in-Chief  soon  perceived  that  the  ascend- 
ant party  abused  its  power,  and  again  compromised  the 
safety  of  the  Republic,  by  recommencing  the  Revolution- 
ary Government.  The  Directors  were  alarmed  at  his  dis- 
content and  offended  by  his  censure.  They  conceived  the 
singular  idea  of  opposing  to  Bonaparte,  Augereau,  of 
whose  blind  zeal  they  had  received  many  proofs.  The 
Directory  appointed  Augereau  commander  of  the  army 
of  Germany.  Augereau,  whose  extreme  vanity  was 
notorious,  believed  himself  in  a  situation  to  compete  with 
Bonaparte.  What  he  built  his  arrogance  on  was,  that, 
with  a  numerous  troop,  he  had  arrested  some  unarmed 

1  He  was  ambassador  to  Rome,  and  not  a  deputy  at  this  time.  When  he  became  a 
member  of  the  council,  after  his  return  from  Rome,  he  experienced  no  oppoaitio* 
(JBovrrienne  et  set  Erreurs,  tome  i.  p,  240). 


96  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

representatives,  and  torn  the  epaulettes  from  the  shoul- 
ders of  the  commandant  of  the  guard  of  the  councils. 
The  Directory  and  he  filled  the  headquarters  at  Passeriano 
with  spies  and  intriguers. 

Bonaparte,  who  was  informed  of  everything  that  was 
going  on,  laughed  at  the  Directory,  and  tendered  his  resig- 
nation, in  order  that  he  might  be  supplicated  to  continue 
in  command. 

The  following  post-Thermidorian  letters  will  prove  that 
the  General's  judgment  on  this  point  was  correct. 

On  the  2d  Vendemiaire,  year  VI.  (23d  September  1797), 
he  wrote  to  Augereau,  after  having  announced  the  arrival 
of  his  aide  de  camp  as  follows  : — 

The  whole  army  applauds  the  wisdom  and  vigour  which  you  have 
displayed  upon  this  important  occasion,  and  participates  in  the  suc- 
cess of  the  country  with  the  enthusiasm  and  energy  which  charac- 
terise our  soldiers.  It  is  only  to  be  hoped,  however,  that  the  Gov- 
ernment will  not  be  playing  at  see-saw,  and  thus  throw  itself  into 
the  opposite  party.  Wisdom  and  moderate  views  alone  can  establish 
the  happiness  of  the  country  on  a  sure  foundation.  As  for  myself, 
this  is  the  most  ardent  wish  of  my  heart.  I  beg  that  you  will  some- 
times let  me  know  what  you  are  doing  in  Paris. 

On  the  4th  Vendemiaire  Bonaparte  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
Directory  in  the  following  terms  : — 

The  day  before  yesterday  an  officer  arrived  at  the  army  from 
Paris.  He  reported  that  he  left  Paris  on  the  25th,  when  anxiety 
prevailed  there  as  to  the  feelings  with  which  I  viewed  the  events  of 
the  18th.  He  was  the  bearer  of  a  sort  of  circular  from  General 
Augereau  to  all  the  generals  of  division  ;  and  he  brought  a  letter  of 
credit  from  the  Minister  of  War  to  the  commissary -general,  author- 
ising him  to  draw  as  much  money  as  he  might  require  for  his 
journey. 

It  is  evident  from  these  circumstances  that  the  Government  is 
acting  towards  me  in  somewhat  the  same  way  in  which  Pichegru 
was  dealt  with  after  Vendemiaire  (year  IV.). 

I  beg  of  you  to  receive  my  resignation,  and  appoint  another  to 
my  place.  No  power  on  earth  shall  make  me  continue  in  the  ser- 


1797.    BONAPARTE  PROFFERS  HIS  RESIGNATION.     97 

vice  after  this  shocking  mark  of  ingratitude  on  the  part  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, which  I  was  very  far  from  expecting.  My  health,  which 
is  considerably  impaired,  imperiously  demands  repose  and  tran- 
quillity. 

The  state  of  my  mind,  likewise,  requires  me  to  mingle  again  in 
the  mass  of  citizens.  Great  power  has  for  a  longtime  been  confided 
to  my  hands.  I  have  employed  it  on  all  occasions  for  the  advantage 
of  my  country ;  so  much  the  worse  for  those  who  put  no  faith  in  vir- 
tue, and  may  have  suspected  mine.  My  recompense  is  in  my  own 
conscience,  and  in  the  opinion  of  posterity. 

Now  that  the  country  is  tranquil  and  free  from  the  dangers  which 
have  menaced  it,  I  can,  without  inconvenience,  quit  the  post  in 
which  I  have  been  placed. 

Be  sure  that  if  there  were  a  moment  of  danger,  I  would  be  found 
in  the  foremost  rank  of  the  defenders  of  liberty  and  of  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  year  IIL 

The  Directory,  judging  from  the  account  which  Bottot J 
gave  of  his  mission  that  he  had  not  succeeded  in  entirely 
removing  the  suspicions  of  Bonaparte,  wrote  the  following 
letter  on  the  30th  Vendemiaire  : — 

The  Directory  has  itself  been  troubled  about  the  impression  made 
on  you  by  the  letter  to  the  paymaster-general,  of  which  an  aide  de 
camp  was  the  bearer.  The  composition  of  this  letter  has  very  much 
astonished  the  Government,  which  never  appointed  nor  recognised 
such  an  agent :  it  is  at  least  an  error  of  office.  But  it  should  not 
alter  the  opinion  you  ought  otherwise  to  entertain  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  Directory  thinks  of  and  esteems  you.  It  appears  that  the 
18th  Fructidor  was  misrepresented  in  the  letters  which  were  sent  to 
the  army  of  Italy.  You  did  well  to  intercept  them,  and  it  may  be 
right  to  transmit  the  most  remarkable  to  the  Minister  of  Police. 2 

In  your  observations  on  the  too  strong  tendency  of  opinion  towards 
military  government,  the  Directory  recognises  an  equally  enlight- 
ened and  ardent  friend  of  the  Republic. 

Nothing  is  wiser  than  the  maxim,  cedant  arma  toga,  for  the  main- 
tenance of  republics.  To  show  so  much  anxiety  on  so  important  a 
point  is  not  one  of  the  least  glorious  features  in  the  life  of  a  general 
placed  at  the  head  of  a  triumphant  army. 

»  See  p.  79. 

*  What  an  ignoble  task  to  propose  to  the  conqueror  of  Italy  1 

VOL.  I.— 7 


98  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

The  Directory  had  sent  General  Clarke l  to  treat  for 
peace,  as  second  plenipotentiary.  Bonaparte  has  often 
told  me  he  had  no  doubt  from  the  time  of  his  arrival  that 
General  Clarke  was  charged  with  a  secret  mission  to  act 
as  a  spy  upon  him,  and  even  to  arrest  him  if  an  oppor- 
tunity offered  for  so  doing  without  danger.  That  he  had 
a  suspicion  of  this  kind  is  certain  ;  but  I  must  own  that  I 
was  never  by  any  means  able  to  discover  its  grounds  ;  for 
in  all  my  intercourse  since  with  Clarke  he  never  put  a 
single  question  to  me,  nor  did  I  ever  hear  a  word  drop 
from  his  mouth,  which  savoured  of  such  a  character.  If 
the  fact  be  that  he  was  a  spy,  he  certainly  played  his  part 
well.  In  all  the  parts  of  his  correspondence  which  were 
intercepted  there  never  was  found  the  least  confirmation 
of  this  suspicion.  Be  this  as  it  may,  Bonaparte  could  not 
endure  him  ;  he  did  not  make  him  acquainted  with  what 
was  going  on,  and  his  influence  rendered  this  mission  a 
mere  nullity.  The  General-in-Chief  concentrated  all  the 
business  of  the  negotiation  in  his  own  closet ;  and,  as  to 
what  was  going  on,  Clarke  continued  a  mere  cipher  until 
the  18th  Fructidor,  when  he  was  recalled.  Bonaparte 
made  but  little  count  of  Clarke's  talents.  It  is  but  justice, 
however,  to  say  that  he  bore  him  no  grudge  for  the  con- 
duct of  which  he  suspected  he  was  guilty  in  Italy.  "I 
pardon  him  because  I  alone  have  the  right  to  be  offended.* 

He  even  had  the  generosity  to  make  interest  for  an  of- 
ficial situation  for  him.  These  amiable  traits  were  not 
uncommon  with  Bonaparte. 

Bonaparte  had  to  encounter  so  many  disagreeable  con- 
trarieties, both  in  the  negotiators  for  peace  and  the  events 
at  Paris,  that  he  often  displayed  a  good  deal  of  irritation 
and  disgust.  This  state  of  mind  was  increased  by  the 
recollection  of  the  vexation  his  sister's  marriage  had 

1  H.  J.  G.  Clarke,  afterwards  Minister  of  War  under  Napoleon,  1807-1814,  and 
under  tlie  Bourbons  in  1816,  when  he  was  made  a  Marshal  of  France.  He  was 
created  Due  de  Feltre  in  1809. 


1797.       LETTER  FROM  MADAME  BACCIOCCHI.  99 

caused  him,  and  which  was  unfortunately  revived  by  a 
letter  he  received  from  her  at  this  juncture.  His  excite- 
.vuent  was  such  that  he  threw  it  down  with  an  expression 
of  anger.  It  has  been  erroneously  reported  in  several 
publications  that  "  Bacciocchi  espoused  Marie-Anne-Eliza 
Bonaparte  on  the  5th  of  May  1797.  The  brother  of  the 
bride  was  at  the  time  negotiating  the  preliminaries  of 
peace  with  Austria." 

In  fact,  the  preliminaries  were  signed  in  the  month  of 
April,  and  it  was  for  the  definitive  peace  we  were  negotiat- 
ing in  May.  But  the  reader  will  find  by  the  subjoined 
letter  that  Christine  applied  to  her  brother  to  stand  god- 
father to  her  third  child.  Three  children  in  three  months 
would  be  rather  quick  work. 

AJACCIO,  14tft  Thermidor^  year  V.  (1st  August  1797). 

GENERAL — Suffer  me  to  write  to  you  and  call  you  by  the  name  of 
brother.  My  first  child  was  born  at  a  time  when  you  were  much 
incensed  against  us.  I  trust  she  may  soon  caress  you,  and  so  make 
you  forget  the  pain  my  marriage  has  occasioned  you.  My  second 
child  was  still-born.  Obliged  to  quit  Paris  by  your  order,1  I  mis- 
carried in  Germany.  In  a  month's  time  I  hope  to  present  you  with 
a  nephew.  A  favourable  time,  and  other  circumstances,  incline  me 
to  hope  my  next  will  be  a  boy,  and  I  promise  you  1  will  make  a 
soldier  of  him  ;  but  I  wish  him  to  bear  your  name,  aud  that  you 
should  be  his  godfather.  I  trust  you  will  not  refuse  youi  sister's 
request. 

Will  you  send,  for  this  purpose,  your  power  of  attorney  to  Blic- 
ciocchi,  or  to  whomsoever  you  think  fit  ?  I  shall  expect  with  im- 
patience your  assent.  Because  we  are  poor  let  not  that  cause  you  to 
despise  us  ;  for,  after  all,  you  are  our  brother,  mine  are  the  only 
children  that  call  you  uncle,  and  we  all  love  you  more  than  we  do 
the  favours  of  fortune.  Perhaps  I  may  one  day  succeed  in  con- 
vincing you  of  the  love  I  bear  you. — Your  affectionate  sister, 

CHRISTINE  BONAPARTE.* 

P.S. — Do  not  fail  to  remember  me  to  your  wife,  whom  I  strongly 

1  Napoleon  had  written  in  August  1796  to  Carnot,  to  request  that  Lucien  might  be 
•rdered  to  quit  Paris ;  see  rung,  tome  iii.  p.  222. 

a  Madame  Bacciocehi  went  by  the  name  of  Marianne  at  St.  Cyr,  of  Christine  whiia 
on  her  travels,  and  of  Eliza  under  the  Consulate. — Bourrienne. 


100         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797 

desire  to  be  acquainted  with.     They  told  me  at  Paris  I  was  very  like 
her.     If  you  recollect  my  features  you  can  judge.  C.  B. 

This  letter  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Lucien  Bonaparte.' 
General  Bonaparte  had  been  near  a  month  at  Passeriano 

when  he  received  the  following  autograph  letter  from  the 

Emperor  of  Austria  : — 

To  MONSIEUR  LE  GENERAL  BONAPARTE,  GENERAL-IN-CHIEF 
OF  THE  ARMY  OF  ITALY. 

MONSIEUR  LE  G&N&RAL  BONAPARTE— When  I  thought  I  had 
given  my  plenipotentiaries  full  powers  to  terminate  the  important 
negotiation  with  which  they  were  charged,  I  learn,  with  as  much 
pain  as  surprise,  that  in  consequence  of  swerving  continually  from 
the  stipulations  of  the  preliminaries,  the  restoration  of  tranquillity, 
with  the  tidings  of  which  I  desire  to  gladden  the  hearts  of  my  sub- 
jects, and  which  the  half  of  Europe  devoutly  prays  for,  becomes 
day  after  day  more  uncertain. 

Faithful  to  the  performance  of  my  engagements,  I  am  ready  to 
execute  what  was  agreed  to  at  Leoben,  and  require  from  you  but  the 
reciprocal  performance  of  so  sacred  a  duty.  This  is  what  has  already 
been  declared  in  my  name,  and  what  I  do  not  now  hesitate  myself 
to  declare.  If,  perhaps,  the  execution  of  some  of  the  preliminary 
articles  be  now  impossible,  in  consequence  of  the  events  which  have 
since  occurred,  and  in  which  I  had  no  part,  it  may  be  necessary  to 
substitute  others  in  their  stead  equally  adapted  to  the  interests  and 
equally  conformable  to  the  dignity  of  the  two  nations.  To  such 
alone  will  I  put  my  hand.  A  frank  and  sincere  explanation,  dic- 
tated by  the  same  feelings  which  govern  me,  is  the  only  way  to  lead 
to  so  salutary  a  result.  In  order  to  accelerate  this  result  as  far  as  in 
me  lies,  and  to  put  an  end  at  once  to  the  state  of  uncertainty  we  re- 
main in,  and  which  has  already  lasted  too  long,  I  have  determined 
to  despatch  to  the  place  of  the  present  negotiations  Comte  de  Co- 


1  Joseph  Bonaparte  in  his  Notes  says,  "  It  is  false  that  Madame  Bonaparte  ever 
called  herself  Christine  ;  it  is  false  that  she  ever  wrote  the  letter  of  which  M.  d« 
Bourrienne  here  gives  a  copy."  It  will  be  observed  that  Bourrienne  says  it  was 
written  by  her  brother  Lucien.  This  is  an  error.  The  letter  is  obviously  from 
Christine  Boyer,  the  wife  of  Lucien  Bonaparte,  whose  marriage  had  given  such  dis- 
pleasure to  Napoleon.  (See  Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  240,  and  lung's  Lucien,  tome  i. 
P.  151).  j 


1797.  THE  AUSTRIAN  PROPOSALS,  101 


bentzel,  a  man  who  possesses  my  most  unlimited  confidence,  and 
who  is  instructed  as  to  my  intentions  and  furnished  with  my  most 
ample  powers.  I  have  authorised  him  to  receive  and  accept  every 
proposition  tending  to  the  reconciliation  of  the  two  parties  which 
may  be  in  conformity  with  the  principles  of  equity  and  reciprocal 
fitness,  and  to  conclude  accordingly. 

After  this  fresh  assurance  of  the  spirit  of  conciliation  which  ani- 
mates me,  I  doubt  not  you  will  perceive  that  peace  lies  in  your  own 
hands,  and  that  on  your  determination  will  depend  the  happiness 
or  misery  of  many  thousand  men.  If  I  mistake  as  to  the  means  I 
think  best  adapted  to  terminate  the  calamities  which  for  along  time 
have  desolated  Europe,  I  shall  at  least  have  the  consolation  of  re- 
flecting that  I  have  done  all  that  depended  on  me.  With  the  con- 
sequences which  may  result  I  can  never  be  reproached. 

I  have  been  particularly  determined  to  the  course  I  now  take  by 
the  opinion  I  entertain  of  your  upright  character,  and  by  the  per- 
sonal esteem  I  have  conceived  towards  you,  of  which  I  am  very 
happy,  M.  le  General  Bonaparte,  to  give  you  here  an  assurance. 

(Signed)    FRANCIS. 
VIENNA,  20«i  September  1797. 

In  fact,  it  was  only  on  the  arrival  of  the  Comte  de 
Cobentzel  that  the  negotiations  were  seriously  set  on  foot. 
Bonaparte  had  all  along  clearly  perceived  that  Gallo  and 
Meerweldt  were  not  furnished  with  adequate  powers.  He 
saw  also  clearly  enough  that  if  the  month  of  September 
were  to  be  trifled  away  in  unsatisfactory  negotiations,  as  the 
month  which  preceded  it  had  been,  it  would  be  difficult 
in  October  to  strike  a  blow  at  the  house  of  Austria  on  the 
side  of  Carinthia.  The  Austrian  Cabinet  perceived  with 
satisfaction  the  approach  of  the  bad  weather,  and  insisted 
more  strongly  on  its  ultimatum,  which  was  the  Adige, 
with  Venice. 

Before  the  18th  Fructidor  the  Emperor  of  Austria  hoped 
that  the  movement  which  was  preparing  in  Paris  would 
operate  badly  for  France  and  favourably  to  the  European 
cause.  The  Austrian  plenipotentiaries,  in  consequence, 
raised  their  pretensions,  and  sent  notes  and  an  ultimatum 
which  gave  the  proceedings  more  an  air  of  trifling  than  of 


102         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

serious  negotiation.     Bonaparte's  original  ideas,  which  I 
have  under  his  hand,  were  as  follows  : — 

1.  The  Emperor  to  have  Italy  as  far  as  the  Adda. 

2.  The  King  of  Sardinia  as  far  as  the  Adda. 

3.  The  Genoese  Republic  to  have  the  boundary  of  Tor- 
tona  as  far  as  the  Po  (Tortona  to  be  demolished),  as  also 
the  imperial  fiefs.     (Coni  to  be  ceded  to  France,  or  to  be 
demolished.) 

4.  The  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  to  be  restored. 

5.  The  Duke  of  Parma  to  be  restored. 


1797.  103 


CHAPTER     X. 

1797. 

Influence  of  the  18th  Frnctidor  on  the  negotiations — Bonaparte's  sus- 
picion of  Bottot — His  complaints  respecting  the  non-erasure  oi 
Bourrienne — Bourrienne's  conversation  with  the  Marquis  of  Gallo — 
Bottot  writes  from  Paris  to  Bonaparte  on  the  part  of  the  Directory — 
Agents  of  the  Directory  employed  to  watch  Bonaparte — Influence  of 
the  weather  on  the  conclusion  of  peace — Remarkable  observation  of 
Bonaparte — Conclusion  of  the  treaty — The  Directory  dissatisfied 
with  the  terms  of  the  peace — Bonaparte's  predilection  for  representa- 
tive government — Opinion  on  Bonaparte. 

AFTER  the  18th  Fructidor  Bonaparte  was  more  powerful, 
Austria  less  haughty  and  confident.  Venice  was  the  only 
point  of  real  difficulty.  Austria  wanted  the  line  of  the 
Adige,  with  Venice,  in  exchange  for  Mayence,  and  the 
boundary  of  the  Rhine  until  that  river  enters  Holland. 
The  Directory  wished  to  have  the  latter  boundary,  and  to 
add  Mantua  to  the  Italian  Republic,  without  giving  up  all 
the  line  of  the  Adige  and  Venice.  The  difficulties  were 
felt  to  be  so  irreconcilable  that  within  about  a  month  of 
the  conclusion  of  peace  the  Directory  wrote  to  General 
Bonaparte  that  a  resumption  of  hostilities  was  preferable 
to  the  state  of  uncertainty  which  was  agitating  and  ruin- 
ing France.  The  Directory,  therefore,  declared  that  both 
the  armies  of  the  Rhine  should  take  the  field.  It  appears 
from  the  Fructidorian  correspondence,  which  has  been 
already  given,  that  the  majority  of  the  Directory  then 
looked  upon  a  peace  such  as  Bonaparte  afterwards  made 
as  infamous. 

But  Bonaparte,  from  the  moment  the  Venetian  insur- 
rection broke  out,  perceived  that  Venice  might  be  used 


104         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

for  the  pacification.  Bonaparte,  who  was  convinced  that, 
in  order  to  bring  matters  to  an  issue,  Venice  and  the 
territory  beyond  the  Adige  must  fall  beneath  the  Haps- 
burg  sceptre,  wrote  to  the  Directory  that  he  could  not 
commence  operations,  advantageously,  before  the  end  of 
March,  1798  ;  but  that  if  the  objections  to  giving  Venice 
to  the  Emperor  of  Austria  were  persisted  in,  hostilities 
would  certainly  be  resumed  in  the  month  of  October,  for 
the  Emperor  would  not  renounce  Venice.  In  that  case  it 
would  be  necessary  to  be  ready  on  the  Rhine  for  an  ad- 
vance in  Germany,  as  the  army  of  Italy,  if  it  could  make 
head  against  the  Archduke  Charles,  was  not  sufficiently 
strong  for  any  operations  on  a  grand  scale.  At  this  period 
the  conclusion  of  peace  was  certainly  very  doubtful ;  it 
was  even  seriously  considered  in  what  form  the  rupture 
should  be  notified. 

Towards  the  end  of  September  Bottot,  Barras'  secretary, 
arrived  at  Passeriano.  He  was  despatched  by  the  Direc- 
tory. Bonaparte  immediately  suspected  he  was  a  new  spy, 
come  on  a  secret  mission,  to  watch  him.  He  was  there- 
fore received  and  treated  with  coolness ;  but  Bonaparte 
never  had,  as  Sir  Walter  Scott  asserts,  the  idea  of  order- 
ing him  to  be  shot.  That  writer  is  also  in  error  when  he 
says  that  Bottot  was  sent  to  Passeriano  to  reproach  Bona- 
parte for  failing  to  fulfil  his  promise  of  sending  money  to 
the  Directory. 

Bonaparte  soon  gave  Bottot  an  opportunity  of  judging 
of  the  kind  of  spirit  which  prevailed  at  headquarters.  He 
suddenly  tendered  his  resignation,  which  he  had  already 
several  times  called  upon  the  Directory  to  accept.  He 
accused  the  Government,  at  table,  in  Bottot's  presence,  of 
horrible  ingratitude.  He  recounted  all  his  subjects  of 
complaint,  in  loud  and  impassioned  language,  without  any 
restraint,  and  before  twenty  or  thirty  persons. 

Indignant  at  finding  that  his  reiterated  demands  for  the 
erasure  of  my  name  from  the  list  of  emigrants  had  been 


1797.  THE  MARQUIS  DE  GALLO.  105 

slighted,  and  that,  in  spite  of  his  representations,  con- 
veyed to  Paris  by  General  Bernadotte,  Louis  Bonaparte, 
and  others,  I  was  still  included  in  that  fatal  list,  he  apos- 
trophised M.  Bottot  at  dinner  one  day,  before  forty  indi- 
viduals, among  whom  were  the  diplomatists  Gallo,  Co- 
bentzel,  and  Meerweldt.  The  conversation  turned  upon 
the  Directory.  "  Yes,  truly,"  cried  Bonaparte,  in  a  loud 
voice,  "I  have  good  reason  to  complain;  and,  to  pass 
from  great  to  little  things,  look,  I  pray  you,  at  Bourri- 
enne's  case.  He  possesses  my  most  unbounded  confidence. 
He  alone  is  entrusted,  under  my  orders,  with  all  the  de- 
tails of  the  negotiation.  This  you  well  know ;  and  yet 
your  Directory  will  not  strike  him  off  the  list.  In  a  word, 
it  is  not  only  an  inconceivable,  but  an  extremely  stupid 
piece  of  business ;  for  he  has  all  my  secrets ;  he  knows 
my  ultimatum,  and  could  by  a  single  word  realize  a  hand- 
some fortune,  and  laugh  at  your  obstinacy.  Ask  M.  de 
Gallo  if  this  be  not  true." 

Bottot  wished  to  offer  some  excuse  ;  but  the  general 
murmur  which  followed  this  singular  outburst  reduced 
him  to  silence. 

The  Marquis  de  Gallo  had  conversed  with  me  but 
three  days  before,  in  the  park  of  Passeriano,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  my  position  with  regard  to  France,  of  the  de- 
termination expressed  by  the  Directory  not  to  erase  my 
name,  and  of  the  risk  I  thereby  ran.  "  We  have  no 
desire,"  continued  he,  "  to  renew  the  war  ;  we  wish  sin- 
cerely for  peace  ;  but  it  must  be  an  honourable  one.  The 
Republic  of  Venice  presents  a  large  territory  for  partition, 
which  would  be  sufficient  for  both  parties.  The  cessions 
at  present  proposed  are  not,  however,  satisfactory.  We 
want  to  know  Bonaparte's  ultimatum  ;  and  I  am  author- 
ised to  offer  an  estate  in  Bohemia,  with  a  title  and 
residence,  and  an  annual  revenue  of  90,000  florins." 

I  quickly  interrupted  M.  de  Gallo,  and  assured  him 
that  both  my  conscience  and  my  duty  obliged  me  to 


106         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 


reject  his  proposal ;  and  so  put  at  once  an  end  to  the 
conversation. 

I  took  care  to  let  the  General-in-Chief  know  this  story, 
and  he  was  not  surprised  at  my  reply.  His  conviction, 
however,  was  strong,  from  all  that  M.  de  Gallo  had  said, 
and  more  particularly  from  the  offer  he  had  made,  that 
Austria  was  resolved  to  avoid  war,  and  was  anxious  for 
peace. 

After  I  had  retired  to  rest  M.  Bottot  came  to  my  bed- 
room and  asked  me,  with  a  feigned  surprise,  if  it  was  true 
that  my  name  was  still  on  the  list  of  emigrants.  On  my 
replying  in  the  affirmative,  he  requested  me  to  draw  up  a 
note  on  the  subject.  This  I  declined  doing,  telling  him 
that  twenty  notes  of  the  kind  he  required  already  ex- 
isted ;  that  I  would  take  no  further  steps  ;  and  that  I 
would  henceforth  await  the  decision  in  a  state  of  perfect 
inaction. 

General  Bonaparte  thought  it  quite  inexplicable  that 
the  Directory  should  express  dissatisfaction  at  the  view 
he  took  of  the  events  of  the  18th  Fructidor,  as,  with- 
out his  aid,  they  would  doubtless  have  been  overcome. 
He  wrote  a  despatch,  in  which  he  repeated  that  his  health 
and  his  spirits  were  affected — that  he  had  need  of  some 
years'  repose — that  he  could  no  longer  endure  the  fatigue 
of  riding ;  but  that  the  prosperity  and  liberty  of  his 
country  would  always  command  his  warmest  interests.  In 
all  this  there  was  not  a  single  word  of  truth.  The  Direc- 
tory thought  as  much,  and  declined  to  accept  his  resig- 
nation in  the  most  flattering  terms. 

Bottot  proposed  to  him,  on  the  part  of  the  Directory,  to 
revolutionise  Italy.  The  General  inquired  whether  the 
whole  of  Italy  would  be  included  in  the  plan.  The  revolu- 
tionary commission  had,  however,  been  entrusted  to 
Bottot  in  so  indefinite  a  way  that  he  could  only  hesitate, 
and  give  a  vague  reply.  Bonaparte  wished  for  more  pre- 
cise orders.  In  the  interval  peace  was  concluded,  and  the 


1797.    BONAPARTE  DISTRUSTS  IHK  DIRECTORY.    107 


idea  of  that  perilous  and  extravagant  undertaking  was  no 
longer  agitated.  Bottot,  soon  after  his  return  to  Paris, 
wrote  a  letter  to  General  Bonaparte,  in  which  he  com- 
plained that  the  last  moments  he  had  passed  at  Passeriano 
had  deeply  afflicted  his  heart  He  said  that  cruel  sus- 
picions had  followed  him  even  to  the  gates  of  the  Directory. 
These  cruel  suspicions  had,  however,  been  dissipated  by  the 
sentiments  of  admiration  and  affection  which  he  had  found 
the  Directory  entertained  for  the  person  of  Bonaparte. 

These  assurances,  which  were  precisely  what  Bonaparte 
had  expected,  did  not  avail  to  lessen  the  contempt  he 
entertained  for  the  heads  of  the  Government,  nor  to 
change  his  conviction  of  their  envy  and  mistrust  of  him- 
self. To  their  alleged  affection  he  made  no  return. 
Bottot  assured  the  hero  of  Italy  of  "  the  Republican 
docility"  of  the  Directory,  and  touched  upon  the  re- 
proaches Bonaparte  had  thrown  out  against  them,  and 
upon  his  demands  which  had  not  been  granted.  He 
said: 

"  The  three  armies,  of  the  North,  of  the  Rhine,  and  of 
the  Sambre-et-Meuse,  are  to  form  only  one,  the  army  of 
Germany. — Augereau  ?  But  you  yourself  sent  him.  The 
fault  committed  by  the  Directory  is  owing  to  yourself  ! 
Bernadotte  ? — he  is  gone  to  join  you.  Cacault  ? — he  is 
recalled.  Twelve  thousand  men  for  your  army? — they 
are  on  their  march.  The  treaty  with  Sardinia? — it  is 
ratified.  Bourrienne? — he  is  erased.  The  revolution  of 
Italy  ? — it  is  adjourned.  Advise  the  Directory,  then :  I 
repeat  it,  they  have  need  of  information,  and  it  is  to  you 
they  look  for  it." 

The  assertion  regarding  me  was  false.  For  six  months 
Bonaparte  demanded  my  erasure  without  being  able  to 
obtain  it.  I  was  not  struck  off  the  list  until  the  llth  of 
November  1797. 

Just  before  the  close  of  the  negotiation  Bonaparte,  dis- 
gusted at  the  opposition  and  difficulties  with  which  he  was 


108         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

surrounded,  reiterated  again  and  again  the  offer  of  his 
resignation,  and  his  wish  to  have  a  successor  appointed. 
What  augmented  his  uneasiness  was  an  idea  he  enter- 
tained that  the  Directory  had  penetrated  his  secret,  and 
attributed  his  powerful  concurrence  on  the  18th  Fructi- 
dor  to  the  true  cause — his  personal  views  of  ambition.  In 
spite  of  the  hypocritical  assurances  of  gratitude  made  to 
him  in  writing,  and  though  the  Directory  knew  that  his 
services  were  indispensable,  spies  were  employed  to  watch 
his  movements,  and  to  endeavour  by  means  of  the  persons 
about  him  to  discover  his  views.  Some  of  the  General's 
friends  wrote  to  him  from  Paris,  and  for  my  part  I  never 
ceased  repeating  to  him  that  the  peace,  the  power  of  mak- 
ing which  he  had  in  his  own  hands,  would  render  him  far 
more  popular  than  the  renewal  of  hostilities  undertaken 
with  all  the  chances  of  success  and  reverse.  The  signing 
of  the  peace,  according  to  his  own  ideas,  and  in  opposi- 
tion to  those  of  the  Directory,  the  way  in  which  he  just 
halted  at  Rastadt,  and  avoided  returning  to  the  Congress, 
and,  finally,  his  resolution  to  expatriate  himself  with  an 
army  in  order  to  attempt  new  enterprises,  sprung  more  than 
is  generally  believed  from  the  ruling  idea  that  he  was  dis- 
trusted, and  that  his  ruin  was  meditated.  He  often  re- 
called to  mind  what  La  Vallette  had  written  to  him  about 
his  conversation  with  Lacuee  ;  and  all  he  saw  and  heard 
confirmed  the  impression  he  had  received  on  this  subject 
The  early  appearance  of  bad  weather  precipitated  his 
determination.  On  the  13th  of  October,  at  daybreak,  on 
opening  my  window,  I  perceived  the  mountains  covered 
with  snow.  The  previous  night  had  been  superb,  and  the 
autumn  till  then  promised  to  be  fine  and  late.  I  pro- 
ceeded, as  I  always  did,  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
to  the  General's  chamber.  I  woke  him,  and  told  him 
what  I  had  seen.  He  feigned  at  first  to  disbelieve  me, 
then  leaped  from  his  bed,  ran  to  the  window,  and,  con- 
vinced of  the  sudden  change,  he  calmly  said,  "  What !  be- 


1797.  RESULTS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN.  109 

fore  the  middle  of  October !  What  a  country  is  this  ! 
Well,  we  must  make  peace ! "  While  he  hastily  put  on 
his  clothes  I  read  the  journals  to  him,  as  was  my  daily 
custom.  He  paid  but  little  attention  to  them. 

Shutting  himself  up  with  me  in  his  closet,  he  reviewed 
with  the  greatest  care  all  the  returns  from  the  different 
corps  of  his  army.  "Here  are,"  said  he,  "nearly  80,000 
effective  men.  I  feed,  I  pay  them  :  but  I  can  bring  but 
60,000  into  the  field  on  the  day  of  battle.  I  shall  gain  it, 
but  afterwards  my  force  will  be  reduced  20,000  men — 
by  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners.  Then  how  oppose  all 
the  Austrian  forces  that  will  march  to  the  protection  of 
Vienna  ?  It  would  be  a  month  before  the  armies  of  the 
Rhine  could  support  me,  if  they  should  be  able  ;  and  in  a 
fortnight  all  the  roads  and  passages  will  be  covered  deep 
with  snow.  It  is  settled — I  will  make  peace.  Venice 
shall  pay  for  the  expense  of  the  war  and  the  boundary  of 
the  Rhine :  let  the  Directory  and  the  lawyers  say  what 
they  like." 

He  wrote  to  the  Directory  in  the  following  words  :  "The 
summits  of  the  hills  are  covered  with  snow  ;  I  cannot,  on 
account  of  the  stipulations  agreed  to  for  the  recommence- 
ment of  hostilities,  begin  before  five-and-twenty  days,  and 
by  that  time  we  shall  be  overwhelmed  with  snow." 

Fourteen  years  after,  another  early  winter,  in  a  more 
severe  climate,  was  destined  to  have  a  fatal  influence  on 
his  fortunes.  Had  he  but  then  exercised  equal  foresight ! 

It  is  well  known  that,  by  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio, 
the  two  belligerent  powers  made  peace  at  the  expense  of 
the  Republic  of  Venice,  which  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
quarrel  in  the  first  instance,  and  which  only  interfered  at 
a  late  period,  probably  against  her  own  inclination,  and 
impelled  by  the  force  of  inevitable  circumstances.  But 
what  has  been  the  result  of  this  great  political  spoliation  ? 
A  portion  of  the  Venetian  territory  was  adjudged  to  the 
Cisalpine  Republic  ;  it  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Austria. 


110         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

Another  considerable  portion,  and  the  capital  itself,  fell 
to  the  lot  of  Austria  in  compensation  for  the  Belgic  prov- 
inces and  Lombardy,  which  she  ceded  to  France.  Austria 
has  now  retaken  Lombardy,  and  the  additions  then  made 
to  it,  and  Belgium  is  in  the  possession  of  the  House  of 
Orange.  France  obtained  Corfu  and  some  of  the  Ionian 
isles  ;  these  now  belong  to  England.1  Romulus  never 
thought  he  was  founding  Rome  for  Goths  and  priests. 
Alexander  did  not  foresee  that  his  Egyptian  city  would 
belong  to  the  Turks  ;  nor  did  Constantine  strip  Rome  for 
the  benefit  of  Mahomet  IE.  Why  then  fight  for  a  few  pal- 
try villages  ? 

Thus  have  we  been  gloriously  conquering  for  Austria 
and  England.  An  ancient  State  is  overturned  without 
noise,  and  its  provinces,  after  being  divided  among  different 
bordering  States,  are  now  all  under  the  dominion  of 
Austria.  We  do  not  possess  a  foot  of  ground  in  all  the 
fine  countries  we  conquered,  and  which  served  as  compen- 
sations for  the  immense  acquisitions  of  the  House  of 
Hapsburgh  in  Italy.  Thus  that  house  was  aggrandised 
by  a  war  which  was  to  itself  most  disastrous.  But  Austria 
has  often  found  other  means  of  extending  her  dominion 
than  military  triumphs,  as  is  recorded  in  the  celebrated 
distich  of  Mathias  Corvinus  : — 

"  Bella  gerunt  alii,  tu  felix  Austria  nube  ; 
Nam  quae  Mars  aliis,  dat  tibi  regna  Venus."  * 

The  Directory  was  far  from  being  satisfied  with  the 
treaty  of  Campo-Formio,  and  with  difficulty  resisted  the 
temptation  of  not  ratifying  it.  A  fortnight  before  the 
signature  the  Directors  wrote  to  General  Bonaparte  that 
they  would  not  consent  to  give  to  the  Emperor  Venice, 
Frioul,  Padua,  and  the  terra  firma.  with  the  boundary  of 

1  Afterwards  to  be  ceded  by  her  to  Greece.    Belgium  is  fre«. 
a  "  Glad  Austria  wins  by  Hymen's  silken  chain 
What  other  States  by  doubtful  battle  gain, 
And  while  fierce  Mars  enriches  meaner  lands, 
Receives  possession  from  fair  Venus'  hands." 


1797.  THE  DIRECTORY  DISSATISFIED.  Ill 

the  Adige.  *'  That,"  said  they,  "  would  not  be  to  make 
peace,  but  to  adjourn  the  war.  We  shall  be  regarded  as 
the  beaten  party,  independently  of  the  disgrace  of  aban- 
doning Venice,  \vhich  Bonaparte  himself  thought  so  worthy 
of  freedom.  France  ought  not,  and  never  will  wish,  to  see 
Italy  delivered  up  to  Austria.  The  Directory  would 
prefer  the  chances  of  a  war  to  changing  a  single  word  of 
its  ultimatum,  wiiich  is  already  too  favourable  to  Austria." 

All  this  was  said  in  vain.  Bonaparte  made  no  scruple 
of  disregarding  his  instructions.  It  has  been  said  that 
the  Emperor  of  Austria  made  an  offer  of  a  very  consider- 
able sum  of  money,  and  even  of  a  principality,  to  obtain 
favourable  terms.  1  was  never  able  to  find  the  slightest 
ground  for  this  report,  which  refers  to  a  time  when 
the  smallest  circumstance  could  not  escape  my  notice. 
The  character  of  Bonaparte  stood  too  high  for  him  to 
sacrifice  his  glory  as  a  conqueror  and  peacemaker  for  even 
the  greatest  private  advantage.  This  was  so  thoroughly 
known,  and  he  was  so  profoundly  esteemed  by  the  Austrian 
plenipotentiaries,  that  I  will  venture  to  say  none  of  them 
would  have  been  capable  of  making  the  slightest  overture 
to  him  of  so  debasing  a  proposition.  Besides,  it  would 
have  induced  him  to  put  an  end  to  all  intercourse  with 
the  plenipotentiaries.  Perhaps  what  I  have  just  stated  of 
M.  de  Gallo  will  throw  some  light  upon  this  odious  accu- 
sation. But  let  us  dismiss  this  story  with  the  rest,  and 
among  them  that  of  the  porcelain  tray,  which  was  said  to 
have  been  smashed  and  thrown  at  the  head  of  M.  de 
Cobentzel.1  I  certainly  know  nothing  of  any  such  scene  ; 
our  manners  at  Passeriano  were  not  quite  so  bad  ! 

The  presents  customary  on  such  occasions  were  given, 
and  the  Emperor  of  Austria  also  took  that  opportunity  to 
present  to  General  Bonaparte  six  magnificent  white  horses. 

Bonaparte  returned  to  Milan  by  way  of  Gratz,  Laybach, 
Trieste,  Mestre,  Verona,  and  Mantua. 

'  Belated  in  the  Memoir*  of  Segur,  vol.  i.  p.  376. 


112        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1797. 

At  this  period  Napoleon  was  still  swayed  by  the  im- 
pulse of  the  age.  He  thought  of  nothing  but  representa- 
tive governments.  Often  has  he  said  to  me,  "  I  should 
like  the  era  of  representative  governments  to  be  dated 
from  my  time."  His  conduct  in  Italy  and  his  proclama- 
tions ought  to  give,  and  in  fact  do  give,  weight  to  this 
account  of  his  opinion.  But  there  is  no  doubt  that  this 
idea  was  more  connected  with  lofty  views  of  ambition 
than  a  sincere  desire  for  the  benefit  of  the  human  race  ; 
for,  at  a  later  period,  he  adopted  this  phrase :  1  should 
like  to  be  the  head  of  the  most  ancient  of  the  dynasties  of 
Europe."  What  a  difference  between  Bonaparte,  the 
author  of  the  Souper  de  Beaucaire,  the  subduer  of  royal- 
ism  at  Toulon,  the  author  of  the  remonstrance  to  Albitte 
and  Salicetti,  the  fortunate  conqueror  of  the  13th  Ven- 
de"miaire,  the  instigator  and  supporter  of  the  revolution 
of  Fructidor,  and  the  founder  of  the  Republics  of  Italy, 
the  fruits  of  his  immortal  victories, — and  Bonaparte,  First 
Consul  in  1800,  Consul  for  life  in  1802,  and,  above  all, 
Napoleon,  Emperor  of  the  French  in  1804,  and  King  of 
Italy  in  1805 1 


1797.  118 


CHAPTER  XL 
1797. 

Effect  of  the  18th  Fructidor  on  the  peace— The  standard  of  the  army  of 
Italy — Honours  rendered  to  the  memory  of  General  Hoche  and  of 
Virgil  at  Mantua — Remarkable  letter— In  passing  through  Switzer- 
land Bonaparte  visits  the  field  of  Morat — Arrival  at  Rastadt— -Letter 
from  the  Directory  calling  Bonaparte  to  Paris—Intrigues  against 
Josephine — Grand  ceremony  on  the  reception  of  Bonaparte  by  the 
Directory — The  theatres — Modesty  of  Bonaparte — An  assassination 
— Bonaparte's  opinion  of  the  Parisians — His  election  to  the  National 
Institute — Letter  to  Camus — Projects — Reflections. 

THE  day  of  the  18th  Fructidor  had,  without  any  doubt, 
mainly  contributed  to  the  conclusion  of  peace  at  Campo- 
Formio.  On  the  one  hand,  the  Directory,  hitherto  not 
very  pacifically  inclined,  after  having  effected  a  coup 
d'etat,  at  length  saw  the  necessity  of  appeasing  the  dis- 
contented by  giving  peace  to  France.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Cabinet  of  Vienna,  observing  the  complete  failure  of 
all  the  royalist  plots  in  the  interior,  thought  it  high  time 
to  conclude  with  the  French  Republic  a  treaty  which,  not- 
withstanding all  the  defeats  Austria  had  sustained,  still 
left  her  a  preponderating  influence  over  Italy. 

Besides,  the  campaign  of  Italy,  so  fertile  in  glorious 
achievements  of  arms,  had  not  been  productive  of  glory 
alone.  Something  of  greater  importance  followed  these 
conquests.  Public  affairs  had  assumed  a  somewhat  un- 
usual aspect,  and  a  grand  moral  influence,  the  effect  of 
victories  and  of  peace,  had  begun  to  extend  all  over 
France.  Republicanism  was  no  longer  so  sanguinary  and 
fierce  as  it  had  been  some  years  before.  Bonaparte,  ne- 
gotiating with  princes  and  their  ministers  on  a  footing 
of  equality,  but  still  with  all  that  superiority  to  which 
victory  and  his  genius  entitled  him,  gradually  taught 
VOL.  I.— 8 


114         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 


foreign  courts  to  be  familiar  with  Republican  France,  and 
the  Republic  to  cease  regarding  all  States  governed  by 
Kings  as  of  necessity  enemies. 

In  these  circumstances  the  General-in-Chief 's  departure 
and  his  expected  visit  to  Paris  excited  general  attention. 
The  feeble  Directory  was  prepared  to  submit  to  the  pres- 
ence of  the  conqueror  of  Italy  in  the  capital. 

It  was  for  the  purpose  of  acting  as  head  of  the  French 
legation  at  the  Congress  of  Rastadt  that  Bonaparte  quitted 
Milan  on  the  17th  of  November.  But  before  his  departure 
he  sent  to  the  Directory  one  of  those  monuments,  the  in- 
scriptions on  which  may  generally  be  considered  as  fabu- 
lous, but  whioh,  in  this  case,  were  nothing  but  the  truth. 
This  monument  was  the  "flag  of  the  Army  of  Italy,"  and 
to  General  Joubert  was  assigned  the  honourable  duty  of 
presenting  it  to  the  members  of  the  Executive  Government. 

On  one  side  of  the  flag  were  the  words  "To  the  Army 
of  Italy,  the  grateful  country."  The  other  contained  an 
enumeration  of  the  battles  fought  and  places  taken,  and 
presented,  in  the  following  inscriptions,  a  simple  but  strik- 
ing abridgment  of  the  history  of  the  Italian  campaign. 


150,000  PRISONERS  ;  170  STANDARDS  ;  550  PIECES  OF  SIEGE 
ARTILLERY  ;  600  PIECES  OF  FIELD  ARTILLERY  ;  FIVE  PON- 
TOON EQUIPAGES  ;  NINE  64-GUN  SHIPS  ;  TWELVE  82-GUN 
FRIGATES  ;  12  CORVETTES  ;  18  GALLEYS  ;  ARMISTICE  WITH 
THE  KING  OF  SARDINIA  ;  CONVENTION  WITH  GENOA  ;  AR- 
MISTICE WITH  THE  DUKE  OF  PARMA  ;  ARMISTICE  WITH  THE 
KING  OF  NAPLES  ;  ARMISTICE  WITH  THE  POPE  ;  PRELIMIN- 
ARIES OF  LEOBEN  ;  CONVENTION  OF  MONTEBELLO  WITH  THE 
REPUBLIC  OF  GENOA  ;  TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  THE  EM- 
PEROR OF  GERMANY  AT  CAMPO-FORMIO. 

LIBERTY  GIVEN  TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  BOLOGNA,  FERRARA, 
MODENA,  MASSA-CARRARA,  LA  ROMAGNA,  LOMBARDY,  BRES- 
CIA, BERGAMO,  MANTUA,  CREMONA,  PART  OF  THE  VERO- 
NESE, CHIAVENA,  BORMIO,  THE  VALTELINE,  THE  GENOESE, 
THE  IMPERIAL  FIEFS,  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  DEPARTMENTS 
OF  CORQYRA,  OF  THE  AEGEAN  SEA,  AND  OF  ITHACA. 

SENT  TO  PARIS  ALL  THE  MASTERPIECES  OF  MICHAEL  AN- 
GELO,  OF  GUERCINO,  OF  TITIAN,  OF  PAUL  VERONESE,  OF 
CORREGGIO,  OF  ALBANA,  OF  THE  CARRACCI,  OF  RAPHAEL, 
AND  OF  LEONARDO  DA  VINCI. 


1797.      STANDARD   OF  THE  ARMY  OF  ITALY.         115 

Thus  were  recapitulated  on  a  flag,  destined  to  decorate 
the  Hall  of  the  Public  Sittings  of  the  Directory,  the  mili- 
tary deeds  of  the  campaign  in  Italy,  its  political  results, 
and  the  conquest  of  the  monuments  of  art. 

Most  of  the  Italian  cities  looked  upon  their  conqueror 
as  a  liberator — such  was  the  magic  of  the  word  liberty, 
which  resounded  from  the  Alps  to  the  Apennines.  On  his 
way  to  Mantua  the  General  took  up  his  residence  in  the 
palace  of  the  ancient  dukes.  Bonaparte  promised  the 
authorities  of  Mantua  that  their  department  should  be  one 
of  the  most  extensive  ;  impressed  on  them  the  necessity 
of  promptly  organising  a  local  militia,  and  of  putting  in 
execution  the  plans  of  Mari,  the  mathematician,  for  the 
navigation  of  the  Mincio  from  Mantua  to  Peschiera. 

He  stopped  two  days  at  Mantua,  and  the  morrow  of  his 
arrival  was  devoted  to  the  celebration  of  a  military  funeral 
solemnity,  in  honour  of  General  Hoche,  who  had  just  died. 
His  next  object  was  to  hasten  the  execution  of  the  monu- 
ment which  was  erecting  to  the  memory  of  Virgil.  Thus, 
in  one  day,  he  paid  honour  to  France  and  Italy,  to  modern 
and  to  ancient  glory,  to  the  laurels  of  war  and  to  the 
laurels  of  poetry. 

A  person  who  saw  Bonaparte  on  this  occasion  for  the 
first  time  thus  described  him  in  a  letter  he  wrote  to 
Paris  :  — "  With  lively  interest  and  extreme  attention  I 
have  observed  this  extraordinary  man,  who  has  performed 
such  great  deeds,  and  about  whom  there  is  something 
which  seems  to  indicate  that  his  career  is  not  yet  termi- 
nated. I  found  him  very  like  his  portraits — little,  thin, 
pale,  with  an  air  of  fatigue,  but  not  of  ill-health,  as  has 
been  reported  of  him.  He  appears  to  me  to  listen  with 
more  abstraction  than  interest,  and  that  he  was  more 
occupied  with  what  he  was  thinking  of  than  with  what  was 
said  to  him.  There  is  great  intelligence  in  his  countenance, 
along  with  which  may  be  marked  an  air  of  habitual  med- 
itation, which  reveals  nothing  of  what  is  passing  within, 


116         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

In  that  thinking  head,  in  that  bold  mind,  it  is  impossible 
not  to  believe  that  some  daring  designs  are  engendering 
which  will  have  their  influence  on  the  destinies  of  Europe." 

From  the  last  phrase,  in  particular,  of  this  letter,  one 
might  suspect  that  it  was  written  after  Bonaparte  had 
made  his  name  feared  throughout  Europe ;  but  it  really 
appeared  in  a  journal  in  the  month  of  December  1797,  a 
little  before  his  arrival  in  Paris. 

There  exists  a  sort  of  analogy  between  celebrated  men 
and  celebrated  places  ;  it  was  not,  therefore,  an  uninter- 
esting spectacle  to  see  Bonaparte  surveying  the  field  of 
Morat,  where,  in  1476,  Charles  the  Bold,  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, daring  like  himself,  fell  with  his  powerful  army  un- 
der the  effects  of  Helvetian  valour.  Bonaparte  slept  during 
the  night  at  Moudon,  where,  as  in  every  place  through 
which  he  passed,  the  greatest  honours  were  paid  him.  In 
the  morning,  his  carriage  having  broken  down,  we  con- 
tinued our  journey  on  foot,  accompanied  only  by  some 
officers  and  an  escort  of  dragoons  of  the  country.  Bona- 
parte stopped  near  the  Ossuary,  and  desired  to  be  shown 
the  spot  where  the  battle  of  Morat  was  fought.  A  plain 
in  front  of  the  chapel  was  pointed  out  to  him.  An  officer 
who  had  served  in  France  was  present,  and  explained  to 
him  how  the  Swiss,  descending  from  the  neighbouring 
mountains,  were  enabled,  under  cover  of  a  wood,  to  turn 
the  Burgundian  army  and  put  it  to  the  rout.  "What was 
the  force  of  that  army?"  asked  Bonaparte. — "Sixty  thou- 
sand men." — "  Sixty  thousand  men !  "  he  exclaimed  :  "they 
ought  to  have  completely  covered  these  mountains ! " — 
"  The  French  fight  better  now,"  said  Lannes,  who  was  one 
of  the  officers  of  his  suite.  "  At  that  time,"  observed  Bo- 
naparte, interrupting  him,  "the  Burgundians  were  not 
Frenchmen." 

Bonaparte's  journey  through  Switzerland  was  not  with- 
out utility  ;  and  his  presence  served  to  calm  more  than  one 
inquietude.  He  proceeded  on  his  journey  to  Rastadt  by 


1797.         "  BONAPARTE— THE  PACIFICATOR!"  117 

Aix  in  Savoy,  Berne,  and  Bale.  On  arriving  at  Berne  dur- 
ing night  we  passed  through  a  double  file  of  well-lighted 
equipages,  filled  with  beautiful  women,  all  of  whom  raised 
the  cry  of  "Long  live  Bonaparte! — long  live  the  Pacifica- 
tor ! "  To  have  a  proper  idea  of  this  genuine  enthusiasm 
it  is  necessary  to  have  seen  it. 

The  position  in  society  to  which  his  services  had  raised 
him  rendered  it  unfit  to  address  him  in  the  second  per- 
son singular  and  the  familiar  manner  sometimes  used 
by  his  old  schoolfellows  of  Brienne.  I  thought  this  very 
natural. 

M.  de  Cominges,  one  of  those  who  went  with  him  to  the 
military  school  at  Paris,  and  who  had  emigrated,  was  at  Bale. 
Having  learned  our  arrival,  he  presented  himself  without 
ceremony,  with  great  indecorum,  and  with  a  complete 
disregard  of  the  respect  due  to  a  man  who  had  rendered 
himself  so  illustrious.  General  Bonaparte,  offended  at  this 
behaviour,  refused  to  receive  him  again,  and  expressed  him- 
self to  me  with  much  warmth  on  the  occasion  of  this  visit. 
All  my  efforts  to  remove  his  displeasure  were  unavailing : 
this  impression  always  continued,  and  he  never  did  for  M. 
de  Cominges  what  his  means  and  the  old  ties  of  boyhood 
might  well  have  warranted. 

On  arriving  at  Kastadt  *  Bonaparte  found  a  letter  from 
the  Directory  summoning  him  to  Paris.  He  eagerly  obeyed 
this  invitation,  which  drew  him  from  a  place  where  he  could 
act  only  an  insignificant  part,  and  which  he  had  determined 
to  leave  soon,  never  again  to  return.  Some  time  after  his 
arrival  in  Paris,  on  the  ground  that  his  presence  was  neces- 
sary for  the  execution  of  different  orders,  and  the  general 
despatch  of  business,  he  required  that  authority  should 
be  given  to  a  part  of  his  household,  which  he  had  left  at 
Rastadt,  to  return. 

How  could  it  ever  be  said  that  the  Directory  "  kept 

1  The  conference  for  the  formal  peace  with  the  Empire  of  Germany  was  held  there. 
The  peace  of  Leoben  was  only  one  made  with  Austria. 


118         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1797. 

General  Bonaparte  away  from  the  great  interests  which 
were  under  discussion  at  Rastadt "  ?  Quite  the  contrary  1 
The  Directory  would  have  been  delighted  to  see  him  re- 
turn there,  as  they  would  then  have  been  relieved  from  his 
presence  in  Paris  ;  but  nothing  was  so  disagreeable  to 
Bonaparte  as  long  and  seemingly  interminable  negotia- 
tions. Such  tedious  work  did  not  suit  his  character,  and 
he  had  been  sufficiently  disgusted  with  similar  proceedings 
at  Campo-Formio. 

On  our  arrival  at  Rastadt  I  soon  found  that  General 
Bonaparte  was  determined  to  stay  there  only  a  short  time. 
I  therefore  expressed  to  him  my  decided  desire  to  remain 
in  Germany.  I  was  then  ignorant  that  my  erasure  from 
the  emigrant  list  had  been  ordered  on  the  llth  of  Novem- 
ber, as  the  decree  did  not  reach  the  commissary  of  the 
Executive  Directory  at  Auxerre  until  the  17th  of  Novem- 
ber, the  day  of  our  departure  from  Milan. 

The  silly  pretext  of  difficulties  by  which  my  erasure, 
notwithstanding  the  reiterated  solicitations  of  the  vic- 
torious General,  was  so  long  delayed  made  me  appre- 
hensive of  a  renewal,  under  a  weak  and  jealous  pentarchy, 
of  the  horrible  scenes  of  1796.  Bonaparte  said  to  me,  in 
a  tone  of  indignation,  "  Come,  pass  the  Rhine  ;  they  will 
not  dare  to  seize  you  while  near  me.  I  answer  for  your 
safety."  On  reaching  Paris  I  found  that  my  erasure  had 
taken  place.  It  was  at  this  period  only  that  General  Bo- 
naparte's applications  in  my  favour  were  tardily  crowned 
with  success.  Sotin,  the  Minister  of  General  Police,  noti- 
fied the  fact  to  Bonaparte  ;  but  his  letter  gave  a  reason  for 
my  erasure  very  different  from  that  stated  in  the  decree. 
The  Minister  said  that  the  Government  did  not  wish  to 
leave  among  the  names  of  traitors  to  their  country  the 
name  of  a  citizen  who  was  attached  to  the  person  of  the 
conqueror  of  Italy  ;  while  the  decree  itself  stated  as  the 
motive  for  removing  my  name  from  the  list  that  I  never 
had  emigrated. 


1797.  BONAPARTE'S  FORTUNE.  119 

At  St.  Helena  it  seems  Bonaparte  said  that  lie  did  not 
return  from  Italy  with  more  than  300,000  francs;  but  I 
assert  that  he  had  at  that  time  in  his  possession  some- 
thing more  than  3,000,000. l  How  could  he  with  300,000 
francs  have  been  able  to  provide  for  the  extensive  repairs, 
the  embellishment,  and  the  furnishing  of  his  house  in  the 
Eue  Chantereine?  How  could  he  have  supported  the 
establishment  he  did  with  only  15,000  francs  of  income 
and  the  emoluments  of  his  rank  ?  The  excursion  which 
he  made  along  the  coast,  of  which  I  have  yet  to  speak,  of 
itself  cost  near  12,000  francs  in  gold,  which  he  trans- 
ferred to  me  to  defray  the  expense  of  the  journey  ;  and  I 
do  not  think  that  this  sum  was  ever  repaid  him.  Besides, 
what  did  it  signify,  for  any  object  he  might  have  in  dis- 
guising his  fortune,  whether  he  brought  3,000,000  or 
300,000  francs  with  him  from  Italy?  No  one  will  accuse 
him  of  peculation.  He  was  an  inflexible  administrator. 
He  was  always  irritated  at  the  discovery  of  fraud,  and 
pursued  those  guilty  of  it  with  all  the  vigour  of  his  char- 
acter. He  wished  to  be  independent,  which  he  well  knew 
that  no  one  could  be  without  fortune.  He  has  often  said 
to  me,  "I  am  no  Capuchin,  not  I."  But  after  having  been 
allowed  only  300,000  francs  on  his  arrival  from  the  rich 
Italy,  where  fortune  never  abandoned  him,  it  has  been 
printed  that  he  had  20,000,000  (some  have  even  doubled 
the  amount)  on  his  return  from  Egypt,  which  is  a  very 
poor  country,  where  money  is  scarce,  and  where  reverses 
followed  close  upon  his  victories.  All  these  reports  are 
false.  What  he  brought  from  Italy  has  just  been  stated, 
and  it  will  be  seen  when  we  come  to  Egypt  what  treasure 
he  carried  away  from  the  country  of  the  Pharaohs. 

Bonaparte's  brothers,  desirous  of  obtaining  complete 
dominion  over  his  mind,  strenuously  endeavoured  to  lessen 

1  Joseph  says  that  Napoleon,  when  he  sailed  for  Egypt,  left  with  him  all  his  for- 
tune,  and  that  it  was  much  nearer  300,000  francs  than  3,000,000.  (See  Errewrt, 
tome  L  pp.  243,  259.) 


120         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

the  influence  which  Josephine  possessed  from  the  love  of 
her  husband.  They  tried  to  excite  his  jealousy,  and  took 
advantage  of  her  stay  at  Milan  after  our  departure,  which 
had  been  authorised  by  Bonaparte  himself.  My  intimacy 
with  both  the  husband  and  the  wife  fortunately  afforded 
me  an  opportunity  of  averting  or  lessening  a  good  deal  of 
mischief.  If  Josephine  still  lived  she  would  allow  me  this 
merit.  I  never  took  part  against  her  but  once,  and  that 
unwillingly.  It  was  on  the  subject  of  the  marriage  of  her 
daughter  Hortense.  Josephine  had  never  as  yet  spoken 
to  me  on  the  subject.  Bonaparte  wished  to  give  his  step- 
daughter to  Duroc,  and  his  brothers  were  eager  to  pro- 
mote the  marriage,  because  they  wished  to  separate  Jo- 
sephine from  Hortense,  for  whom  Bonaparte  felt  the  ten- 
derest  affection.  Josephine,  on  the  other  hand,  wished 
Hortense  to  marry  Louis  Bonaparte.  Her  motives,  as 
may  easily  be  divined,  were  to  gain  support  in  a  family 
where  she  experienced  nothing  but  enmity,  and  she  car- 
ried her  point.1 

On  his  arrival  from  Rastadt  the  most  magnificent  prep- 
arations were  made  at  the  Luxembourg  for  the  reception 
of  Bonaparte.  The  grand  court  of  the  Palace  was  ele- 

'  Previous  to  her  marriage  with  Louis,  Hortense  cherished  an  attachment  for 
Duroc,  who  was  at  that  time  a  handsome  man  about  thirty,  and  a  great  favourite  of 
Bonaparte.  However,  the  indifference  with  which  Duroc  regarded  the  marriage  of 
Louis  Bonaparte  sufficiently  proves  that  the  regard  with  which  he  had  inspired  Hor- 
tense was  not  very  ardently  returned.  It  is  certain  that  Duroc  might  have  become 
the  husband  of  Mademoiselle  de  Beauharnais  had  he  been  willing  to  accede  to  the 
conditions  on  which  the  First  Consul  offered  him  his  step-daughter's  hand.  But 
Dnroc  looked  forward  to  something  better,  and  his  ordinary  prudence  forsook  him  at 
a  moment  when  he  might  easily  have  beheld  a  perspective  calculated  to  gratify  even 
a  more  towering  ambition  than  his.  He  declined  the  proposed  marriage ;  and  the 
union  of  Hortense  and  Louis,  which  Madame  Bonaparte,  to  conciliate  the  favour  of 
her  brothers-in-law,  had  endeavoured  to  bring  about,  was  immediately  determined 
on  (Menwires  de  Constant). 

In  allusion  to  the  alleged  unfriendly  feeling  of  Napoleon's  brothers  towards  Jo. 
eephine,  the  following  observation  occurs  in  Joseph  Bonaparte's  Notes  on  Bow- 
rienne : — 

"  None  of  Napoleon's  brothers,"  he  says,  "  were  near  him  from  the  time  of  his  de- 
parture for  Italy  except  Louis,  who  cannot  be  suspected  of  having  intrigued  against 
Josephine,  whose  daughter  he  married.  These  calumnies  are  without  found? lion" 
iErreurs,  tome  i.  p.  244). 


1797.  GRAND  RECEPTION  IN  PARIS.  121 

gantly  ornamented ;  and  at  its  farther  end,  close  to  the 
Palace,  a  large  amphitheatre  was  erected  for  the  accommo- 
dation of  official  persons.  Curiosity,  as  on  all  like  occa- 
sions, attracted  multitudes,  and  the  court  was  filled. 
Opposite  to  the  principal  vestibule  stood  the  altar  of  the 
country,  surrounded  by  the  statues  of  Liberty,  Equality, 
and  Peace.  When  Bonaparte  entered  every  head  was 
uncovered.  The  windows  were  full  of  young  and  beauti- 
ful females.  But  notwithstanding  this  great  preparation 
an  icy  coldness  characterized  the  ceremony.  Every  one 
seemed  to  be  present  only  for  the  purpose  of  beholding  a 
sight,  and  curiosity  was  the  prevailing  expression  rather 
than  joy  or  gratitude.  It  is  but  right  to  say,  however, 
that  an  unfortunate  event  contributed  to  the  general  in- 
difference. The  right  wing  of  the  Palace  was  not  occu- 
pied, but  great  preparations  had  been  making  there,  and 
an  officer  had  been  directed  to  prevent  anyone  from 
ascending.  One  of  the  clerks  of  the  Directory,  however, 
contrived  to  get  upon  the  scaffolding,  but  had  scarcely 
placed  his  foot  on  the  first  plank  when  it  tilted  up,  and 
the  imprudent  man  fell  the  whole  height  into  the  court. 
This  accident  created  a  general  stupor.  Ladies  fainted, 
and  the  windows  were  nearly  deserted. 

However,  the  Directory  displayed  all  the  Republican 
splendour  of  which  they  were  so  prodigal  on  similar  occa- 
sions. Speeches  were  far  from  being  scarce.  Talleyrand, 
who  was  then  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  on  introducing 
Bonaparte  to  the  Directory,  made  a  long  oration,  in  the 
course  of  which  he  hinted  that  the  personal  greatness  of 
the  General  ought  not  to  excite  uneasiness,  even  in  a 
rising  Republic.  "Far  from  apprehending  anything  from 
his  ambition,  I  believe  that  we  shall  one  day  be  obliged  to 
solicit  him  to  tear  himself  from  the  pleasures  of  studious 
retirement.  All  France  will  be  free,  but  perhaps  he  never 
will ;  such  is  his  destiny." 

Talleyrand  was  listened  to  with  impatience,  so  anxious 


122         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

was  every  one  to  hear  Bonaparte.  The  conqueror  of  Italy 
then  rose,  and  pronounced  with  a  modest  air,  but  in  a  firm 
voice,  a  short  address  of  congratulation  on  the  improved 
position  of  the  nation. 

Barras,  at  that  time  President  of  the  Directory,  replied 
to  Bonaparte  with  so  much  prolixity  as  to  weary  everyone  ; 
and  as  soon  as  he  had  finished  speaking  he  threw  himself 
into  the  arms  of  the  General,  who  was  not  much  pleased 
with  such  affected  displays,  and  gave  him  what  was  then 
called  the  fraternal  embrace.  The  other  members  of  the 
Directory,  following  the  example  of  the  President,  sur- 
rounded Bonaparte  and  pressed  him  in  their  arms  ;  each 
acted,  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  his  part  in  the  senti- 
mental comedy. 

Chenier  composed  for  this  occasion  a  hymn,  which 
Mehul  set  to  music.  A  few  days  after  an  opera  was  pro- 
duced, bearing  the  title  of  the  Fall  of  Carthage,  which  was 
meant  as  an  allusion  to  the  anticipated  exploits  of  the 
conqueror  of  Italy,  recently  appointed  to  the  command  of 
the  "army  of  England."  The  poets  were  all  employed 
in  praising  him ;  and  Lebrun,  with  but  little  of  the  Pin- 
daric fire  in  his  soul,  composed  the  following  distich,  which 
certainly  is  not  worth  much  : — 

"Heros,  cher  a  la  paix,  aux  arts,  a  la  victoire — 
II  conquit  en  deux  ans  mille  siecles  de  gloire." 

The  two  councils  were  not  disposed  to  be  behind  the 
Directory  in  the  manifestation  of  joy.  A  few  days  after 
they  gave  a  banquet  to  the  General  in  the  gallery  of  the 
Louvre,  which  had  recently  been  enriched  by  the  master- 
pieces of  painting  conquered  in  Italy. 

At  this  time  Bonaparte  displayed  great  modesty  in  all 
his  transactions  in  Paris.  The  administrators  of  the 
department  of  the  Seine  having  sent  a  deputation  to  him 
to  inquire  what  hour  and  day  he  would  allow  them  to  wait 
on  him,  he  carried  himself  his  answer  to  the  department, 


1797.  BONAPARTE  AT  THE  THEATRES.  123 

accompanied  by  General  Berthier.  It  was  also  remarked 
that  the  judge  of  the  peace  of  the  arrondissement  where 
the  General  lived  having  called  on  him  on  the  6th  of 
December,  the  evening  of  his  arrival,  he  returned  the 
visit  next  morning.  These  attentions,  trifling  as  they  may 
appear,  were  not  without  their  effect  on  the  minds  of  the 
Parisian  a 

In  consequence  of  General  Bonaparte's  victories,  the 
peace  he  had  effected,  and  the  brilliant  reception  of  which 
he  had  been  the  object,  the  business  of  Vendemiaire  was 
in  some  measure  forgotten.  Every  one  was  eager  to  get 
a  sight  of  the  young  hero  whose  career  had  commenced 
with  so  much  eclat.  He  lived  very  retiredly,  yet  went 
often  to  the  theatre.  He  desired  me,  one  day,  to  go  and 
request  the  representation  of  two  of  the  best  pieces  of  the 
time,  in  which  Elleviou,  Mesdames  St.  Aubin,  Phillis,  and 
other  distinguished  performers  played.  His  message  was, 
that  he  only  wished  these  two  pieces  on  the  same  night, 
if  that  were  possible.  The  manager  told  me  that  nothing 
that  the  conqueror  of  Italy  wished  for  was  impossible,  for 
he  had  long  ago  erased  that  word  from  the  dictionary. 
Bonaparte  laughed  heartily  at  the  manager's  answer. 
When  we  went  to  the  theatre  he  seated  himself,  as  usual, 
in  the  back  of  the  box,  behind  Madame  Bonaparte,  making 
me  sit  by  her  side.  The  pit  and  boxes,  however,  soon 
found  out  that  he  was  in  the  house,  and  loudly  called  for 
him.  Several  times  an  earnest  desire  to  see  him  was  mani- 
fested, but  all  in  vain,  for  he  never  showed  himself. 

Some  days  after,  being  at  the  Theatre  des  Arts,  at  the 
second  representation  of  Iloratius  Coctis,  although  he  was 
sitting  at  the  back  of  a  box  in  the  second  tier,  the  audi- 
ence discovered  that  he  was  in  the  house.  Immediately  ac- 
clamations arose  from  all  quarters ;  but  he  kept  himself 
concealed  as  much  as  possible,  and  said  to  a  person  in  the 
next  box,  "Had  I  known  that  the  boxes  were  so  exposed, 
I  should  not  have  come." 


124         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1797. 

During  Bonaparte's  stay  at  Paris  a  woman  sent  a  mes- 
senger to  warn  him  that  his  life  would  be  attempted,  and 
that  poison  was  to  be  employed  for  that  purpose.  Bona- 
parte had  the  bearer  of  this  information  arrested,  who 
went,  accompanied  by  the  judge  of  the  peace,  to  the 
woman's  house,  where  she  was  found  extended  on  the  floor, 
and  bathed  in  her  blood.  The  men  whose  plot  she  had 
overheard,  having  discovered  that  she  had  revealed  their 
secret,  murdered  her.  The  poor  woman  was  dreadfully 
mangled  :  her  throat  was  cut ;  and,  not  satisfied  with  that, 
the  assassins  had  also  hacked  her  body  with  sharp  instru- 
ments. 

On  the  night  of  the  10th  of  Nivose  the  Hue  Chantereine, 
in  which  Bonaparte  had  a  small  house  (No.  6),  received, 
in  pursuance  of  a  decree  of  the  department,  the  name  of 
Rue  de  la  Victoire.  The  cries  of  "  Vive  Bonaparte  ! "  and 
the  incense  prodigally  offered  up  to  him,  did  not  however 
seduce  him  from  his  retired  habits.  Lately  the  conqueror 
and  ruler  of  Italy,  and  now  under  men  for  whom  he  had 
no  respect,  and  who  saw  in  him  a  formidable  rival,  he  said 
to  me  one  day,  "  The  people  of  Paris  do  not  remember 
anything.  Were  I  to  remain  here  long,  doing  nothing,  I 
should  be  lost.  In  this  great  Babylon  one  reputation 
displaces  another.  Let  me  be  seen  but  three  times  at  the 
theatre  and  I  shall  no  longer  excite  attention  ;  so  I  shall 
go  there  but  seldom."  When  he  went  he  occupied  a  box 
shaded  with  curtains.  The  manager  of  the  opera  wished 
to  get  up  a  special  performance  in  his  honour ;  but  he 
declined  the  offer.  When  I  observed  that  it  must  be 
agreeable  to  him  to  see  his  fellow-citizens  so  eagerly  run- 
ning after  him,  he  replied,  "Bah !  the  people  would 
crowd  as  fast  to  see  me  if  I  were  going  to  the  scaffold."  * 

On  the  28th  of  December  Bonaparte  was  named  a 
member  of  the  Institute,  in  the  class  of  the  Sciences  and 

1  A  similar  remark  made  to  William  III.  on  his  landing  at  Brixham  elicited  tha 
comment,  "  Like  the  Jews,  who  cried  one  day  '  Hosanna  I '  and  the  next  "  Crucify 
Him  !  crucify  Him  1 " 


3797.    EUROPE  NOT  ENOUGH  FOR  BONAPARTE.       125 

Arts.1     He  showed  a  deep  sense  of  this  honour,  and  wrote 
the  following  letter  to  Camus,  the  president  of  the  class : — 

CITIZEN  PRESIDENT — The  suffrage  of  the  distinguished  men  who 
compose  the  Institute  confers  a  high  honour  on  me.  I  feel  well 
assured  that,  before  I  can  be  their  equal,  I  must  long  be  their 
scholar.  If  there  were  any  way  more  expressive  than  another  of 
making  known  my  esteem  for  you,  I  should  be  glad  to  employ  it. 
True  conquests — the  only  ones  which  leave  no  regret  behind  them 
— are  those  which  are  made  over  ignorance.  The  most  honourable, 
as  well  as  the  most  useful,  occupation  for  nations  is  the  contributing 
to  the  extension  of  human  knowledge.  The  true  power  of  the 
French  Kepublic  should  henceforth  be  made  to  consist  in  not  allow- 
ing a  single  new  idea  to  exist  without  making  it  part  of  its  property. 

BONAPARTE. 

The  General  now  renewed,  though  unsuccessfully,  the 
attempt  he  had  made  before  the  18th  Fructidor  to  obtain 
a  dispensation  of  the  age  necessary  for  becoming  a  Di- 
rector. Perceiving  that  the  time  was  not  yet  favourable 
for  such  a  purpose,  he  said  to  me,  on  the  29th  of  January 
1798,  "  Bourrienne,  I  do  not  wish  to  remain  here  ;  there 
is  nothing  to  do.  They  are  unwilling  to  listen  to  any- 
thing. I  see  that  if  I  linger  here,  I  shall  soon  lose  myself. 
Everything  wears  out  here  ;  my  glory  has  already  disap- 
peared. This  little  Europe  does  not  supply  enough  of  it 
for  me.  I  must  seek  it  in  the  East,  the  fountain  of  glory. 
However,  I  wish  first  to  make  a  tour  along  the  coast,  to 
ascertain  by  my  own  observation  what  may  be  attempted. 
I  will  take  you,  Lannes,  and  Sulkowsky,  with  me.  If 
the  success  of  a  descent  ou  England  appear  doubtful,  as 
I  suspect  it  will,  the  army  of  England  shall  become  the 
army  of  the  East,  and  I  will  go  to  Egypt." 

This  and  other  conversations  give  a  correct  insight  into 
his  character.  He  always  considered  war  and  conquest  as 

1  Napoleon  seems  to  have  really  considered  this  nomination  as  a  great  honour. 
He  was  fond  of  using  the  title  in  his  proclamations ;  and  to  the  last  the  allowance 
attached  to  the  appointment  figured  in  the  Imperial  accounts.  He  replaced  Carnot, 
the  exiled  Director. 


136         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1797. 

the  most  noble  and  inexhaustible  source  of  that  glory 
which  was  the  constant  object  of  his  desire.  He  revolted 
at  the  idea  of  languishing  in  idleness  at  Paris,  while  fresh 
laurels  were  growing  for  him  in  distant  climes.  His  im- 
agination inscribed,  in  anticipation,  his  name  on  those 
gigantic  monuments  which  alone,  perhaps,  of  all  the  crea- 
tions of  man,  have  the  character  of  eternity.  Already 
proclaimed  the  most  illustrious  of  living  generals,  he 
sought  to  efface  the  rival  names  of  antiquity  by  his  own. 
If  Csesar  fought  fifty  battles,  he  longed  to  fight  a  hundred  : 
if  Alexander  left  Macedon  to  penetrate  to  the  Temple  of 
Ammon,  he  wished  to  leave  Paris  to  travel  to  the  Cataracts 
of  the  Nile.  '  While  he  was  thus  to  run  a  race  with  fame, 
events  would,  in  his  opinion,  so  proceed  in  France  as  to 
render  his  return  necessary  and  opportune.  His  place 
would  be  ready  for  him,  and  he  should  not  come  to  claim 
it  a  forgotten  or  unknown  man. 


im  is? 


CHAPTEK  XH 

1798. 

Bonaparte's  departure  from  Paris — His  return — The  Egyptian  expedition 
projected — M.  de  Talleyrand — General  Desaix — Expedition  against 
Malta — Money  taken  at  Berne — Bonaparte's  ideas  respecting  the 
East — Monge — Non-influence  of  the  Directory — Marriages  of  Mar- 
mont  and  La  Valette — Bonaparte's  plan  of  colonising  Egypt — His 
camp  library — Orthographical  blunders — Stock  of  wines — Bona- 
parte's arrival  at  Toulon — Madame  Bonaparte's  fall  from  a  balcony — 
Execution  of  an  old  man — Simon. 

BONAPARTE  left  Paris  for  the  north  on  the  10th  of  Febru- 
ary 1798 — but  he  received  no  order,  though  I  have  seen 
it  everywhere  so  stated,  to  go  there — "  for  the  purpose  of 
preparing  the  operations  connected  with  the  intended  in- 
vasion of  England."  He  occupied  himself  with  no  such 
business,  for  which  a  few  days  certainly  would  not  have 
been  sufficient.  His  journey  to  the  coast  was  nothing  but 
a  rapid  excursion,  and  its  sole  object  was  to  enable  him 
to  form  an  opinion  on  the  main  point  of  the  question. 
Neither  did  he  remain  absent  several  weeks,  for  the  jour- 
ney occupied  only  one.  There  were  four  of  us  in  his 
carriage — himself,  Lannes,  Sulkowsky,  and  L  Moustache 
was  our  courier.  Bonaparte  was  not  a  little  surprised 
on  reading,  in  the  Moniteur  of  the  10th  February,  an  arti- 
cle giving  greater  importance  to  his  little  excursion  than 
it  deserved. 

"General  Bonaparte,"  said  the  Moniteur,  "has  departed  for 
Dunkirk  with  some  naval  and  engineer  officers.  They  have  gone 
to  visit  the  coasts  and  prepare  the  preliminary  operations  for  the 
descent  [upon  England].  It  may  be  stated  that  he  will  not  return 
to  Rastadt,  and  that  the  close  of  the  session  of  the  Congress  there 
is  approaching." 


128         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1798. 

Now  for  the  facts.  Bonaparte  visited  Etaples,  Amble- 
teuse,  Boulogne,  Calais,  Dunkirk,  Fumes,  Niewport, 
Ostend,  and  the  Isle  of  Walcheren.  He  collected  at  the 
different  ports  all  the  necessary  information  with  that  in- 
telligence and  tact  for  which  he  was  so  eminently  dis- 
tinguished. He  questioned  the  sailors,  smugglers,  and 
fishermen,  and  listened  attentively  to  the  answers  he 
received. 

We  returned  to  Paris  by  Antwerp,  Brussels,  Lille,  and 
St.  Quentin.  The  object  of  our  journey  was  accomplished 
when  we  reached  the  first  of  these  towns.  "  Well,  General," 
said  I,  "  what  think  you  of  our  journey  ?  Are  you  satis- 
fied ?  For  my  part,  I  confess  I  entertain  no  great  hopes 
from  anything  I  have  seen  and  heard."  Bonaparte  im- 
mediately answered,  "It  is  too  great  a  chance.  I  will 
not  hazard  it.  I  would  not  thus  sport  with  the  fate  of 
my  beloved  France."  On  hearing  this  I  already  fancied 
myself  in  Cairo ! 

On  his  return  to  Paris  Bonaparte  lost  no  time  in  set- 
ting on  foot  the  military  and  scientific  preparations  for 
the  projected  expedition  to  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  re- 
specting which  such  incorrect  statements  have  appeared. 
It  had  long  occupied  his  thoughts,  as  the  following  facts 
will  prove. 

In  the  month  of  August  1797  he  wrote  "  that  the  time 
was  not  far  distant  when  we  should  see  that,  to  destroy 
the  power  of  England  effectually,  it  would  be  necessary 
to  attack  Egypt."  In  the  same  month  he  wrote  to  Talley- 
rand, who  had  just  succeeded  Charles  de  Lacroix  as 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  "  that  it  would  be  necessary 
to  attack  Egypt,  which  did  not  belong  to  the  Grand  Sig- 
nior."  Talleyrand  replied,  "that  his  ideas  respecting 
Egypt  were  certainly  grand,  and  that  their  utility  could 
not  fail  to  be  fully  appreciated."  He  concluded  by 
saying  he  would  write  to  him  at  length  on  the  subject. 

History  will  speak  as  favourably  of  M.  de  Talleyrand  as 


1798.  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  MALTA.  129 

his  contemporaries  have  spoken  ill  of  him.  When  a 
statesman,  throughout  a  great,  long,  and  difficult  career, 
makes  and  preserves  a  number  of  faithful  friends,  and 
provokes  but  few  enemies,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that 
his  character  is  honourable  and  his  talent  profound,  and 
that  his  political  conduct  has  been  wise  and  moderate.  It 
is  impossible  to  know  M.  de  Talleyrand  without  admiring 
him.  All  who  have  that  advantage,  no  doubt,  judge  him 
as  I  do. 

In  the  month  of  November  of  the  same  year  Bonaparte 
sent  Poussielgue,  under  the  pretence  of  inspecting  the 
ports  of  the  Levant,  to  give  the  finishing  stroke  to  the 
meditated  expedition  against  Malta. 

General  Desaix,  whom  Bonaparte  had  made  the  confi- 
dant of  all  his  plans  at  their  interview  in  Italy  after  the 
preliminaries  of  Leoben,  wrote  to  him  from  Affenbourg, 
on  his  return  to  Germany,  that  he  regarded  the  fleet  of 
Corfu  with  great  interest.  "  If  ever,"  said  he,  "  it  should 
be  engaged  in  the  grand  enterprises  of  which  I  have 
heard  you  speak,  do  not,  I  beseech  you,  forget  me."  Bona- 
parte was  far  from  forgetting  him. 

The  Directory  at  first  disapproved  of  the  expedition 
against  Malta,  which  Bonaparte  had  proposed  long  before 
the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio  was  signed.  The  expedition 
was  decided  to  be  impossible,  for  Malta  had  observed 
strict  neutrality,  and  had  on  several  occasions  even 
assisted  our  ships  and  seamen.  Thus  vre  had  no  pretext 
for  going  to  war  with  her.  It  was  said,  too,  that  the 
legislative  body  would  certainly  not  look  with  a  favourable 
eye  on  such  a  measure.  This  opinion,  which,  however, 
did  not  last  long,  vexed  Bonaparte.  It  was  one  of  the 
disappointments  which  made  him  give  a  rough  welcome 
to  Bottot,  Barras'  agent,  at  the  commencement  of  Octo- 
ber 1797. 

In  the  course  of  an  animated  conversation  he  said  to 
Bottot,  shrugging  his  shoulders,  "  Mon  Dieu !  Malta  is 
VOL.  I.— 9 


130         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1798. 

for  sale ! "  Sometime  after  he  himself  was  told  that 
"  great  importance  was  attached  to  the  acquisition  of 
Malta,  and  that  he  must  not  suffer  ifc  to  escape."  At  the 
latter  end  of  September  1797  Talleyrand,  then  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  wrote  to  him  that  the  Directory 
authorized  him  to  give  the  necessary  orders  to  Admiral 
Brueys  for  taking  Malta.  He  sent  Bonaparte  some 
letters  for  the  island,  because  Bonaparte  had  said  it  was 
necessary  to  prepare  the  public  mind  for  the  event. 

Bonaparte  exerted  himself  night  and  day  in  the  execu- 
tion of  his  projects.  I  never  saw  him  so  active.  He 
made  himself  acquainted  with  the  abilities  of  the  respec- 
tive generals,  and  the  force  of  all  the  army  corps.  Orders 
and  instructions  succeeded  each  other  with  extraordinary 
rapidity.  If  he  wanted  an  order  of  the  Directory  he  ran 
to  the  Luxembourg  to  get  it  signed  by  one  of  the  Direct- 
ors. Merlin  de  Douai  was  generally  the  person  who  did 
him  this  service,  for  he  was  the  most  constant  at  his  post. 
Lagarde,  the  Secretary-General,  did  not  countersign  any 
document  relative  to  this  expedition,  Bonaparte  not  wish- 
ing him  to  be  informed  of  the  business.  He  transmitted 
to  Toulon  the  money  taken  at  Berne,  which  the  Directory 
had  placed  at  his  disposal.  It  amounted  to  something 
above  3,000,000  francs.  In  those  times  of  disorder  and 
negligence  the  finances  were  very  badly  managed.  The 
revenues  were  anticipated  and  squandered  away,  so  that 
the  treasury  never  possessed  so  large  a  sum  as  that  just 
mentioned. 

It  was  determined  that  Bonaparte  should  undertake  an 
expedition  of  an  unusual  character  to  the  East.  I  must 
confess  that  two  things  cheered  me  in  this  very  painful 
interval ;  my  friendship  and  admiration  for  the  talents 
of  the  conqueror  of  Italy,  and  the  pleasing  hope  of 
traversing  those  ancient  regions,  the  historical  and  relig- 
ious accounts  of  which  had  engaged  the  attention  of  my 
youth. 


1798.  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  EAST.  131 

It  was  at  Passeriano  that,  seeing  the  approaching  termi- 
nation of  his  labours  in  Europe,  he  first  began  to  turn 
serious  attention  to  the  East.  During  his  long  strolls  in 
the  evening  in  the  magnificent  park  there  he  delighted  to 
converse  about  the  celebrated  events  of  that  part  of  the 
world,  and  the  many  famous  empires  it  once  possessed. 
He  used  to  say,  "  Europe  is  a  mole-hill.  There  have  never 
been  great  empires  and  revolutions  except  in  the  East, 
where  there  are  600,000,000  men."  He  considered  that 
part  of  the  world  as  the  cradle  of  all  religions,  of  'all 
metaphysical  extravagances.  This  subject  was  no  less 
interesting  than  inexhaustible,  and  he  daily  introduced  it 
when  conversing  with  the  generals  with  whom  he  was 
intimate,  with  Monge,  and  with  me. 

Monge  entirely  concurred  in  the  General-in-Chief's  opin- 
ions on  this  point ;  and  his  scientific  ardour  was  increased 
by  Bonaparte's  enthusiasm.  In  short,  all  were  unani- 
mously of  one  opinion.  The  Directory  had  no  share  in 
renewing  the  project  of  this  memorable  expedition,  the 
result  of  which  did  not  correspond  with  the  grand  views 
in  which  it  had  been  conceived.  Neither  had  the  Direc- 
tory any  positive  control  over  Bonaparte's  departure  or 
return.  It  was  merely  the  passive  instrument  of  the 
General's  wishes,  which  it  converted  into  decrees,  as  the 
law  required.  He  was  no  more  ordered  to  undertake  the 
conquest  of  Egypt  than  he  was  instructed  as  to  the  plan  of 
its  execution.  Bonaparte  organised  the  army  of  the  East, 
raised  money,  and  collected  ships ;  and  it  was  he  who 
conceived  the  happy  idea  of  joining  to  the  expedition  men 
distinguished  in  science  and  art,  and  whose  labours  have 
made  known,  in  its  present  and  past  state,  a  country,  the 
very  name  of  which  is  never  pronounced  without  exciting 
grand  recollections. 

Bonaparte's  orders  flew  like  lightning  from  Toulon  to 
Civita  Vecchia.  With  admirable  precision  he  appointed 
some  forces  to  assemble  before  Malta,  and  others  before 


132         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1798. 

Alexandria.  He  dictated  all  these  orders  to  me  in  his 
Cabinet. 

In  the  position  in  which  France  stood  with  respect  to 
Europe,  after  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio,  the  Directory, 
far  from  pressing  or  even  facilitating  this  expedition, 
ought  to  have  opposed  it.  A  victory  on  the  Adige  would 
have  been  far  better  for  France  than  one  on  the  Nile. 
From  all  I  saw,  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  wish  to  get  rid 
of  an  ambitious  and  rising  man,  whose  popularity  excited 
envy,  triumphed  over  the  evident  danger  of  removing,  for 
an  indefinite  period,  an  excellent  army,  and  the  possible 
loss  of  the  French  fleet.  As  to  Bonaparte,  he  was  well 
assured  that  nothing  remained  for  him  but  to  choose 
between  that  hazardous  enterprise  and  his  certain  ruin. 
Egypt  was,  he  thought,  the  right  place  to  maintain  his 
reputation,  and  to  add  fresh  glory  to  his  name. 

On  the  12th  of  April  1798  he  was  appointed  General- 
in-Chief  of  the  army  of  the  East. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Marmont  was  married  to 
Mademoiselle  Perregaux ;  and  Bonaparte's  aide  de  camp, 
La  Vallette,  to  Mademoiselle  Beauharnais. l 

Shortly  before  our  departure  I  asked  Bonaparte  how 
long  he  intended  to  remain  in  Egypt.  He  replied,  "A 
few  months,  or  six  years :  all  depends  on  circumstances. 
I  will  colonise  the  country.  I  will  bring  them  artists  and 
artisans  of  every  description  ;  women,  actors,  etc.  We  are 
but  nine-and-twenty  now,  and  we  shall  then  be  five-and- 
thirty.  That  is  not  an  old  age.  Those  six  years  will  en- 
able me,  if  all  goes  well,  to  get  to  India.  Give  out  that 
you  are  going  to  Brest.  Say  so  even  to  your  family."  I 
obeyed,  to  prove  my  discretion  and  real  attachment  to 
him. 

Bonaparte  wished  to  form  a  camp  library  of  cabinet 

1  Sir  Walter  Scott  informs  us  that  Josephine,  when  she  became  Empress,  brought 
about  the  marriage  between  her  niece  and  La  Vallette.  This  is  another  fictitious 
incident  of  his  historical  romance. — Sourrienne. 


1798.          PROVISION  OF  BOOKS  AND    WINE.  138 

editions,  and  lie  gave  me  a  list  of  the  books  which  I  was 
to  purchase.  This  list  is  in  his  own  writing,  and  is  as 
follows  : — 

CAMP  LIBRARY. 

1.  ARTS  AND  SCIENCE.— FonteneUe's  Worlds,  1  voL    Letters  to  a 
German  Princess,  2  wls.     Courses  of  the  Normal  School,  6  wls.    The 
Artillery  Assistant,  1  wl.     Treatise  on  Fortifications,  3  vols.   Treatise 
on  Fireworks,  1  vol. 

2.  GEOGRAPHY  AND  TRAVELS.  —  Barclay's  Geography,  12  wls. 
Cook's  Voyages,  3  wls.    La  Harpe's  Travels,  24  vols. 

3.  HISTORY. — Plutarch,  12  vols.     Turenne,  2  wls.     Conde,  4  vols. 
Villars,  4  wls.     Luxembourg,  2  vols.     Duguesclin,  2  wls.     Saxe,  3 
wls.     Memoirs  of  the  Marshals    of   France,    20    wls.     President 
Hainault,  4  wls.     Chronology,  2  wls.     Marlborough,  4  wls.     Prince 
Eugene,  6  wls.    Philosophical  History  of  India,  12  vols.     Germany, 
2  wls.     Charles  XII.,  1  wl.     Essay  on  the  Manners  of  Nations,  6 
wls.     Peter  the   Great,    1  vol.      Polybius,  6  wls.     Justin,  2  vols. 
Arrian,  3  wls.     Tacitus,  2  vols.     Titus  Livy.     Tfiucydides,  2  vols. 
Vertot,  4  wls.     Denina,  8  wls.     Frederick  II.,  8  wls. 

4.  POETRY.  —  Ossian,   1   wl.      Tasso,   6  wls.     Ariosto,  6  wls. 
Homer,  6  wls.     Virgil,  4  wls.     The  Henriade,  1  wl.     Telemachus,  2 
vols.    Les  Jardins,  1  wl.     The  Chefs-d'QSuvre  of  the  French  TJieatre, 
20  wls.    Select  Light  Poetry,  10  -cols.     La  Fontaine. 

5.  ROMANCE. — Voltaire,  4  wls.     Helolse,  4  vols.     Werther,  1  wl. 
Marmontel,   4  to&.     English  Novels,   40   w&.     Z€  Sage,   10   wZs. 
Precost,  10  r0&. 

6.  POLITICS  AND  MORALS. — The  Old  Testament.     The  New  Testa- 
ment.    The  Koran.     The   Vedan.    Mythology.     Montesquieu.    The 
Esprit  des  Lois. 

It  will  be  observed  that  he  classed  the  books  of  the 
religious  creeds  of  nations  under  the  head  of  "  politics." 

The  autograph  copy  of  the  above  list  contains  some  of 
those  orthographical  blunders  which  Bonaparte  so  fre- 
quently committed.  Whether  these  blunders  are  attrib- 
utable to  the  limited  course  of  instruction  he  received  at 
Brienne,  to  his  hasty  writing,  the  rapid  flow  of  his  ideas, 
or  the  little  importance  he  attached  to  that  indispensable 


134         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1798. 

condition  of  polite  education,  I  know  not.  Knowing  so 
well  as  he  did  the  authors  and  generals  whose  names  ap- 
pear in  the  above  list,  it  is  curious  that  he  should  have 
written  Ducecling  for  Duguesclin,  and  Ocean  for  Ossian. 
The  latter  mistake  would  have  puzzled  me  not  a  little  had 
I  not  known  his  predilection  for  the  Caledonian  bard. 

Before  his  departure  Bonaparte  laid  in  a  considerable 
stock  of  Burgundy.  It  was  supplied  by  a  man  named 
James,  of  Dijon.  I  may  observe  that  on  this  occasion  we 
had  an  opportunity  of  ascertaining  that  good  Burgundy, 
well  racked  off,  and  in  casks  hermetically  sealed,  does  not 
lose  its  quality  on  a  sea  voyage.  Several  cases  of  this 
Burgundy  twice  crossed  the  desert  of  the  Isthmus  of  Suez 
on  camels'  backs.  We  brought  some  of  it  back  with  us 
to  Frejus,  and  it  was  as  good  as  when  we  departed. 
James  went  with  us  to  Egypt. 

During  the  remainder  of  our  stay  in  Paris  nothing  oc- 
curred worthy  of  mention,  with  the  exception  of  a  conver- 
sation between  Bonaparte  and  me  some  days  before  our 
departure  for  Toulon.  He  went  with  me  to  the  Luxem- 
bourg to  get  signatures  to  the  official  papers  connected 
with  his  expedition.  He  was  very  silent.  As  we  passed 
through  the  Kue  Sainte  Anne  I  asked  him,  with  no  other 
object  than  merely  to  break  a  long  pause,  whether  he  was 
still  determined  to  quit  France.  He  replied,  "  Yes  :  I 
have  tried  everything.  They  do  not  want  me  (probably 
alluding  to  the  office  of  Director).  I  ought  to  overthrow 
them,  and  make  myself  King  ;  but  it  will  not  do  yet. 
The  nobles  will  never  consent  to  it.  I  have  tried  my 
ground.  The  time  is  not  yet  come.  I  should  be  alone. 
But  I  will  dazzle  them  again."  I  replied,  "Well,  we  will 
go  to  Egypt ; "  and  changed  the  conversation. ' 

1  Lucien  and  the  Bonaparttsts  of  course  deny  that  Napoleon  wished  to  become 
Director,  or  to  seize  on  power  ut  this  time ;  see  Lucien,  tome  1.  p.  154.  Thiers  (vol. 
v.  p.  257)  takes  the  same  view.  Lanf rey  (tome  i.  p.  £63)  believes  Napoleon  was  at 
last  compelled  by  the  Directory  to  start,  and  he  credits  the  story  told  by  Desaix  to 
Mathieu  Dumas,  or  rather  to  the  wife  of  that  officer,  that  there  was  a  plot  to  npeet 


1798.  DEPARTURE  FOR  TOULON.  135 

The  squabble  with  Bernadotte  at  Vienna  delayed  our 
departure  for  a  fortnight,  and  might  have  had  the  most 
disastrous  influence  on  the  fate  of  the  squadron,  as  Nelson 
would  most  assuredly  have  waited  between  Malta  and 
Sicily  if  he  had  arrived  there  before  us.1 

It  is  untrue  that  he  ever  entertained  the  idea  of 
abandoning  the  expedition  in  consequence  of  Bernadotte's 
affair.  The  following  letter  to  Brueys,  dated  the  28th 
of  April  1798,  proves  the  contrary  : — 

Some  disturbances  which  have  arisen  at  Vienna  render  my  pres- 
ence in  Paris  necessary  for  a  few  days.  This  will  not  change  any 
of  the  arrangements  for  the  expedition.  I  have  sent  orders  by  this 
courier  for  the  troops  at  Marseilles  to  embark  and  proceed  to  Toulon. 
On  the  evening  of  the  30th  I  will  send  you  a  courier  with  orders  for 
you  to  embark  and  proceed  with  the  squadron  and  convoy  to  Genoa, 
where  I  will  join  you. 

The  delay  which  this  fresh  event  has  occasioned  will,  I  imagine, 
have  enabled  you  to  complete  every  preparation. 

We  left  Paris  on  the  3d  of  May  1798.  Ten  days  be- 
fore Bonaparte's  departure  for  Egypt  a  prisoner  (Sir  Sid- 
ney Smith)  escaped  from  the  Temple  who  was  destined  to 
contribute  materially  to  his  reverses.  An  escape  so  un- 
important in  itself  afterwards  caused  the  failure  of  the 
most  gigantic  projects  and  daring  conceptions.  This 
escape  was  pregnant  with  future  events  ;  a  false  order  of 
the  Minister  of  Police  prevented  the  revolution  of  the 
East! 

the  Directory,  but  that  when  all  was  ready  Napoleon  judged  that  the  time  was  not 
ripe.  Lanfrey,  however,  rather  enlarges  what  Dumas  says ;  see  Dumas,  tome  iii. 
p.  157.  See  also  the  very  remarkable  conversation  of  Napoleon  with  Miot  de  Melito 
just  before  leaving  Italy  for  Rastadt :  ''  I  cannot  obey  any  longer.  I  have  tasted 
the  pleasures  of  command,  and  I  cannot  renounce  it.  My  decision  is  taken.  If  I 
cannot  be  master,  I  shall  quit  France  "  (Miot,  tome  i.  p.  184). 

1  Sir  Walter  Soott,  -without  any  authority,  states  that,  at  the  moment  of  his  de- 
parture, Bonaparte  seemed  disposed  to  abandon  the  command  of  an  expedition  so 
doubtful  and  hazardous,  and  that  for  this  purpose  he  endeavoured  to  take  advantage 
of  what  had  occurred  at  Vienna.  This  must  be  ranked  in  the  class  of  inventions,  to- 
gether with  Barras'  mysterious  visit  to  communicate  the  change  of  destination,  and 
also  the  ostracism  and  honourable  exile  which  the  Directory  wished  to  impose  on 
Bonaparte.  —Bourrienne. 


136         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1798. 

We  were  at  Toulon  on  the  8th.  Bonaparte  knew  by 
the  movements  of  the  English  that  not  a  moment  was  to 
be  lost ;  but  adverse  winds  detained  us  ten  days,  which 
he  occupied  in  attending  to  the  most  minute  details  con- 
nected with  the  fleet. 

Bonaparte,  whose  attention  was  constantly  occupied 
with  his  army,  made  a  speech  to  the  soldiers,  which  I 
wrote  to  his  dictation,  and  which  appeared  in  the  public 
papers  at  the  time.  This  address  was  followed  by  cries 
of  "  The  Immortal  Republic  for  ever  ! "  and  the  singing 
of  national  hymns. 

Those  who  knew  Madame  Bonaparte  are  aware  that  few 
women  were  more  amiable  and  fascinating.  Bonaparte 
was  passionately  fond  of  her,  and  to  enjoy  the  pleasure  of 
her  society  as  long  as  possible  he  brought  her  with  him 
to  Toulon.  Nothing  could  be  more  affecting  than  their 
parting.  On  leaving  Toulon  Josephine  went  to  the  waters 
of  Plombieres.  I  recollect  that  during  her  stay  at  Ploin- 
bieres  she  incurred  great  danger  from  a  serious  accident. 
Whilst  she  was  one  day  sitting  at  the  balcony  of  the  hotel, 
with  her  suite,  the  balcony  suddenly  gave  way,  and  all 
the  persons  in  it  fell  into  the  street.  Madame  Bonaparte 
was  much  hurt,  but  no  serious  consequences  ensued.1 

Bonaparte  had  scarcely  arrived  at  Toulon  when  lie 
heard  that  the  law  for  the  death  of  emigrants  was  en- 
forced with  frightful  rigour  ;  and  that  but  recently  an  old 

1  "  Madame  Bonaparte  had  been  but  a  short  time  at  Plombi^res,  when  one  morning, 
as  she  was  sitting  in  her  drawing-room  engaged  at  needlework  and  conversing  with 
some  ladies,  Madame  de  Cambis,  who  was  in  the  balcony,  called  her  to  look  at  a  beau- 
tiful little  dog  that  was  passing  through  the  street.  All  the  ladies  who  were  in  the 
room  immediately  rose,  and,  following  Madame  Bonaparte,  rushed  to  the  balcony, 
which  instantly  gave  way,  and  fell  with  a  tremendous  crash.  It  fortunately  hap- 
pened that  nobody  was  killed ;  but  Madame  de  Cnmbis  had  her  leg  broken,  and 
Madame  Bonaparte  was  dreadfully  hurt,  though  she  escaped  without  broken  bones. 
M.  Charvet,  who  was  in  an  adjoining  room,  being  alarmed  by  the  noise,  ran  out, 
and,  on  learning  what  had  happened,  he  ordered  a  sheep  to  be  immediately  killed ; 
and  the  skin  of  the  animal  being  taken  off,  Madame  Bonaparte  was  wrapped  in  it. 
She  suffered  from  the  effects  of  this  accident  for  a  considerable  time.  Her  hands  and 
arms  were  so  severely  bruised  that  she  was  long  unable  to  use  them  "  (Memoires  de 
Constant). 


1798.  HUMANITY  OF  BONAPARTE.  137 

man,  upwards  of  eighty,  had  been  shot.  Indignant  at 
this  barbarity,  he  dictated  to  me,  in  a  tone  of  anger,  the 
following  letter  : — 

HEADQUABTEBS,  TOULON, 
27«A  Floreal,  year  TV.  (IGtft  May  1798). 

BONAPARTE,  MEMBER  OF  THE  NATIONAL  INSTITUTE,  TO  THE 
MILITARY  COMMISSIONERS  OF  THE  NINTH  DIVISION,  ESTAB- 
LISHED BY  THE  LAW  OF  THE  19TH  FRUCTIDOR. 

I  have  learned,  citizens,  with  deep  regret,  that  an  old  man,  be- 
tween seventy  and  eighty  years  of  age,  and  some  unfortunate  wom- 
en, in  a  state  of  pregnancy,  or  surrounded  with  children  of  tender 
age,  have  been  shot  on  the  charge  of  emigration. 

Have  the  soldiers  of  liberty  become  executioners  ?  Can  the 
mercy  which  they  have  exercised  even  in  the  fury  of  battle  be  ex- 
tinct in  their  hearts  ? 

The  law  of  the  19th  Fructidor  was  a  measure  of  public  safety. 
Its  object  was  to  reach  conspirators,  not  women  and  aged  men. 

I  therefore  exhort  you,  citizens,  whenever  the  law  brings  to  your 
tribunals  women  or  old  men,  to  declare  that  in  the  field  of  battle  you 
have  respected  the  women  and  old  men  of  your  enemies. 

The  officer  who  signs  a  sentence  against  a  person  incapable  of 
bearing  arms  is  a  coward.  (Signed)  BONAPARTE. 

This  letter  saved  the  life  of  an  unfortunate  man  who 
came  under  the  description  of  persons  to  whom  Bona- 
parte referred.  The  tone  of  this  note  shows  what  an  idea 
he  already  entertained  of  his  power.  He  took  upon  him, 
doubtless  from  the  noblest  motives,  to  step  out  of  his  way 
to  interpret  and  interdict  the  execution  of  a  law,  atro- 
cious, it  is  true,  but  which  even  in  those  times  of  weak- 
ness, disorder,  and  anarchy  was  still  a  law.  In  this 
instance,  at  least,  the  power  of  his  name  was  nobly  em- 
ployed. The  letter  gave  great  satisfaction  to  the  army 
destined  for  the  expedition. 

A  man  named  Simon,  who  had  followed  his  master  in 
emigration,  and  dreaded  the  application  of  the  law,  heard 
that  I  wanted  a  servant.  He  came  to  me  and  acknowl- 
edged his  situation.  He  suited  me,  and  I  hired  him. 
He  then  told  me  he  feared  he  should  be  arrested  whilst 


138         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1798. 

going  to  the  port  to  embark.  Bonaparte,  to  whom  I 
mentioned  the  circumstance,  and  who  had  just  given  a 
striking  proof  of  his  aversion  to  these  acts  of  barbarity, 
said  to  me  in  a  tone  of  kindness,  "  Give  him  my  portfolio 
to  carry,  and  let  him  remain  with  you."  The  words 
"  Bonaparte,  General-in-Chief  of  the  Army  of  the  East," 
were  inscribed  in  large  gold  letters  on  the  green  morocco. 
Whether  it  was  the  portfolio  or  his  connection  with  us 
that  prevented  Simon  from  being  arrested  I  know  not ; 
but  he  passed  on  without  interruption.  I  reprimanded 
him  for  having  smiled  derisively  at  the  ill  humour  of  the 
persons  appointed  to  arrest  him.  He  served  me  faith- 
fully, and  was  even  sometimes  useful  to  Bonaparte. 


1798.  139 


CHAPTER 

1798. 


Departure  of  the  squadron  —  Arrival  at  Malta  —  Dolomien  —  General  Bara- 
guay  d'Hilliers—  Attack  on  the  western  part  of  the  island  —  Caffarelli's 
remark  —  Deliverance  of  the  Turkish  prisoners  —  Nelson's  pursuit  of 
the  French  fleet  —  Conversations  on  board  —  How  Bonaparte  passed  his 
time  —  Questions  to  the  Captains  —  Propositions  discussed  —  Morning 
music  —  Proclamation  —  Admiral  Brueys  —  The  English  fleet  avoided  — 
Dangerous  landing  —Bonaparte  and  his  fortune  —  Alexandria  taken  — 
Kleber  wounded  —  Bonaparte's  entrance  into  Alexandria. 

THE  squadron  sailed  on  the  19th  of  May.  The  Orient, 
which,  owing  to  her  heavy  lading,  drew  too  much  water, 
touched  the  ground  ;  but  she  was  got  off  without  much 
difficulty. 

We  arrived  off  Malta  on  the  10th  of  June.  We  had  lost 
two  days  in  waiting  for  some  convoys  which  joined  us  at 
Malta. 

The  intrigues  throughout  Europe  had  not  succeeded  in 
causing  the  ports  of  that  island  to  be  opened  to  us  imme- 
diately on  our  arrival.  Bonaparte  expressed  much  dis- 
pleasure against  the  persons  sent  from  Europe  to  arrange 
measures  for  that  purpose.  One  of  them,  however,  M. 
Dolomieu,  had  cause  to  repent  his  mission,  which  occa- 
sioned him  to  be  badly  treated  by  the  Sicilians.  M. 
Poussielgue  had  done  all  he  could  in  the  way  of  seduction, 
but  he  had  not  completely  succeeded.  There  was  some 
misunderstanding,  and,  in  consequence,  some  shots  were 
interchanged.  Bonaparte  was  very  much  pleased  with 
General  Baraguay  d'Hilliers'  services  in  Italy.  He  could 
not  but  praise  his  military  and  political  conduct  at  Venice 


140         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1798. 

when,  scarcely  a  year  before,  he  had  taken  possession  of 
that  city  by  his  orders.  General  Baraguay  d'Hilliers 
joined  us  with  his  division,  which  had  embarked  in  the 
convoy  that  sailed  from  Genoa.  The  General-in  Chief 
ordered  him  to  land  and  attack  the  western  part  of  the 
island.  He  executed  this  order  with  equal  prudence  and 
ability,  and  highly  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  General-in- 
Chief.  As  every  person  in  the  secret  knew  that  all  this 
was  a  mere  form,  these  hostile  demonstrations  produced 
no  unpleasant  consequences.  We  wished  to  save  the 
honour  of  the  knights — that  was  all ;  for  no  one  who  has 
seen  Malta  can  imagine  that  an  island  surrounded  with 
such  formidable  and  perfect  fortifications  would  have  sur- 
rendered in  two  days  to  a  fleet  which  was  pursued  by  an 
enemy.  The  impregnable  fortress  of  Malta  is  so  secure 
against  a  coup  de  main  that  General  Caffarelli,  after 
examining  its  fortifications,  said  to  the  General-in-Chief, 
in  my  presence,  "Upon  nay  word,  General,  it  is  lucky 
there  is  some  one  in  the  town  to  open  the  gates  for  us." 

By  comparing  the  observation  of  General  Caffarelli 
with  what  has  been  previously  stated  respecting  the  pro- 
ject of  the  expedition  to  Egypt  and  Malta,  an  idea  may  be 
formed  of  the  value  of  Bonaparte's  assertion  at  St.  Helena  : 
"  The  capture  of  Malta  was  not  owing  to  private  intrigues, 
but  to  the  sagacity  of  the  Commander-in-chief.  I  took 
Malta  when  I  was  in  Mantua  !  "  It  is  not  the  less  true, 
however,  that  I  wrote,  by  his  dictation,  a  mass  of  instruc- 
tions for  private  intrigues.  Napoleon  also  said  to  another 
noble  companion  of  his  exile  at  St  Helena,  "  Malta  cer- 
tainly possessed  vast  physical  means  of  resistance  ;  but 
no  moral  means.  The  knights  did  nothing  dishonourable : 
nobody  is  obliged  to  do  impossibilities.  No  ;  but  they 
were  sold  ;  the  capture  of  Malta  was  assured  before  we 
left  Toulon." 

The  General-in-Chief  proceeded  to  that  part  of  the  port 
where  the  Turks  made  prisoners  by  the  knights  were  kept 


1798.        NELSON'S  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FRENCH.          141 

The  disgusting  galleys  were  emptied  of  their  occupants. 
The  same  principles  which,  a  few  days  after,  formed  the 
basis  of  Bonaparte's  proclamation  to  the  Egyptians, 
guided  him  in  this  act  of  reason  and  humanity. 

He  walked  several  times  in  the  gardens  of  the  grand- 
master. They  were  in  beautiful  order,  and  filled  with 
magnificent  orange-trees.  We  regaled  ourselves  with 
their  fruit,  which  the  great  heat  rendered  most  delici- 
ous. 

On  the  19th  of  June,  after  having  settled  the  govern- 
ment and  defence  of  the  island,  the  General  left  Malta, 
which  he  little  dreamed  he  had  taken  for  the  English, 
who  have  very  badly  requited  the  obligation.  Many  of 
the  knights  followed  Bonaparte  and  took  civil  and  mili- 
tary appointments. 

During  the  night  of  the  22d  of  June  the  English  squad- 
ron was  almost  close  upon  us.  It  passed  at  about  six 
leagues  from  the  French  fleet.  Nelson,  who  learned  the 
capture  of  Malta  at  Messina  on  the  day  we  left  the  island, 
sailed  direct  for  Alexandria,  without  proceeding  into  the 
north.  He  considered  that  city  to  be  the  place  of  our 
destination.  By  taking  the  shortest  course,  with  every 
sail  set,  and  unembarrassed  by  any  convoy,  he  arrived 
before  Alexandria  on  the  28th  of  June,  three  days  before 
the  French  fleet,  which,  nevertheless,  had  sailed  before 
him  from  the  shores  of  Malta.  The  French  squadron 
took  the  direction  of  Candia,  which  we  perceived  on  the 
25th  of  June,  and  afterwards  stood  to  the  south,  favoured 
by  the  Etesian  winds,  which  regularly  prevail  at  that  sea- 
son. The  French  fleet  did  not  reach  Alexandria  till  the 
30th  of  June. 

When  on  board  the  Orient  he  took  pleasure  in  convers- 
ing frequently  with  Monge  and  Berthollet.  The  subjects 
on  which  they  usually  talked  were  chemistry,  mathemat- 
ics, and  religion.  General  Caffarelli,  whose  conversation, 
supplied  by  knowledge,  was  at  once  energetic,  witty,  and 


142         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1798. 

lively,  was  one  of  those  with  whom  he  most  willingly  dis- 
coursed. Whatever  friendship  he  might  entertain  for 
Berthollet,  it  was  easy  to  perceive  that  he  preferred 
Monge,  and  that  he  was  led  to  that  preference  because 
Monge,  endowed  with  an  ardent  imagination,  without  ex- 
actly possessing  religious  principles,  had  a  kind  of  pre- 
disposition for  religious  ideas  which  harmonised  with  the 
notions  of  Bonaparte.  On  this  subject  Berthollet  some- 
times rallied  his  inseparable  friend  Monge.  Besides, 
Berthollet  was,  with  his  cold  imagination,  constantly  de- 
voted to  analysis  and  abstractions,  inclined  towards  ma- 
terialism, an  opinion  with  which  the  General  was  always 
much  dissatisfied. 

Bonaparte  sometimes  conversed  with  Admiral  Brueys. 
His  object  was  always  to  gain  information  respecting  the 
different  manoeuvres,  and  nothing  astonished  the  Admiral 
more  than  the  sagacity  of  his  questions.  I  recollect  that 
one  day,  Bonaparte  having  asked  Brueys  in  what  manner 
the  hammocks  were  disposed  of  when  dealing  for  action, 
he  declared,  after  he  had  received  an  answer,  that  if  the 
case  should  occur  he  would  order  every  one  to  throw  his 
baggage  overboard. 

He  passed  a  great  part  of  his  time  in  his  cabin,  lying  on 
a  bed,  which,  swinging  on  a  kind  of  castors,  alleviated  the 
severity  of  the  sea-sickness  from  which  he  frequently  suf- 
fered much  when  the  ship  rolled. 

I  was  almost  always  with  him  in  his  cabin,  where  I  read 
to  him  some  of  the  favourite  works  which  he  had  selected 
for  his  camp  library.  He  also  frequently  conversed,  for 
hours  together,  with  the  captains  of  the  vessels  which  he 
hailed.  He  never  failed  to  ask  whence  they  came  ?  what 
was  their  destination  ?  what  ships  they  had  met  ?  what 
course  they  had  sailed  ?  His  curiosity  being  thus  satis- 
fied, he  allowed  them  to  continue  their  voyage,  after  mak- 
ing them  promise  to  say  nothing  of  having  seen  the  French 
squadron. 


1798.  LIFE  ON  BOARD   THE  "  ORIENT.''  143 

Whilst  we  were  at  sea  he  seldom  rose  before  ten  o'clock 
in  the  morning.  The  Orient  had  the  appearance  of  a  popu- 
lous town,  from  which  women  had  been  excluded  ;  and 
this  floating  city  was  inhabited  by  2000  individuals, 
amongst  whom  were  a  great  number  of  distinguished  men. 
Bonaparte  every  day  invited  several  persons  to  dine  with 
him,  besides  Brueys,  Berthier,  the  colonels,  and  his  ordi- 
nary household,  who  were  always  present  at  the  table  of 
the  General-in-Chief.  When  the  weather  was  fine  he  went 
up  to  the  quarter-deck,  which,  from  its  extent,  formed  a 
grand  promenade. 

I  recollect  once  that  when  walking  the  quarter-deck  with 
him  whilst  we  were  in  Sicilian  waters  I  thought  I  could  see 
the  summits  of  the  Alps,  beautifully  lighted  by  the  rays  of 
the  setting  sun.  Bonaparte  laughed  much,  and  joked 
me  about  it.  He  called  Admiral  Brueys,  who  took  his 
telescope  and  soon  confirmed  my  conjecture.  The  Alps ! 
At  the  mention  of  that  word  by  the  Admiral  I  think  I  can 
see  Bonaparte  still.  He  stood  for  a  long  time  motionless  ; 
then,  suddenly  bursting  from  his  trance,  exclaimed,  "  No  ! 
I  cannot  behold  the  land  of  Italy  without  emotion  !  There 
is  the  East :  and  there  I  go  ;  a  perilous  enterprise  invites 
me.  Those  mountains  command  the  plains  where  I  so 
often  had  the  good  fortune  to  lead  the  French  to  victory. 
With  them  we  will  conquer  again." 

One  of  Bonaparte's  greatest  pleasures  during  the  voyage 
was,  after  dinner,  to  fix  upon  three  or  four  persons  to 
support  a  proposition  and  as  many  to  oppose  it.  He  had 
an  object  in  view  by  this.  These  discussions  afforded  him 
an  opportunity  of  studying  the  minds  of  those  whom  he 
had  an  interest  in  knowing  well,  in  order  that  he  might 
afterwards  confide  to  each  the  functions  for  which  he 
possessed  the  greatest  aptitude.  It  will  not  appear  singu- 
lar to  those  who  have  been  intimate  with  Bonaparte,  that 
in  these  intellectual  contests  he  gave  the  preference  to 
those  who  had  supported  an  absurd  proposition  with  ability 


144         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1798. 

over  those  who  had  maintained  the  cause  of  reason  ;  and 
it  was  not  superiority  of  mind  which  determined  his  judg- 
ment, for  he  really  preferred  the  man  who  argued  well 
in  favour  of  an  absurdity  to  the  man  who  argued  equally  well 
in  support  of  a  reasonable  proposition.  He  always  gave 
out  the  subjects  which  were  to  be  discussed  ;  and  they 
most  frequently  turned  upon  questions  of  religion,  the  dif- 
ferent kinds  of  government,  and  the  art  of  war.  One  day 
he  asked  whether  the  planets  were  inhabited  ;  on  another, 
what  was  the  age  of  the  world  ;  then  he  proposed  to  con- 
sider the  probability  of  the  destruction  of  our  globe,  either 
by  water  or  fire  ;  at  another  time,  the  truth  or  fallacy  of 
presentiments,  and  the  interpretation  of  dreams.  I  re- 
member the  circumstance  which  gave  rise  to  the  last  pro- 
position was  an  allusion  to  Joseph,  of  whom  he  happened 
to  speak,  as  he  did  of  almost  everything  connected  with 
the  country  to  which  we  were  bound,  and  which  that  able 
administrator  had  governed.  No  country  came  under 
Bonaparte's  observation  without  recalling  historical  re- 
collections to  his  mind.  On  passing  the  island  of  Candia 
his  imagination  was  excited,  and  he  spoke  with  enthusiasm 
of  ancient  Crete  and  the  Colossus,  whose  fabulous  renown 
has  surpassed  all  human  glories.  He  spoke  much  of  the 
fall  of  the  empire  of  the  East,  which  bore  so  little  resem- 
blance to  what  history  has  preserved  of  those  fine  countries, 
so  often  moistened  with  the  blood  of  man.  The  ingen- 
ious fables  of  mythology  likewise  occurred  to  his  mind, 
and  imparted  to  his  language  something  of  a  poetical,  and, 
I  may  say,  of  an  inspired  character.  The  sight  of  the 
kingdom  of  Minos  led  him  to  reason  on  the  laws  best  cal- 
culated for  the  government  of  nations ;  and  the  birthplace 
of  Jupiter  suggested  to  him  the  necessity  of  a  religion  for 
the  mass  of  mankind.  This  animated  conversation  lasted 
until  the  favourable  north  winds,  which  drove  the  clouds 
into  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  caused  us  to  lose  sight  of  the 
island  of  Candia. 


1798.          BONAPARTE'S  RESPECT  FOR  LIFE.  145 


The  musicians  on  board  the  Orient  sometimes  played 
serenades ;  but  only  between  decks,  for  Bonaparte  was 
not  yet  sufficiently  fond  of  music  to  wish  to  hear  it  in  his 
cabin.  It  may  be  said  that  his  taste  for  this  art  increased 
in  the  direct  ratio  of  his  power  ;  and  so  it  was  with  his 
taste  for  hunting,  of  which  he  gave  no  indication  until 
after  his  elevation  to  the  empire  ;  as  though  he  had 
wished  to  prove  that  he  possessed  within  himself  not  only 
the  genius  of  sovereignty  for  commanding  men,  but  also 
the  instinct  for  those  aristocratical  pleasures,  the  enjoy- 
ment of  which  is  considered  by  mankind  to  be  amongst  the 
attributes  of  kings. 

It  is  scarcely  possible  that  some  accidents  should  not 
occur  during  a  long  voyage  in  a  crowded  vessel — that  some 
persons  should  not  fall  overboard.  Accidents  of  this  kind 
frequently  happened  on  board  the  Orient.  On  those  occa- 
sions nothing  was  more  remarkable  than  the  great  human- 
ity of  the  man  who  has  since  been  so  prodigal  of  the  blood 
of  his  fellow-creatures  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  who  was 
about  to  shed  rivers  of  it  even  in  Egypt,  whither  we  were 
bound.  When  a  man  fell  into  the  sea  the  General-in-Chief 
was  in  a  state  of  agitation  till  he  was  saved.  He  instantly 
had  the  ship  hove-to,  and  exhibited  the  greatest  uneasiness 
until  the  unfortunate  individual  was  recovered.  He  ordered 
me  to  reward  those  who  ventured  their  lives  in  this  service. 
Amongst  these  was  a  sailor  who  had  incurred  punishment 
for  some  fault.  He  not  only  exempted  him  from  the  punish- 
ment, but  also  gave  him  some  money.  I  recollect  that  one 
dark  night  we  heard  a  noise  like  that  occasioned  by  a  man 
falling  into  the  sea.  Bonaparte  instantly  caused  the  ship  to 
be  hove-to  until  the  supposed  victim  was  rescued  from  cer- 
tain death.  The  men  hastened  from  all  sides,  and  at  length 
they  picked  up — what? — the  quarter  of  a  bullock,  which 
had  fallen  from  the  hook  to  which  it  was  hung.  What  was 
Bonaparte's  conduct  ?  He  ordered  me  to  reward  the  sail- 
ors who  had  exerted  themselves  on  this  occasion  even  more 
VOL.  I.— 10 


14G         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1798. 

generously  than  usual,  saying,  "It  might  have  been  a  sailor, 
and  these  brave  fellows  have  shown  as  much  activity  and 
courage  as  if  it  had." 

After  the  lapse  of  thirty  years  all  these  things  are  as 
fresh  in  my  recollection  as  if  they  were  passing  at  the 
present  moment.  In  this  manner  Bonaparte  employed 
his  time  on  board  the  Orient  during  the  voyage,  and  it  was 
also  at  this  time  that  he  dictated  to  me  the  following  pro- 
clamation : — 

HEADQUARTERS  ON  BOASD  THE  "  ORIENT," 
the  4ith.  Messidor,  year  VI. 

BONAPARTE,  MEMBER  OF  THE  NATIONAL  INSTITUTE, 
GENERAL-IN-CHIEF. 

SOLDIERS — You  are  about  to  undertake  a  conquest  the  effects  of 
which  on  civilization  and  commerce  are  incalculable.  The  blow  you 
are  about  to  give  to  England  will  be  the  best  aimed,  and  the  most  sen- 
sibly felt,  she  can  receive  until  the  time  arrive  when  you  can  give 
her  her  deathblow. 

We  must  make  some  fatiguing  marches ;  we  must  fight  several 
battles ;  we  shall  succeed  in  all  we  undertake.  The  destinies  are 
with  us.  The  Mameluke  Beys  who  favour  exclusively  English  com- 
merce, whose  extortions  oppress  our  merchants,  and  who  tyrannise 
over  the  unfortunate  inhabitants  of  the  Nile,  a  few  days  after  our 
arrival  will  no  longer  exist. 

The  people  amongst  whom  we  are  going  to  live  are  Mahometans. 
The  first  article  of  their  faith  is  this  :  "  There  is  no  God  but  God, 
and  Mahomet  is  his  prophet."  Do  not  contradict  them.  Behave 
to  them  as  you  have  behaved  to  the  Jews — to  the  Italians.  Pay 
respect  to  their  muftis,  and  their  Imaums,  as  you  did  to  the  rabbis 
and  the  bishops.  Extend  to  the  ceremonies  prescribed  by  the  Ko- 
ran and  to  the  mosques  the  same  toleration  which  you  showed  to 
the  synagogues,  to  the  religion  of  Moses  and  of  Jesus  Christ. 

The  Roman  legions  protected  all  religions.  You  will  find  here 
customs  different  from  those  of  Europe.  You  must  accommodate 
yourselves  to  them.  The  people  amongst  whom  we  are  to  mix  differ 
from  us  in  the  treatment  of  women  ;  but  in  all  countries  he  who 
violates  is  a  monster.  Pillage  enriches  only  a  small  number  of 
men;  it  dishonours  us  ;  it  destroys  our  resources  ;  it  converts  into 
enemies  the  people  whom  it  is  our  interest  to  have  for  friends. 


1798.       FOREBODINGS  OF  ADMIRAL  BRUET8.          141 

The  first  town  we  shall  come  to  was  built  by  Alexander.  At  every 
step  we  shall  meet  with  grand  recollections,  worthy  of  exciting  the 
emulation  of  Frenchmen.  BONAPARTE. 

During  the  voyage,  and  particularly  between  Malta  and 
Alexandria,  I  often  conversed  with  the  brave  and  unfortu- 
nate Admiral  Brueys.  The  intelligence  we  heard  from 
time  to  time  augmented  his  uneasiness.  I  had  the  good 
fortune  to  obtain  the  confidence  of  this  worthy  man.  He 
complained  bitterly  of  the  imperfect  manner  in  which  the 
fleet  had  been  prepared  for  sea  ;  of  the  encumbered  state 
of  the  ships  of  the  line  and  frigates,  and  especially  of  the 
Orient ;  of  the  great  number  of  transports  ;  of  the  bad 
outfit  of  all  the  ships  and  the  weakness  of  their  crews. 
He  assured  me  that  it  required  no  little  courage  to  under- 
take the  command  of  a  fleet  so  badly  equipped  ;  and  he 
often  declared,  that  in  the  event  of  our  falling  in  with  the 
enemy,  he  could  not  answer  for  the  consequences.  The 
encumbered  state  of  the  vessels,  the  immense  quantity  of 
civil  and  military  baggage  which  each  person  had  brought, 
and  would  wish  to  save,  would  render  proper  manoeuvres 
impracticable.  In  case  of  an  attack,  added  Brueys,  even 
by  an  inferior  squadron,  the  confusion  and  disorder 
amongst  so  great  a  number  of  persons  would  produce  an 
inevitable  catastrophe.  Finally,  if  the  English  had  ap- 
peared with  ten  vessels  only,  the  Admiral  could  not  have 
guaranteed  a  fortunate  result.  He  considered  victory  to 
be  a  thing  that  was  impossible,  and  even  with  a  victory, 
what  would  have  become  of  the  expedition?  "  God  send," 
he  said,  with  a  sigh,  "  that  we  may  pass  the  English  without 
meeting  them  ! "  He  appeared  to  foresee  what  did  after- 
wards happen  to  him,  not  in  the  open  sea,  but  in  a  situa- 
tion which  he  considered  much  more  favourable  to  his 
defence. 

On  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  July  the  expedition  arrived 
off  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  the  column  of  Septimus  Severus 
pointed  out  to  us  the  city  of  Alexandria.  Our  situation 


148         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1798. 

and  frame  of  mind  hardly  permitted  us  to  reflect  that  in 
the  distant  point  we  beheld  the  city  of  the  Ptolemies  and 
Csesars,  with  its  double  port,  its  pharos,  and  the  gigantic 
monuments  of  its  ancient  grandeur.  Our  imaginations 
did  not  rise  to  this  pitch. 

Admiral  Brueys  had  sent  on  before  the  frigate  Juno  to 
fetch  M.  Magallon,  the  French  Consul.  It  was  near  four 
o'clock  when  he  arrived,  and  the  sea  was  very  rough. 
He  informed  the  General-in-Cbief  that  Nelson  had  been 
off  Alexandria  on  the  28th — that  he  immediately  dis- 
patched a  brig  to  obtain  intelligence  from  the  English 
agent.  On  the  return  of  the  brig  Nelson  instantly  stood 
away  with  his  squadron  towards  the  north-east.  But  for  a 
delay  which  our  convoy  from  Civita  Vecchia  occasioned,  we 
should  have  been  on  this  coast  at  the  same  time  as  Nel- 
son. 

It  appeared  that  Nelson  supposed  us  to  be  already  at 
Alexandria  when  he  arrived  there.  He  had  reason  to 
suppose  so,  seeing  that  we  left  Malta  on  the  19th  of  June, 
whilst  he  did  not  sail  from  Messina  till  the  21st.  Not 
finding  us  where  he  expected,  and  being  persuaded  we 
ought  to  have  arrived  there  had  Alexandria  been  the  place 
of  our  destination,  he  sailed  for  Alexandretta  in  Syria, 
whither  he  imagined  we  had  gone  to  effect  a  landing.  This 
error  saved  the  expedition  a  second  time. 

Bonaparte,  on  hearing  the  details  which  the  French 
Consul  communicated,  resolved  to  disembark  immedi- 
ately. Admiral  Brueys  represented  the  difficulties  and 
dangers  of  a  disembarkation — the  violence  of  the  surge, 
the  distance  from  the  coast, — a  coast,  too,  lined  with  reefs 
of  rocks,  the  approaching  night,  and  our  perfect  ignorance 
of  the  points  suitable  for  landing.  The  Admiral,  there- 
fore, urged  the  necessity  of  waiting  till  next  morning ;  that 
is  to  say,  to  delay  the  landing  twelve  hours.  He  observed 
that  Nelson  could  not  return  from  Syria  for  several  days. 
Bonaparte  listened  to  these  representations  with  impa- 


1798.  CAPTURE  OF  ALEXANDRIA.  149 

tience  and  ill-humour.  He  replied  peremptorily,  "Admi- 
ral, we  have  no  time  to  lose.  Fortune  gives  me  but  three 
days  ;  if  I  do  not  profit  by  them  we  are  lost."  He  relied 
much  on  fortune  ;  this  chimerical  idea  constantly  influ- 
enced his  resolutions. 

Bonaparte  having  the  command  of  the  naval  as  well  as 
the  military  force,  the  Admiral  was  obliged  to  yield  to  his 
wishes. 

I  attest  these  facts,  which  passed  in  my  presence,  and 
no  part  of  which  could  escape  my  observation.  It  is  quite 
false  that  it  was  owing  to  the  appearance  of  a  sail  which,  it 
is  pretended,  was  descried,  but  of  which,  for  my  part,  I 
saw  nothing,  that  Bonaparte  exclaimed,  "  Fortune,  have 
you  abandoned  me  ?  I  ask  only  five  days  1 "  No  such 
thing  occurred. 

It  was  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  July 
when  we  landed  on  the  soil  of  Egypt,  at  Marabou,  three 
leagues  to  the  west  of  Alexandria.  We  had  to  regret  the 
loss  of  some  lives  ;  but  we  had  every  reason  to  expect  that 
our  losses  would  have  been  greater. 

At  three  o'clock  the  same  morning  the  General-in-Chief 
marched  on  Alexandria  with  the  divisions  of  Kleber,  Bon, 
and  Menou.  The  Bedouin  Arabs,  who  kept  hovering 
about  our  right  flank  and  our  rear,  picked  up  the  strag- 
glers. 

Having  arrived  within  gunshot  of  Alexandria,  we  scaled 
the  ramparts,  and  French  valour  soon  triumphed  over  all 
obstacles. 

The  first  blood  I  saw  shed  in  war  was  General  Kleber's. 
He  was  struck  in  the  head  by  a  ball,  not  in  storming  the 
walls,  but  whilst  heading  the  attack.  He  came  to  Pompey's 
Pillar,  where  many  members  of  the  staff  were  assembled, 
and  where  the  General-in-Chief  was  watching  the  attack. 
I  then  spoke  to  Kleber  for  the  first  time,  and  from  that  day 
our. friendship  commenced.  I  had  the  good  fortune  to 
contribute  somewhat  towards  the  assistance  of  which  he 


150         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.        1798. 

stood  in  need,  and  which,  as  we  were  situated,  could  not 
be  procured  very  easily. 

It  has  been  endeavoured  to  represent  the  capture  of 
Alexandria,  which  surrendered  after  a  few  hours,  as  a  brill- 
iant exploit.  The  General-iu-Chief  himself  wrote  that  the 
city  had  been  taken  after  a  few  discharges  of  cannon  ;  the 
walls,  badly  fortified,  were  soon  scaled.  Alexandria  was 
not  delivered  up  to  pillage,  as  has  been  asserted,  and 
often  repeated.  This  would  have  been  a '  most  impolitic 
mode  of  commencing  the  conquest  of  Egypt,  which  had 
no  strong  places  requiring  to  be  intimidated  by  a  great 
example. 

Bonaparte,  with  some  others,  entered  the  city  by  a  nar- 
row street  which  scarcely  allowed  two  persons  to  walk 
abreast  ;  I  was  with  him.  We  were  stopped  by  some 
musket-shots  fired  from  a  low  window  by  a  man  and  a 
woman.  They  repeated  their  fire  several  times.  The 
guides  who  preceded  their  General  kept  up  a  heavy  fire  on 
the  window.  The  man  and  woman  fell  dead,  and  we  passed 
on  in  safety,  for  the  place  had  surrendered. 

Bonaparte  employed  the  six  days  during  which  he  re- 
mained in  Alexandria  in  establishing  order  in  the  city  and 
province,  with  that  activity  and  superior  talent  which  I 
could  never  sufficiently  admire,  and  in  directing  the  march 
of  the  army  across  the  province  of  Bohahire'h.  He  sent 
Desaix  with  4500  infantry  and  60  cavalry  to  Beda,  on  the 
road  to  Damanhour.  This  general  was  the  first  to  expe- 
rience the  privations  and  sufferings  which  the  whole  army 
had  soon  to  endure.  His  great  mind,  his  attachment  to 
Bonaparte,  seemed  for  a  moment  about  to  yield  to  the  ob- 
stacles which  presented  themselves.  On  the  15th  of  July 
he  wrote  from  Bohahire'h  as  follows  :  "I  beseech  you  do 
not  let  us  stop  longer  in  this  position.  My  men  are  dis- 
couraged and  murmur.  Make  us  advance  or  fall  back 
without  delay.  The  villages  consist  merely  of  huts,  ab- 
solutely without  resources." 


1798.     COMPLAINTS  OF  THE  FRENCH  TROOPS.       151 

In  these  immense  plains,  scorched  by  the  vertical  rays 
of  a  burning  sun,  water,  everywhere  else  so  common,  be- 
comes an  object  of  contest.  The  wells  and  springs,  those 
secret  treasures  of  the  desert,  are  carefully  concealed  from 
the  travellers  ;  and  frequently,  after  our  most  oppressive 
marches,  nothing  could  be  found  to  allay  the  urgent  crav- 
ings of  thirst  but  a  little  brackish  water  of  the  most  dis- 
gusting description.1 

'  Some  idea  of  the  misery  endured  by  the  French  troops  on  this  occasion  may  be 
gathered  from  the  following  description  in  Napoleon's  Memoirs,  dictated  at  St. 
Helena : — 

"As  the  Hebrews  wandering  in  the  wilderness  complained,  and  angrily  asked 
Moses  for  the  onions  and  flesh-pots  of  Egypt,  the  French  soldiers  constantly  re- 
gretted the  luxuries  of  Italy.  In  vain  were  they  assured  that  the  country  was  the 
most  fertile  in  the  world,  that  it  was  even  superior  to  Lombardy ;  how  were  they 
to  be  persuaded  of  this  when  they  could  get  neither  bread  nor  wine  ?  We  en- 
camped on  immense  quantities  of  wheat,  but  there  was  neither  mill  nor  oven  in 
the  country.  The  biscuit  brought  from  Alexandria  had  long  been  exhausted  ;  the 
soldiers  were  even  reduced  to  bruise  the  wheat  between  two  stones  and  to  make 
cakes,  which  they  baked  under  the  ashes.  Many  parched  the  wheat  in  a  pan, 
after  which  they  boiled  it.  This  was  the  best  way  to  use  the  grain ;  but,  after 
all,  it  was  not  bread.  The  apprehensions  of  the  soldiers  increased  daily,  and  rose 
to  such  a  pitch  that  a  great  number  of  them  said  there  was  no  great  city  of  Cairo ; 
and  that  the  place  bearing  that  name  was,  like  Damanhour,  a  vast  assemblage  of  mere 
huts,  destitute  of  everything  that  could  render  life  comfortable  or  agreeable.  To 
such  a  melancholy  state  of  mind  had  they  brought  themselves  that  two  dragoons 
threw  themselves,  completely  clothed,  into  the  Nile,  where  they  were  drowned.  It 
is  nevertheless  true  that,  though  there  was  neither  bread  nor  wine,  the  reiources 
which  were  procured  with  wheat,  lentils,  meat,  and  sometimes  pigeons,  furnished 
the  army  with  food  of  some  kind.  But  the  evil  was  in  the  ferment  of  the  mind. 
The  officers  complained  more  loudly  than  the  soldiers,  because  the  comparison  was 
proportionately  more  disadvantageous  to  them.  In  Egypt  they  found  neither  the 
quarters,  the  good  table,  nor  the  luxury  of  Italy.  The  General-in-Chief,  wishing  to  set 
an  example,  used  to  bivouac  in  the  midst  of  the  army,  and  in  the  least  commodious 
spots.  No  one  had  either  tent  or  provisions  ;  the  dinner  of  Napoleon  and  his  staff 
consisted  of  a  dish  of  lentils.  The  soldiers  passed  the  evenings  in  political  conver- 
sations, arguments,  and  complaints.  '  For  what  purpose  are  we  come  here  t '  said 
some  of  them  ;  '  the  Directory  has  transported  usS  '  CajffarelU,'1  said  others,  '  is 
the  agent  that  has  been  made  use  of  to  deceive  the  General-in-Chief.^  Many  of 
them,  having  observed  that  wherever  there  were  vestiges  of  antiquity  they  were 
carefully  searched,  vented  their  spite  in  invective  against  the  savants,  or  scientific 
men,  who,  they  said,  had  started  the  idea  of  the  expedition  in  order  to  make  these 
searches.  Jests  were  showered  upon  them,  even  in  their  presence.  The  men  called 
an  ass  a  savant ;  and  said  of  Caffarelli  Dufalga,  alluding  to  his  wooden  leg,  'ffe 
laughs  at  all  these  troubles ;  he  has  one  foot  in  France.1 " 


152  1798. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 
1798. 

Th«  mirage — Skirmishes  with  the  Arabs — Mistake  of  General  Desaix's 
division — Wretchedness  of  a  rich  sheik — Combat  beneath  the 
General's  window — The  flotilla  on  the  Nile — Its  distress  and  danger 
— The  battle  of  Chebreisse — Defeat  of  the  Mamelukes — Bonaparte's 
reception  of  me — Letter  to  Louis  Bonaparte — Success  of  the  French 
army — Triumphal  entrance  into  Cairo — Civil  and  military  organisa- 
tion of  Cairo — Bonaparte's  letter  to  hia  brother  Joseph — Plan  of 
colonisation. 

ON  the  7th  of  July  General  Bonaparte  left  Alexandria  for 
Damanhour.  In  the  vast  plains  of  Bohahire'h  the  mirage 
every  moment  presented  to  the  eye  wide  sheets  of  water, 
while,  as  we  advanced,  we  found  nothing  but  barren 
ground  full  of  deep  cracks.  Villages,  which  at  a  distance 
appear  to  be  surrounded  with  water,  are,  on  a  nearer  ap- 
proach, discovered  to  be  situated  on  heights,  mostly  ar- 
tificial, by  which  they  are  raised  above  the  inundations 
of  the  Nile.  This  illusion  continually  recurs  ;  and  it  is 
the  more  treacherous,  inasmuch  as  it  presents  to  the  eye 
the  perfect  representation  of  water,  at  the  time  when  the 
want  of  that  article  is  most  felt.  This  mirage  is  so  con- 
siderable in  the  plain  of  Pelusium  that  shortly  after  sunrise 
no  object  is  recognisable.  The  same  phenomenon  has  been 
observed  in  other  countries.  Quintus  Curtius  says  that 
in  the  deserts  of  Sogdiana,  a  fog  rising  from  the  earth 
obscures  the  light,  and  the  surrounding  country  seems 
like  a  vast  sea.  The  cause  of  this  singular  illusion  is  now 
fully  explained  ;  and,  from  the  observations  of  the  learned 
Monge,  it  appears  that  the  mirage  will  be  found  in  al- 


1798.  ENCOUNTER    WITH  DE8AIX.  153 


most  every  country  situated  between  the  tropics  where  the 
local  circumstances  are  similar. 

The  Arabs  harassed  the  army  without  intermission. 
The  few  wells  met  with  in  the  desert  were  either  filled  up 
or  the  water  was  rendered  unfit  for  use.  The  intolerable 
thirst  with  which  the  troops  were  tormented,  even  on  this 
first  march,  was  but  ill  allayed  by  brackish  and  unwhole- 
some water.  The  army  crossed  the  desert  with  the 
rapidity  of  lightning,  scarcely  tasting  a  drop  of  water. 
The  sufferings  of  the  troops  were  frequently  expressed  by 
discouraging  murmurs. 

On  the  first  night  a  mistake  occurred  which  might  have 
proved  fatal.  We  were  advancing  in  the  dark,  under  feeble 
escort,  almost  sleeping  on  our  horses,  when  suddenly  we 
were  assailed  by  two  successive  discharges  of  musketry. 
We  aroused  ourselves  and  reconnoitred,  and  to  our  great 
satisfaction  discovered  that  the  only  mischief  was  a  slight 
wound  received  by  one  of  our  guides.  Our  assailants  were 
the  division  of  General  Desaix,  who,  forming  the  advanced 
guard  of  the  army,  mistook  us  for  a  party  of  the  enemy, 
and  fired  upon  us.  It  was  speedily  ascertained  that  the 
little  advanced  guard  of  the  headquarters  had  not  heard 
the  "Qui  vive?"  of  Desaix's  advanced  posts. 

On  reaching  Damanhour  our  headquarters  were  estab- 
lished at  the  residence  of  a  sheik.  The  house  had  been 
new  whitened,  and  looked  well  enough  outside,  but  the 
interior  was  inconceivably  wretched.  Every  domestic 
utensil  was  broken,  and  the  only  seats  were  a  few  dirty 
tattered  mats.  Bonaparte  knew  that  the  sheik  was  rich  ; 
and  having  somewhat  won  his  confidence,  he  asked  him, 
through  the  medium  of  the  interpreter,  why,  being  in  easy 
circumstances,  he  thus  deprived  himself  of  all  comfort. 
"  Some  years  ago,"  replied  the  sheik,  "  I  repaired  and 
furnished  my  house.  When  this  became  known  at  Cairo 
a  demand  was  made  upon  me  for  money,  because  it  was 
said  my  expenses  proved  me  to  be  rich.  I  refused  to  pay 


154         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1798. 

the  money,  and  in  consequence  I  was  ill-treated,  and  at 
length  forced  to  pay  it.  From  that  time  I  have  allowed 
myself  only  the  bare  necessaries  of  life,  and  I  shall  buy  no 
furniture  for  my  house."  The  old  man  was  lame  in  con- 
sequence of  the  treatment  he  had  suffered.  Woe  to  him 
who  in  this  country  is  suspected  of  having  a  competency 
— a  hundred  spies  are  always  ready  to  denounce  him. 
The  appearance  of  poverty  is  the  only  security  against  the 
rapine  of  power  and  the  cupidity  of  barbarism. 

A  little  troop  of  Arabs  on  horseback  assailed  our  head- 
quarters. Bonaparte,  who  was  at  the  window  of  the 
sheik's  house,  indignant  at  this  insolence,  turned  to  one  of 
his  aides  de  camp,  who  happened  to  be  on  duty,  and  said, 
"  Croisier,  take  a  few  guides  and  drive  those  fellows  away  !" 
In  an  instant  Croisier  was  in  the  plain  with  fifteen  guides. 
A  little  skirmish  ensued,  and  we  looked  on  from  the  win- 
dow. In  the  movement  and  in  the  attack  of  Croisier  and 
his  party  there  was  a  sort  of  hesitation  which  the  General- 
in-Chief  could  not  comprehend.  "Forward,  I  say! 
Charge ! "  he  exclaimed  from  the  window,  as  if  he  could 
have  been  heard.  Our  horsemen  seemed  to  fall  back  as 
the  Arabs  returned  to  the  attack  ;  and  after  a  little  con- 
test, maintained  with  tolerable  spirit,  the  Arabs  retired 
without  loss,  and  without  being  molested  in  their  retreat. 
Bonaparte  could  no  longer  repress  his  rage  ;  and  when 
Croisier  returned  he  experienced  such  a  harsh  reception 
that  the  poor  fellow  withdrew  deeply  mortified  and  dis- 
tressed. Bonaparte  desired  me  to  follow  him  and  say 
something  to  console  him  :  but  all  was  in  vain.  "I  can- 
not survive  this,"  he  said.  "I  will  sacrifice  my  life  on  the 
first  occasion  that  offers  itself.  I  will  not  live  dishonoured." 
The  word  coward  had  escaped  the  General's  lips.  Poor 
Croisier  died  at  Saint  Jean  d'Acre. 

On  the  10th  of  July  our  headquarters  were  established  at 
Rahmahanie'h,  where  they  remained  during  the  llth  and 
12th.  At  this  place  commences  the  canal  which  was 


1798.       ESCAPE  OF  THE  TURKISH  FLOTILLA.         155 

cut  by  Alexander  to  convey  water  to  his  new  city,  and  to 
facilitate  commercial  intercourse  between  Europe  and  the 
East. 

The  flotilla,  commanded  by  the  brave  chief  of  division 
Perree,  had  just  arrived  from  Kosetta.  Perree  was  on 
board  the  xebec  Cerf.~  Bonaparte  placed  on  board  the 
Cfer/and  the  other  vessels  of  the  flotilla  those  individuals 
who,  not  being  military,  could  not  be  serviceable  in 
engagements,  and  whose  horses  served  to  mount  a  few  of 
the  troops. 

On  the  night  of  the  14th  of  July  the  General-in-Chief 
directed  his  march  towards  the  south,  along  the  left  bank 
of  the  Nile.  The  flotilla  sailed  up  the  river  parallel  with 
the  left  wing  of  the  army.  But  the  force  of  the  wind, 
which  at  this  season  blows  regularly  from  the  Mediter- 
ranean into  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  carried  the  flotilla  far 
in  advance  of  the  army,  and  frustrated  the  plan  of  their 
mutually  defending  and  supporting  each  other.  The 
flotilla  thus  unprotected  fell  in  with  seven  Turkish  gun- 
boats coming  from  Cairo,  and  was  exposed  simultaneously 
to  their  fire  and  to  that  of  the  Mamelukes,  fellahs,  and 
Arabs  who  lined  both  banks  of  the  river.  They  had 
small  guns  mounted  on  camels. 

Perree  cast  anchor,  and  an  engagement  commenced  at 
nine  o'clock  on  the  14th  of  July,  and  continued  till  half 
past  twelve. 

At  the  same  time  the  General-in-Chief  met  and  at- 
tacked a  corps  of  about  4000  Mamelukes.  His  object,  as 
he  afterwards  said,  was  to  turn  the  corps  by  the  left  of 
the  village  of  Chebreisse,  and  to  drive  it  upon  the  Nile. 

About  eleven  in  the  morning  Perree  told  me  that  the 
Turks  were  doing  us  more  harm  than  we  were  doing 
them  ;  that  our  ammunition  would  soon  be  exhausted  ; 
that  the  army  was  far  inland,  and  that  if  it  did  not  make  a 

1  Bonaparte  had  great  confidence  in  him.     He  had  commanded,  under  the  Gen- 
eral's orders,  the  uaval  forces  in  the  Adriatic  in  1797.— Bourrienne. 


156         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1798. 

move  to  the  left  there  would  be  no  hope  for  us.  Several 
vessels  had  already  been  boarded  and  taken  by  the 
Turks,  who  massacred  the  crews  before  our  eyes,  and  with 
barbarous  ferocity  showed  us  the  heads  of  the  slaugh- 
tered men. 

Perree,  at  considerable  risk,  despatched  several  persons 
to  inform  the  General-in-Chief  of  the  desperate  situa- 
tion of  the  flotilla.  The  cannonade  which  Bonaparte  had 
heard  since  the  morning,  and  the  explosion  of  a  Turkish 
gunboat,  which  was  blown  up  by  the  artillery  of  the 
xebec,  led  him  to  fear  that  our  situation  was  really  peril- 
ous. He  therefore  made  a  movement  to  the  left,  in  the 
direction  of  the  Nile  and  Chebreisse,  beat  the  Mamelukes, 
and  forced  them  to  retire  on  Cairo.  At  sight  of  the 
French  troops  the  commander  of  the  Turkish  flotilla 
weighed  anchor  and  sailed  up  the  Nile.  The  two  banks 
of  the  river  were  evacuated,  and  the  flotilla  escaped  the 
destruction  which  a  short  time  before  had  appeared  in- 
evitable. Some  writers  have  alleged  that  the  Turkish 
flotilla  was  destroyed  in  this  engagement.  The  truth  is, 
the  Turks  did  us  considerable  injury,  while  on  their  part 
they  suffered  but  little.  We  had  twenty  men  killed  and 
several  wounded.  Upwards  of  1500  cannon-shots  were 
fired  during  the  action. 

General  Berthier,  in  his  narrative  of  the  Egyptian 
expedition,  enumerates  the  individuals  who,  though  not 
in  the  military  service,  assisted  Perree  in  this  unequal  and 
dangerous  engagement.  He  mentions  Monge,  Berthollet, 
Andreossy,  the  paymaster,  Junot,  and  Bourrienne,  secre- 
tary to  the  General-in-Chief.  It  has  also  been  stated  that 
Sucy,  the  commissary-general,  was  seriously  wounded 
while  bravely  defending  a  gunboat  laden  with  provisions  ; 
but  this  is  incorrect. 

We  had  no  communication  with  the  army  until  the 
23d  of  July.  On  the  22d  we  came  in  sight  of  the 
Pyramids,  and  were  informed  that  we  were  only  about 


1798.  BON APARTE'S RECEPTION  OF  BOURRIENNE.  151 

ten  leagues  from  Gizeh,  where  they  are  situated.  The 
cannonade  which  we  heard,  and  which  augmented  in  pro- 
portion as  the  north  wind  diminished,  announced  a  seri- 
ous engagement ;  and  that  same  day  we  saw  the  banks  of 
the  Nile  strewed  with  heaps  of  bodies,  which  the  waves 
were  every  moment  washing  into  the  sea.  This  horrible 
spectacle,  the  silence  of  the  surrounding  villages,  which 
had  hitherto  been  armed  against  us,  and  the  cessation  of 
the  firing  from  the  banks  of  the  river,  led  us  to  infer, 
with  tolerable  certainty,  that  a  battle  fatal  to  the  Mame- 
lukes had  been  fought.  The  misery  we  suffered  on  our 
passage  from  Rahmahanie'h  to  Gizeh  is  indescribable.  We 
lived  for  eleven  days  on  melons  and  water,  besides  be- 
ing momentarily  exposed  to  the  musketry  of  the  Arabs 
and  the  f ellahs.  We  luckily  escaped  with  but  a  few  killed 
and  wounded.  The  rising  of  the  Nile  was  only  begin- 
ning. The  shallowness  of  the  river  near  Cairo  obliged  us 
to  leave  the  xebec  and  get  on  board  a  djerm.  We 
reached  Gizeh  at  three  in  the  afternoon  of  the  23d  of 
July. 

When  I  saluted  the  General,  whom  I  had  not  seen 
for  twelve  days,  he  thus  addressed  me  :  "So  you  are 
here,  are  you  ?  Do  you  know  that  you  have  all  of  you 
been  the  cause  of  my  not  following  up  the  battle  of  Che- 
breisse  ?  It  was  to  save  you,  Monge,  Berthollet,  and  the 
others  on  board  the  flotilla  that  I  hurried  the  movement 
of  my  left  upon  the  Nile  before  my  right  had  turned  Che- 
breisse.  But  for  that,  not  a  single  Mameluke  would  have 
eseaped." 

"I  thank  you  for  my  own  part,"  replied  I;  "but  in 
conscience  could  you  have  abandoned  us,  after  taking 
away  our  horses,  and  making  us  go  on  board  the  xebec, 
whether  we  would  or  not  ? "  He  laughed,  and  then  told 
me  how  sorry  he  was  for  the  wound  of  Sucy,  and  the  death 
of  many  useful  men,  whose  places  could  not  possibly  be 
filled  up. 


158         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1798. 

He  made  me  write  a  letter  to  his  brother  Louis,  inform- 
ing him  that  he  had  gained  a  complete  victory  over  the 
Mamelukes  at  Einbabeh,  opposite  Boulac,  and  that  the 
enemy's  loss  was  2000  men  killed  and  wounded,  40  guns, 
and  a  great  number  of  horses. 

The  occupation  of  Cairo  was  the  immediate  consequence 
of  the  victory  of  Embabeh.  Bonaparte  established  his 
head-quarters  in  the  house  of  Elfy  Bey,  in  the  great 
square  of  Ezbekye'h. 

The  march  of  the  French  army  to  Cairo  was  attended 
by  an  uninterrupted  succession  of  combats  and  victories. 
We  had  won  the  battles  of  Kahmahanie'h,  Chebreisse,  and 
the  Pyramids.  The  Mamelukes  were  defeated,  and  their 
chief,  Mourad  Bey,  was  obliged  to  fly  into  Upper  Egypt. 
Bonaparte  found  no  obstacle  to  oppose  his  entrance  into 
Uie  capital  of  Egypt,  after  a  campaign  of  only  twenty  days. 

No  conqueror,  perhaps,  ever  enjoyed  a  victory  so  much 
as  Bonaparte,  and  yet  no  one  was  ever  less  inclined  to 
abuse  his  triumphs. 

We  entered  Cairo  on  the  24th  of  July,  and  the  General- 
in-Chief  immediately  directed  his  attention  to  the  civil  and 
military  organisation  of  the  country.  Only  those  who 
saw  him  in  the  vigour  of  his  youth  can  form  an  idea  of  his 
extraordinary  intelligence  and  activity.  Nothing  escaped 
his  observation.  Egypt  had  long  been  the  object  of  his 
study  ;  and  in  a  few  weeks  he  was  as  well  acquainted  with 
the  country  as  if  he  had  lived  in  it  ten  years.  He  issued 
orders  for  observing  the  strictest  discipline,  and  these 
orders  were  punctually  obeyed. 

The  mosques,  the  civil  and  religious  institutions,  the 
harems,  the  women,  the  customs  of  the  country — all  were 
scrupulously  respected.  A  few  days  after  they  entered 
Cairo  the  French  were  freely  admitted  into  the  shops,  and 
were  seen  sociably  smoking  their  pipes  with  the  inhabi- 
tants, assisting  them  in  their  occupations,  and  playing 
with  their  children. 


1798.  HO  W  TO  MAKE  EG  TPT  A  FRENCH  COLONY.    159 

The  day  after  his  arrival  in  Cairo  Bonaparte  addressed 
to  his  brother  Joseph  the  following  letter,  which  was  in- 
tercepted and  printed.  Its  authenticity  has  been  doubted, 
but  I  saw  Napoleon  write  it,  and  he  read  it  to  me  before 

he  sent  it  off. 

CAIRO, 

Ittt  Thermidor  (25<A  July  1798). 

You  will  see  in  the  public  papers  the  bulletins  of  the  battles  and 
conquest  of  Egypt,  which  were  sufficiently  contested  to  add  another 
wreath  to  the  laurels  of  this  army.  Egypt  is  richer  than  any  country 
in  the  world  in  corn,  rice,  vegetables,  and  cattle.  But  the  people 
are  in  a  state  of  utter  barbarism.  We  cannot  procure  money,  even 
to  pay  the  troops.  I  may  be  in  France  in  two  months. 

Engage  a  country-house,  to  be  ready  for  me  on  my  arrival,  either 
near  Paris  or  in  Burgundy,  where  I  mean  to  pass  the  winter. ' 

(Signed)  BONAPARTE. 

This  announcement  of  his  departure  to  his  brother  is 
corroborated  by  a  note  which  he  despatched  some  days 
after,  enumerating  the  supplies  and  individuals  which  he 
wished  to  have  sent  to  Egypt.  His  note  proves,  more  con- 
vincingly than  any  arguments,  that  Bonaparte  earnestly 
wished  to  preserve  his  conquest,  and  to  make  it  a  French 
colony.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  note  here 
alluded  to,  as  well  as  the  letter  above  quoted,  was  written 
long  before  the  destruction  of  the  fleet. 

1  Bonaparte's  autograph  note,  after  enumerating  the  troops  and  warlike  stores  he 
wished  to  be  sent,  concluded  with  the  following  list :  — 

1st,  a  company  of  actors ;  2d,  a  company  of  dancers ;  3d,  some  dealers  in  mario- 
nettes, at  least  three  or  four ;  4th,  a  hundred  French  women  ;  5th,  the  wives  of  all 
the  men  employed  in  the  corps  ;  6th,  twenty  surgeons,  thirty  apothecaries,  and  ten 
physicians  ;  7th,  some  founders  ;  8th,  some  distillers  and  dealers  in  liquor  ;  9th, 
fifty  gardeners  with  their  families,  and  the  seeds  of  every  kind  of  vegetable  ;  10th, 
each  party  to  bring  with  them  200,000  pints  of  brandy  ;  llth,  30,000  ells  of  blue  and 
scarlet  cloth  ;  12th,  a  supply  of  fwap  and  oil. — Sourrienne. 


180  1798. 


CHAPTER    XV. 
1798. 

Establishment  of  a  divan  in  each  Egyptian  province — Deaaix  in  Upper 
Egypt — Ibrahim  Bey  beaten  by  Bonaparte  at  Salehye'h — Sulkowsky 
wounded — Disaster  at  Aboukir — Dissatisfaction  and  murmurs  of  the 
army — Dejection  of  the  General-in-Chief — His  plan  respecting  Egypt — 
Meditated  descent  upon  England — Bonaparte's  censure  of  the  Di- 
rectory— Intercepted  correspondence. 

FROM  the  details  I  have  already  given  respecting  Bona- 
parte's plans  for  colonising  Egypt,  it  will  be  seen  that  his 
energy  of  mind  urged  him  to  adopt  anticipatory  measures 
for  the  accomplishment  of  objects  which  were  never  real- 
ised. During  the  short  interval  in  which  he  sheathed  his 
sword  he  planned  provisional  governments  for  the  towns 
and  provinces  occupied  by  the  French  troops,  and  he 
adroitly  contrived  to  serve  the  interests  of  his  army  with- 
out appearing  to  violate  those  of  the  country.  After  he 
had  been  four  days  at  Cairo,  during  which  time  he  em- 
ployed himself  in  examining  everything,  and  consulting 
every  individual  from  whom  he  could  obtain  useful  in- 
formation, he  published  the  following  order  : — 

HEADQUARTERS,  CAIBO, 

9<A  Thermidor,  year  VI. 

BONAPARTE,  MEMBER  OP  THE  NATIONAL  INSTITUTE,  AND 
GENERAL-IN-CHIEF,  ORDERS  : 

Art.  1.  There  shall  be  in  each  province  of  Egypt  a  divan,  com- 
posed of  seven  individuals,  whose  duty  will  be  to  superintend  the 
interests  of  the  province  ;  to  communicate  to  me  any  complaints 
that  may  be  made  ;  to  prevent  warfare  among  the  different  vil- 
lages ;  to  apprehend  and  punish  criminals  (for  whieh  purpose  they 


1798.       GENERAL  DE8AIX  IN  UPPER  EGYPT.          161 

may  demand  assistance  from  the  French  commandant)  ;  and  to  take 
every  opportunity  of  enlightening  the  people. 

Art.  2.  There  shall  be  in  each  province  an  aga  of  the  Janizaries, 
maintaining  constant  communication  with  the  French  commandant. 
He  shall  have  with  him  a  company  of  sixty  armed  natives,  whom 
he  may  take  wherever  he  pleases,  for  the  maintenance  of  good 
order,  subordination,  and  tranquillity. 

Art.  3.  There  shall  be  in  each  province  an  intendant,  whose  busi- 
ness will  be  to  levy  the  miri,  the  feddam,  and  the  other  contribu- 
tions which  formerly  belonged  to  the  Mamelukes,  but  which  now 
belong  to  the  French  Republic.  The  intendants  shall  have  as  many 
agents  as  may  be  necessary. 

Art.  4.  The  said  intendant  shall  have  a  French  agent  to  correspond 
with  the  Finance  Department,  and  to  execute  all  the  orders  he  may 
receive.  (Signed)  BONAPARTE. 

While  Bonaparte  was  thus  actively  taking  measures  for 
the  organisation  of  the  country,1  General  Desaix  had 
marched  into  Upper  Egypt  in  pursuit  of  Mourad  Bey.  We 
learned  that  Ibrahim,  who,  next  to  Mourad,  was  the  most 
influential  of  the  beys,  had  proceeded  towards  Syria,  by 
the  way  of  Belbeis  and  Salehye'h.  The  General-in-Chief 
immediately  determined  to  march  in  person  against  that 
formidable  enemy,  and  he  left  Cairo  about  fifteen  days 
after  he  had  entered  it.  It  is  unnecessary  to  describe  the 
well-known  engagement  in  which  Bonaparte  drove  Ibra- 
him back  upon  El-Arish  ;  besides,  I  do  not  enter  minutely 
into  the  details  of  battles,  my  chief  object  being  to  record 
events  which  I  personally  witnessed. 

At  the  battle  of  Salehye'h  Bonaparte  thought  he  had 
lost  one  of  his  aides  de  camp,  Sulkowsky,  to  whom  he  was 
much  attached,  and  who  had  been  with  us  during  the 
whole  of  the  campaign  of  Italy.  On  the  field  of  battle  one 
object  of  regret  cannot  long  engross  the  mind  ;  yet,  on  his 
return  to  Cairo,  Bonaparte  frequently  spoke  to  me  of  Sul- 
kowsky in  terms  of  unfeigned  sorrow. 

"I  cannot,"  said  he  one   day,  "  sufficiently  admire  the 

1  Far  more  thoroughly  and  actively  than  those  taken  by  the  English  Government 
in  18S2-3-4 ! 

VOL.  I.— 11 


162         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1798. 

noble  spirit  and  determined  courage  of  poor  Sulkowsky." 
He  often  said  that  Sulkowsky  would  have  been  a  valuable 
aid  to  whoever  might  undertake  the  resuscitation  of  Po- 
land. Fortunately  that  brave  officer  was  not  killed  on  that 
occasion,  though  seriously  wounded.  He  was,  however, 
killed  shortly  after. 

The  destruction  of  the  French  squadron  in  the  roads  of 
Aboukir  occurred  during  the  absence  of  the  General-in- 
Chief.  This  event  happened  on  the  1st  of  August.  The 
details  are  generally  known ;  but  there  is  one  circumstance 
to  which  I  cannot  refrain  from  alluding,  and  which  excited 
deep  interest  at  the  time.  This  was  the  heroic  courage  of 
the  son  of  Casabianca,  the  captain  of  the  Orient.  Casa- 
bianca  was  among  the  wounded,  and  when  the  vessel  was 
blown  up  his  son,  a  lad  of  ten  years  of  age,  preferred 
perishing  with  him  rather  than  saving  himself,  when  one 
of  the  seamen  had  secured  him  the  means  of  escape.  I 
told  the  aide  de  camp,  sent  by  General  Kleber,  who  had 
the  command  of  Alexandria,  that  the  General-in-Chief  was 
near  Salehye'h.  He  proceeded  thither  immediately,  and 
Bonaparte  hastened  :back  to  Cairo,  a  distance  of  about 
thirty-three  leagues. 

In  spite  of  any  assertions  that  may  have  been  made  to 
the  contrary,  the  fact  is,  that  as  soon  as  the  French  troops 
set  foot  in  Egypt,  they  were  filled  with  dissatisfaction,  and 
ardently  longed  to  return  home.1  The  illusion  of  the 

1  Etveurs  objects  to  this  description  of  the  complaints  of  the  army,  but  Savary 
(tome  i.  pp.  56,  B7,  and  tome  i.  p.  89)  fully  confirms  it,  giving  the  reason  that  the 
army  was  not  a  homogeneous  body,  but  a  mixed  force  taken  from  Rome,  Florence, 
Milan,  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Marseilles ;  see  also  Thiers,  tome  v.  p.  283.  But  the  fact 
is  not  singular.  For  a  striking  instance,  in  the  days  of  the  Empire,  of  the  soldiers  in 
1809,  in  Spain,  actually  threatening  Napoleon  in  his  own  hearing,  see  De  Gonneville 
(tome  i.  pp.  100-193)  :  "  The  soldiers  of  Lapisse's  division  gave  loud  expression  to  the 
most  sinister  designs  against  the  Emperor's  person,  stirring  up  each  other  to  fire  a 
shot  at  him,  and  bandying  accusations  of  cowardice  for  not  doing  it.  He  heard  it 
all  as  plainly  as  we  did,  and  seemed  as  if  he  did  not  care  a  bit  for  it,  but "  sent  the 
division  into  good  quarters,  when  the  men  were  as  enthusiastic  as  they  were  formerly 
mutinous.  In  17%  d'Entraigues,  the  Bourbon  ppy,  reports,  "  As  a  general  rule,  the 
French  soldier  grumbles  and  is  discontented.  He  accuses  Bonaparte  of  being  a 
thiii  and  u  rascal.  But  to-morrow  the  very  same  soldier  will  obey  him  blindly* 
(luiig'b  Bonaparte,  tome  iii.  p.  152). 


1798.  NELSOJVS   VICTORY  AT  ABOUKIR.  163 

expedition  had  disappeared,  and  only  its  reality  remained. 
What  bitter  murmuring  have  I  not  heard  from  Murat, 
Lannes,  Berthier,  Bessieres,  and  others !  Their  complaints 
were,  indeed,  often  so  unmeasured  as  almost  to  amount  to 
sedition.  This  greatly  vexed  Bonaparte,  and  drew  from 
him  severe  reproaches  and  violent  language.1  When  the 
news  arrived  of  the  loss  of  the  fleet,  discontent  increased. 
All  who  had  acquired  fortunes  under  Napoleon  now  began 
to  fear  that  they  would  never  enjoy  them.  All  turned 
their  thoughts  to  Paris,  and  its  amusements,  and  were 
utterly  disheartened  at  the  idea  of  being  separated  from 
their  homes  and  their  friends  for  a  period,  the  termination 
of  which  it  was  impossible  to  foresee. 

The  catastrophe  of  Aboukir  came  like  a  thunderbolt 
upon  the  General-in-Chief.  In  spite  of  all  his  energy  and 
fortitude,  he  was  deeply  distressed  by  the  disasters  which 
now  assailed  him.  To  the  painful  feelings  excited  by  the 
complaints  and  dejection  of  his  companions  in  arms  was 
now  added  the  irreparable  misfortune  of  the  burning  of 
oar  fleet.  He  measured  the  fatal  consequences  of  this 
event  at  a  single  glance.  We  were  now  cut  off  from  all 
communication  with  France,  and  all  hope  of  returning 
thither,  except  by  a  degrading  capitulation  with  an  impla- 
cable and  hated  enemy.  Bonaparte  had  lost  all  chance  of 
preserving  his  conquest,  and  to  him  this  was  indeed  a 
bitter  reflection.  And  at  what  a  time  did  this  disaster 
befall  him  ?  At  the  very  moment  when  he  was  about  to 
apply  for  the  aid  of  the  mother- country. 

From  what  General  Bonaparte  communicated  to  me 
previously  to  the  1st  of  August,  his  object  was,  having  once 
secured  the  possession  of  Egypt,  to  return  to  Toulon  with 
the  fleet ;  then  to  send  troops  and  provisions  of  every 

1  Napoleon  related  at  St.  Helena  that  in  a  fit  of  irritation  he  rushed  among  a 
group  of  dissatisfied  generals,  and  said  to  one  of  them,  who  was  remarkable  for  hie 
stature,  "  You  have  held  seditious  language  ;  but  take  care  I  do  not  perform  my 
duty.  Though  you  are  five  feet  ten  inches  high,  that  shall  not  save  you  from  being 
shot. " — Bourrienne, 


164         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1798. 


kind  to  Egypt ;  and  next  to  combine  with  the  fleet  all  the 
forces  that  could  be  supplied,  not  only  by  France,  but  by 
her  allies,  for  the  purpose  of  attacking  England.  It  is 
certain  that  previously  to  his  departure  for  Egypt  he  had 
laid  before  the  Directory  a  note  relative  to  his  plans.  He 
always  regarded  a  descent  upon  England  as  possible, 
though  in  its  result  fatal,  so  long  as  we  should  be  inferior 
in  naval  strength ;  but  he  hoped  by  various  manoeuvres  to 
secure  a  superiority  on  one  point. 

His  intention  was  to  return  to  France.  Availing  him- 
self of  the  departure  of  the  English  fleet  for  the  Mediter- 
ranean, the  alarm  excited  by  his  Egyptian  expedition,  the 
panic  that  would  be  inspired  by  his  sudden  appearance  at 
Boulogne,  and  his  preparations  against  England,  he  hoped 
to  oblige  that  power  to  withdraw  her  naval  force  from  the 
Mediterranean,  and  to  prevent  her  sending  out  troops  to 
Egypt.  This  project  was  often  in  his  head.  He  would 
have  thought  it  sublime  to  date  an  order  of  the  day  from 
the  ruins  of  Memphis,  and  three  months  later,  one  from 
London.  The  loss  of  the  fleet  converted  all  these  bold 
conceptions  into  mere  romantic  visions. 

When  alone  with  me  he  gave  free  vent  to  his  emotion. 
I  observed  to  him  that  the  disaster  was  doubtless  great, 
but  that  it  would  have  been  infinitely  more  irreparable 
had  Nelson  fallen  in  with  us  at  Malta,  or  had  he  waited 
for  us  four-and-twenty  hours  before  Alexandria,  or  in  the 
open  sea.  "Any  one  of  these  events,"  said  I,  "which 
were  not  only  possible  but  probable,  would  have  deprived 
us  of  every  resource.  We  are  blockaded  here,  but  we 
have  provisions  and  money.  Let  us  then  wait  patiently 
to  see  what  the  Directory  will  do  for  us." — "  The  Direc- 
tory ! "  exclaimed  he  angrily,  "  the  Directory  is  composed 
of  a  set  of  scoundrels  !  they  envy  and  hate  me,  and  would 
gladly  let  me  perish  here.  Besides,  you  see  how  dissatis- 
fied the  whole  army  is  :  not  a  man  is  willing  to  stay." 

The  pleasing  illusions  which  were  cherished  at  the  out- 


1798.  FRENCHMEN  IN  CAIRO.  165 

set  of  the  expedition  vanished  long  before  our  arrival  in 
Cairo.  Egypt  was  no  longer  the  empire  of  the  Ptolemies, 
covered  with  populous  and  wealthy  cities ;  it  now  pre- 
sented one  unvaried  scene  of  devastation  and  misery. 
Instead  of  being  aided  by  the  inhabitants,  whom  we  had 
ruined,  for  the  sake  of  delivering  them  from  the  yoke  of 
the  beys,  we  found  all  against  us  :  Mamelukes,  Arabs,  and 
fellahs.  No  Frenchman  was  secure  of  his  life  who  hap- 
pened to  stray  half  a  mile  from  any  inhabited  place,  or 
the  corps  to  which  he  belonged.  The  hostility  which 
prevailed  against  us  and  the  discontent  of  the  army  were 
clearly  developed  in  the  numerous  letters  which  were 
written  to  France  at  the  time,  and  intercepted. 

The  gloomy  reflections  which  at  first  assailed  Bona- 
parte, were  speedily  banished  ;  and  he  soon  recovered  the 
fortitude  and  presence  of  mind  which  had  been  for  a 
moment  shaken  by  the  overwhelming  news  from  Aboukir. 
He,  however,  sometimes  repeated,  in  a  tone  which  it  would 
be  difficult  to  describe,  "  Unfortunate  Brueys,  what  have 
you  done !  " 

I  have  remarked  that  in  some  chance  observations  which 
escaped  Napoleon  at  St.  Helena  he  endeavoured  to  throw 
all  the  blame  of  the  affair  on  Admiral  Brueys.  Persons 
who  are  determined  to  make  Bonaparte  an  exception  to 
human  nature  have  unjustly  reproached  the  Admiral  for 
the  loss  of  the  fleet. 


IG6  179a 


CHAPTEE   XVI. 

1798. 

The  Egyptian  Institute — Festival  of  the  birth  of  Mahomet — Bonaparte's 
prudent  respect  for  the  Mahometan  religion — His  Turkish  dress — 
Djezzar,  the  Pasha  of  Acre — Thoughts  of  a  campaign  in  Germany — 
Want  of  news  from  France — Bonaparte  and  Madame  Foures — The 
Egyptian  fortune-teller,  M.  Berthollet,  and  the  Sheik  El  Bekri— The 
air  "  Marlbrook  " — Insurrection  in  Cairo — Death  of  General  Dapuis 
— Death  of  Sulkowsky — The  insurrection  quelled — Nocturnal  execu- 
tions— Destruction  of  a  tribe  of  Arabs — Convoy  of  sick  and 
wounded — Massacre  of  the  French  in  Sicily — Projected  expedition 
to  Syria — Letter  to  Tippoo  Saib. 

THE  loss  of  the  fleet  convinced  General  Bonaparte  of  the 
necessity  of  speedily  and  effectively  organising  Egypt, 
where  everything  denoted  that  we  should  stay  for  a  con- 
siderable time,  except  in  the  event  of  a  forced  evacuation, 
which  the  General  was  far  from  foreseeing  or  fearing. 
The  distance  of  Ibrahim  Bey  and  Mourad  Bey  now  left 
him  a  little  at  rest.  War,  fortifications,  taxation,  govern- 
ment, the  organisation  of  the  divans,  trade,  art,  and 
science,  all  occupied  his  attention.  Orders  and  instruc- 
tions were  immediately  despatched,  if  not  to  repair  the 
defeat,  at  least  to  avert  the  first  danger  that  might  ensue 
from  it.  On  the  21st  of  August  Bonaparte  established  at 
Cairo  an  institute  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  of  which  he 
subsequently  appointed  me  a  member  in  the  room  of  M. 
de  Sucy,  who  was  obliged  to  return  to  France,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  wound  he  received  on  board  the  flotilla  in 
the  Nile.1 

1  The  Institute  of  Egypt  was  composed  of  members  of  the  French  Institute,  and 
of  the  men  of  science  and  artists  of  the  commission  who  did  not  belong  to  that 


1793.  THE  EGYPTIAN  INSTITUTE.  167 

In  founding  this  Institute,  Bonaparte  wished  to  afford  an 
example  of  his  ideas  of  civilisation.  The  minutes  of  the 
sittings  of  that  learned  body,  which  have  been  printed, 
bear  evidence  of  its  utility,  and  of  Napoleon's  extended 
views.  The  objects  of  the  Institute  were  the  advancement 
and  propagation  of  information  in  Egypt,  and  the  study 
and  publication  of  all  facts  relating  to  the  natural  history, 
trade,  and  antiquities  of  that  ancient  country. 

On  the  18th  Bonaparte  was  present  at  the  ceremony  of 
opening  the  dyke  of  the  canal  of  Cairo,  which  receives  the 
water  of  the  Nile  when  it  reaches  the  height  fixed  by  the 
Mequyas. 

Two  days  after  came  the  anniversary  festival  of  the 
birth  of  Mahomet.  At  this  Napoleon  was  also  pres- 
ent, in  company  with  the  sheik  El  Bekri,1  who  at  his 

body.  They  assembled  and  added  to  their  number  several  officers  of  the  artillery 
and  staff,  and  others  who  had  cultivated  the  sciences  and  literature. 

The  Institute  was  established  in  one  of  the  palaces  of  the  beys.  A  great  number 
of  machines,  and  physical,  chemical,  and  astronomical  instruments  had  been 
brought  from  France.  They  were  distributed  in  the  different  rooms,  which  were  also 
successively  filled  with  all  the  curiosities  of  the  country,  whether  of  the  animal, 
vegetable,  or  mineral  kingdom. 

The  garden  of  the  palace  became  a  botanical  garden.  A  chemical  laboratory  was 
formed  at  headquarters ;  Berthollet  performed  experiments  there  several  times 
every  week,  at  which  Napoleon  and  a  great  number  of  officers  attended  (Memoirs 
of  Napoleon}. 

1  The  General-in-Chief  went  to  celebrate  the  feast  of  the  Prophet  at  the  house  of 
the  sheik  El  Bekri.  The  ceremony  was  begun  by  the  recital  of  a  kind  of  litany, 
containing  the  life  of  Mahomet  from  his  birth  to  his  death.  About  a  hundred 
sheiks,  sitting  in  a  circle,  on  carpets,  with  their  legs  crossed,  recited  all  the  verses, 
swinging  their  bodies  violently  backwards  and  forwards,  and  altogether. 

A  grand  dinner  was  afterwards  served  up,  at  which  the  guests  sat  on  carpets,  with 
their  legs  across.  There  were  twenty  tables,  and  five  or  six  people  at  each  table. 
That  of  the  General-in-Chief  and  the  sheik  El  Bekri  was  in  the  middle  ;  a  little 
slab  of  a  precious  kind  of  wood  ornamented  with  mosaic  work  was  placed  eighteen 
inches  above  the  floor  and  covered  with  a  great  number  of  dishes  in  succession. 
They  were  pillaws  of  rice,  a  particular  kind  of  roast,  entrees,  and  pastry,  all  very 
highly  spiced.  The  sheiks  picked  everything  with  their  fingers.  Accordingly 
water  was  brought  to  wash  the  hands  three  times  during  dinner.  Gooseberry- water, 
lemonade,  and  other  sorts  of  sherbets  were  served  to  drink,  and  abundance  of  pre- 
serves and  confectionery  with  the  dessert.  On  the  whole,  the  dinner  was  not  dis- 
agreeable ;  it  was  only  the  manner  of  eating  it  that  seemed  strange  to  us. 

In  the  evening  the  whole  city  was  illuminated.  After  dinner  the  party  went  into 
the  square  of  El  Bekri,  the  illumination  of  which,  in  coloured  lamps,  was  very  beau- 
tiful. An  immense  concourse  of  people  attended..  Thej  were  all  placed  in  order, 


168         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1798. 

request  gave  him  two  young  Mamelukes,  Ibrahim,  and 
Roustan. l 

It  has  been  alleged  that  Bonaparte,  when  in  Egypt, 
took  part  in  the  religious  ceremonies  and  worship  of  the 
Mussulmans  ;  but  it  cannot  be  said  that  he  celebrated  the 
festivals  of  the  overflowing  of  the  Nile  and  the  anniversary 
of  the  Prophet.  The  Turks  invited  him  to  these  merely 
as  a  spectator ;  and  the  presence  of  their  new  master  was 
gratifying  to  the  people.  But  he  never  committed  the 
folly  of  ordering  any  solemnity.  He  neither  learned  nor 
repeated  any  prayer  of  the  Koran,  as  many  persons  have 
asserted ;  neither  did  he  advocate  fatalism,  polygamy,  or 
any  other  doctrine  of  the  Koran.  Bonaparte  employed 
himself  better  than  in  discussing  with  the  Imaums  the 
theology  of  the  children  of  Ismael.  The  ceremonies,  at 
which  policy  induced  him  to  be  present,  were  to  him,  and 
to  all  who  accompanied  him,  mere  matters  of  curiosity. 
He  never  set  foot  in  a  mosque  ;  and  only  on  one  oc- 
casion, which  I  shall  hereafter  mention,  dressed  himself  in 
the  Mahometan  costume.  He  attended  the  festivals  to 
which  the  green  turbans  invited  him.2  His  religious 
tolerance  was  the  natural  consequence  of  his  philosophic 
spirit. 

in  ranks  of  from  twenty  to  a  hundred  persons,  who,  standing  close  together,  recited 
the  prayers  and  litanies  of  the  Prophet  with  movements  which  kept  increasing, 
until  at  length  they  seemed  to  be  convulsive,  and  some  of  the  most  zealous  fainted 
away  (Memoirs  of  Napoleon). 

1  Roustan  or  Rustan,  a  Mameluke,  was  always  with  Napoleon  from  the  time 
of  the  return  from  Egypt  till  1814,  when  he  abandoned  his  master.    He  slept  at  or 
near  the  door  of  Napoleon.    See  Remusat,  tome  i.  p.  209,  for  an  amusing  descrip- 
tion of  the  alarm  of  Josephine,  and  the  precipitate  flight  of  Madame  de  R6musat, 
at  the  idea  of  being  met  and  killed  by  this  man  in  one  of  Josephine's  nocturnal 
attacks  on  the  privacy  of  her  husband  when  closeted  with  his  mistress. 

2  From  this  Sir  Walter  Scott  infers  that  he  did  not  scruple  to  join  the  Mussul- 
mans in  the  external  ceremonies  of  their  religion.    He  embellishes  hta  romance 
with  the  ridiculous  farce  of  the  sepulchral  chamber  of  the  grand  pyramid,  and  the 
speeches  which  were  addressed  to  the  General  as  well  as  to  the  muftis  and  Imanms ; 
and  he  adds  that  Bonaparte  was  on  the  point  of   embracing  Islamism.    All  that 
Sir  Walter  says  on  this  subject  is  the  height  of  absurdity,  and  does  not  even  deserve 
to  be  seriously  refuted.     Bonaparte  never  entered  a  mosque  except  from  motives  of 
curiosity,  and  he  never  for  one  moment  afforded  any  ground  for  supposing  that  he 
btlieved  in  the  mission  of  Mahomet.—Bourrienne, 


1798.        BONAPARTE  ACTS  THE  MUSSULMAN.          16» 

Doubtless  Bonaparte  did,  as  he  was  bound  to  do,  show 
respect  for  the  religion  of  the  country  ;  and  he  found  it 
necessary  to  act  more  like  a  Mussulman  than  a  Catholic. 
A  wise  conqueror  supports  his  triumphs  by  protecting 
and  even  elevating  the  religion  of  the  conquered  people. 
Bonaparte's  principle  was,  as  he  himself  has  often  told 
me,  to  look  upon  religions  as  the  work  of  men,  but  to  re- 
spect them  everywhere  as  a  powerful  engine  of  govern- 
ment. However,  I  will  not  go  so  far  as  to  say  that  he 
would  not  have  changed  his  religion  had  the  conquest  of 
the  East  been  the  price  of  that  change.  All  that  he  said 
about  Mahomet,  Islamism,  and  the  Koran  to  the  great 
men  of  the  country  he  laughed  at  himself.  He  enjoyed 
the  gratification  of  having  all  his  fine  sayings  on  the 
subject  of  religion  translated  into  Arabic  poetry,  and  re- 
peated from  mouth  to  mouth.  This  of  course  tended  to 
conciliate  the  people. 

I  confess  that  Bonaparte  frequently  conversed  with  the 
chiefs  of  the  Mussulman  religion  on  the  subject  of  his 
conversion  ;  but  only  for  the  sake  of  amusement.  The 
priests  of  the  Koran,  who  would  probably  have  been  de- 
lighted to  convert  us,  offered  us  the  most  ample  conces- 
sions. But  these  conversations  were  merely  started  by 
way  of  entertainment,  and  never  could  have  warranted  a 
supposition  of  their  leading  to  any  serious  result.  If 
Bonaparte  spoke  as  a  Mussulman,  it  was  merely  in  his 
character  of  a  military  and  political  chief  in  a  Mussulman 
country.  To  do  so  was  essential  to  his  success,  to  the 
safety  of  his  army,  and,  consequently,  to  his  glory.  In 
every  country  he  would  have  drawn  up  proclamations  and 
delivered  addresses  on  the  same  principle.  In  India  he 
would  have  been  for  Ali,  at  Thibet  for  the  Dalai-lama,  and 
in  China  for  Confucius.1 

1  On  the  snbject  of  his  alleged  conversion  to  Mahometanism  Bonaparte  expressed 
himself  at  St.  Helena  as  follows : — 

"  I  never  followed  any  of  the  tenets  of  that  religion.  I  never  prayed  in  tha 
mosques.  I  never  abstained  from  wine,  or  was  circumcised,  neither  did  I  ever 


170         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      179a 

The  General-in-Chief  had  a  Turkish  dress  made,  which 
he  once  put  on,  merely  in  joke.  One  day  he  desired  me 
to  go  to  breakfast  without  waiting  for  him,  and  that  he 
would  follow  me.  In  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour  he  made 
his  appearance  in  his  new  costume.  As  soon  as  he  was 
recognised  he  was  received  with  a  loud  burst  of  laughter. 
He  sat  down  very  coolly  ;  but  he  found  himself  so  en- 
cumbered and  ill  at  ease  in  his  turban  and  Oriental  robe 
that  he  speedily  threw  them  off,  and  was  never  tempted  to 
a  second  performance  of  the  masquerade. 

About  the  end  of  August  Bonaparte  wished  to  open  ne- 
gotiations with  the  Pasha  of  Acre,  nicknamed  the  Butcher. 
He  offered  Djezzar  his  friendship,  sought  his  in  return, 
and  gave  him  the  most  consolatory  assurances  of  the  safety 
of  his  dominions.  He  promised  to  support  him  against 
the  Grand  Seignior,  at  the  very  moment  when  he  was  as- 
suring the  Egyptians  that  he  would  support  the  Grand 
Seignior  against  the  beys.  But  Djezzar,  confiding  in  his 

profess  it.  I  said  merely  that  we  were  the  friends  of  the  Mussulmans,  and  that  I 
respected  Mahomet  their  prophet,  which  was  true ;  I  respect  him  now.  I  wanted 
to  make  the  Imaums  cause  prayers  to  be  offered  up  in  the  mosques  for  me,  in  order 
to  make  the  people  respect  me  still  more  than  they  actually  did,  and  obey  me  more 
readily.  The  Imaums  replied  that  there  was  a  great  obstacle,  because  their  Prophet 
in  the  Koran  had  inculcated  to  them  that  they  were  not  to  obey,  respect,  or  hold 
faith  with  infidels,  and  that  I  came  under  that  denomination.  I  then  desired  them 
to  hold  a  consultation,  and  see  what  was  necessary  to  be  done  in  order  to  become  a 
Mussulman,  as  some  of  their  tenets  could  not  be  practised  by  us.  That,  as  to  cir- 
cumcision, God  had  made  us  unfit  for  that.  That,  with  respect  to  drinking  wine, 
we  were  poor  cold  people,  inhabitants  of  the  north,  who  could  not  exist  without  it. 
They  consulted  together  accordingly,  and  in  about  three  weeks  issued  a  fetham,  de- 
claring that  circumcision  might  be  omitted,  because  it  was  merely  a  profession ;  that 
as  to  drinking  wine,  it  might  be  drunk  by  Mussulmans,  but  that  those  who  drank  it 
would  not  go  to  paradise,  but  to  hell.  I  replied  that  this  would  not  do ;  that  we 
had  no  occasion  to  make  ourselves  Mussulmans  in  order  to  go  to  hell,  that  there 
were  many  ways  of  getting  there  without  coming  to,  Egypt,  and  desired  them  to 
hold  another  consultation.  After  deliberating  and  battling  together  for  I  believe 
three  months,  they  finally  decided  that  a  man  might  become  a  Mussulman,  and 
neither  circumcise  nor  abstain  from  wine  ;  but  that,  in  proportion  to  the  wine  drunk, 
some  good  works  must  be  done.  I  then  told  them  that  we  were  all  Mussulmans  and 
friends  of  the  Prophet,  which  they  really  believed,  as  the  French  soldiers  neve* 
went  to  church,  and  had  no  priests  with  them.  For  you  must  know  that  during  th» 
EevolutiOD  there  was  no  religion  whatever  in  the  French  army.  Menou,"  continued 
Napoleon,  "  really  turned  Mahometan,  which  was  the  reason  1  left  him  behind."-* 
Voice  from  St.  Helena. 


1798.  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  PASHA  OF  ACRE.  171 

own  strength  and  in  the  protection  of  the  English,  who 
had  anticipated  Bonaparte,  was  deaf  to  every  overture, 
and  would  not  even  receive  Beauvoisin,  who  was  sent  to 
him  on  the  22d  of  August.  A  second  envoy  was  beheaded 
at  Acre.  The  occupations  of  Bonaparte  and  the  necessity 
of  obtaining  a  more  solid  footing  in  Egypt  retarded  for 
the  moment  the  invasion  of  that  pashalic,  which  provoked 
vengeance  by  its  barbarities,  besides  being  a  dangerous 
neighbour. 

From  the  time  he  received  the  accounts  of  the  disaster 
of  Aboukir  until  the  revolt  of  Cairo  on  the  22d  of  Octo- 
ber, Bonaparte  sometimes  found  the  time  hang  heavily  on 
his  hands.  Though  he  devoted  attention  to  everything, 
yet  there  was  not  sufficient  occupation  for  his  singularly 
active  mind.  When  the  heat  was  not  too  great  he  rode  on 
horseback  ;  and  on  his  return,  if  he  found  no  despatches 
to  read  (which  often  happened),  no  orders  to  send  off,  or 
no  letters  to  answer,  he  was  immediately  absorbed  in 
reverie,  and  would  sometimes  converse  very  strangely. 
One  day,  after  a  long  pause,  he  said  to  me — 

"Do  you  know  what  I  am  thinking  of?  " — "  Upon  my 
word,  that  would  be  very  difficult ;  you  think  of  such  ex- 
traordinary things." — "  I  don't  know,"  continued  he,  "that 
I  shall  ever  see  France  again  ;  but  if  I  do,  my  only  ambi- 
tion is  to  make  a  glorious  campaign  in  Germany — in  the 
plains  of  Bavaria ;  there  to  gain  a  great  battle,  and  to 
avenge  France  for  the  defeat  of  Hochstadt.  After  that  I 
would  retire  into  the  country,  and  live  quietly." 

He  then  entered  upon  a  long  dissertation  on  the  prefer- 
ence he  would  give  to  Germany  as  the  theatre  of  war  ; l 

1  So  early  as  1794  Napoleon  had  suggested  that  Austria  should  always  be  attacked 
in  Germany,  not  in  Italy.  '•  It  is  Germany  that  should  be  overwhelmed ;  that  done, 
Italy  and  Spain  fall  of  themselves.  .  .  .  Germany  should  be  attacked,  not  Spain 
or  Italy.  If  we  obtain  great  success,  advantage  should  never  be  taken  of  it  to  pene- 
trate into  Italy  while  Germany,  unweakened,  offers  a  formidable  front"  (lung's 
Bonaparte,  tome  ii.  p.  430).  He  was  always  opposed  to  the  wild  plans  which  had 
ruined  so  many  French  armies  in  Italy,  and  which  the  Directory  tried  to  force  on 
him,  of  marching  on  Borne  and  Naples  after  every  success  in  the  north. 


172         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1798. 

the  fine  character  of  the  people,  and  the  prosperity  and 
wealth  of  the  country,  and  its  power  of  supporting  an 
army.  His  conversations  were  sometimes  very  long  ;  but 
always  replete  with  interest. 

In  these  intervals  of  leisure  Bonaparte  was  accustomed 
to  retire  to  bed  early.  I  used  to  read  to  him  every  even- 
ing. When  I  read  poetry  he  would  fall  asleep  ;  but  when 
he  asked  for  the  Life  of  Cromwell  I  counted  on  sitting  up 
pretty  late.  In  the  course  of  the  day  he  used  to  read  and 
make  notes.  He  often  expressed  regret  at  not  receiving 
news  from  France  ;  for  correspondence  was  rendered  im- 
practicable by  the  numerous  English  and  Turkish  cruisers. 
Many  letters  were  intercepted  and  scandalously  published. 
Not  even  family  secrets  and  communications  of  the  most 
confidential  nature  were  respected. 

About  the  middle  of  September  in  this  year  (1798), 
Bonaparte  ordered  to  be  brought  to  the  house  of  Elfy  Bey 
half  a  dozen  Asiatic  women  whose  beauty  he  had  heard 
highly  extolled.  But  their  ungraceful  obesity  displeased 
him,  and  they  were  immediately  dismissed.  A  few  days 
after  he  fell  violently  in  love  with  Madame  FourSs,  the 
wife  of  a  lieutenant  of  infantry.1  She  was  very  pretty,  and 
her  charms  were  enhanced  by  the  rarity  of  seeing  a  wom- 
an in  Egypt  who  was  calculated  to  please  the  eye  of  a 
European.  Bonaparte  engaged  for  her  a  house  adjoining 
the  palace  of  Elfy  Bey,  which  we  occupied.  He  fre- 
quently ordered  dinner  to  be  prepared  there,  and  I  used 
to  go  there  with  him  at  seven  o'clock,  and  leave  him  at 
nine. 

This  connection  soon  became  the  general  subject  of  gos- 
sip at  headquarters.  Through  a  feeling  of  delicacy  to  M. 
Four6s,  the  General-in-Chief  gave  him  a  mission  to  the 
Directory.  He  embarked  at  Alexandria,  and  the  ship  waa 
captured  by  the  English,  who,  being  informed  of  the  cause 

1  See  Memoirs  of  the  Ducfiesse  cTAbrantte  (Madame  Juno^,  English  edition  <4 
1883,  vol.  i.  p.  458. 


1798.  AN  EGYPTIAN  SOOTHSAYER.  173 

of  his  mission,  were  malicious  enough  to  send  him  back 
to  Egypt,  instead  of  keeping  him  prisoner.  Bonaparte 
wished  to  have  a  child  by  Madame  Foures,  but  this  wish 
was  not  realised. 

A  celebrated  soothsayer  was  recommended  to  Bonaparte 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Cairo,  who  confidentially  vouched 
for  the  accuracy  with  which  he  could  foretell  future  events. 
He  was  sent  for,  and  when  he  arrived,  I,  Venture,  and  a 
sheik  were  with  the  General  The  prophet  wished  first  to 
exercise  his  skill  upon  Bonaparte,  who,  however,  proposed 
that  I  should  have  my  fortune  told  first,  to  which  I  ac- 
ceded without  hesitation.  To  afford  an  idea  of  his  pro- 
phetic skill  I  must  mention  that  since  my  arrival  in  Cairo 
I  had  been  in  a  very  weak  state.  The  passage  of  the  Nile 
and  the  bad  food  we  had  had  for  twelve  days  had  greatly 
reduced  me,  so  that  I  was  miserably  pale  and  thin. 

After  examining  my  hands,  feeling  my  pulse,  my  fore- 
head, and  the  nape  of  my  neck,  the  fortune-teller  shrugged 
his  shoulders,  and,  in  a  melancholy  tone,  told  Venture  that 
he  did  not  think  it  right  to  inform  me  of  my  fate.  I  gave 
him  to  understand  that  he  might  say  what  he  pleased,  as 
it  was  a  matter  of  indifference  to  me.  After  considerable 
hesitation  on  his  part  and  pressing  on  mine,  he  announced 
to  me  that  the  earth  of  Egypt  would  receive  me  in  two 
months. 

I  thanked  him,  and  he  was  dismissed.  "When  we  were 
alone  the  General  said  to  me,  "  Well,  what  do  you  think 
of  that  ?  "  I  observed  that  the  fortune-teller  did  not  run 
any  great  risk  in  foretelling  my  death,  which  was  a  very 
probable  circumstance  in  the  state  in  which  I  was  ;  "  but," 
added  I,  "  if  I  procure  the  wines  which  I  have  ordered 
from  France,  you  will  soon  see  me  get  round  again." 

The  art  of  imposing  on  mankind  has  at  all  times  been 
an  important  part  of  the  art  of  governing  ;  and  it  was  not 
that  portion  of  the  science  of  government  which  Bona- 
parte was  the  least  acquainted  with.  He  neglected  no 


174        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1798. 

opportunity  of  showing  off  to  the  Egyptians  the  superiority 
of  France  in  arts  and  sciences  ;  but  it  happened,  oftener 
than  once,  that  the  simple  instinct  of  the  Egyptians 
thwarted  his  endeavours  in  this  way.  Some  days  after  the 
visit  of  the  pretended  fortune-teller  he  wished,  if  I  may  so 
express  myself,  to  oppose  conjurer  to  conjurer.  For  this 
purpose  he  invited  the  principal  sheiks  to  be  present  at 
some  chemical  experiments  performed  by  M.  Berthollet. 
The  General  expected  to  be  much  amused  at  their  as- 
tonishment ;  but  the  miracles  of  the  transformation  of  liq- 
uids, electrical  commotions  and  galvanism,  did  not  elicit 
from  them  any  symptom  of  surprise.  They  witnessed  the 
operations  of  our  able  chemist  with  the  most  imperturb- 
able indifference.  When  they  were  ended,  the  sheik  El 
Bekri  desired  the  interpreter  to  tell  M.  Berthollet  that  it 
was  all  very  fine  ;  "  but,"  said  he,  "  ask  him  whether  he 
can  make  me  be  in  Morocco  and  here  at  one  and  the 
same  moment?"  M.  Berthollet  replied  in  the  negative, 
with  a  shrug  of  his  shoulders.  "  Oh !  then,"  said  the 
sheik,  "he  is  not  half  a  sorcerer." 

Our  music  produced  no  greater  effect  upon  them.  They 
listened  with  insensibility  to  all  the  airs  that  were  played 
to  them,  with  the  exception  of  "  Marlbrook."  When  that 
was  played  they  became  animated,  and  were  all  in  motion, 
as  if  ready  to  dance. 

An  order  which  had  been  issued  on  our  arrival  in  Cairo 
for  watching  the  criers  of  the  mosques  had  for  some  weeks 
been  neglected.  At  certain  hours  of  the  night  these  criers 
address  prayers  to  the  Prophet.  As  it  was  merely  a  repeti- 
tion of  the  same  ceremony  over  and  over  again,  in  a  short 
time  no  notice  was  taken  of  it.  The  Turks,  perceiving 
this  negligence,  substituted  for  their  prayers  and  hymns 
cries  of  revolt,  and  by  this  sort  of  verbal  telegraph,  insur- 
rectionary excitement  was  transmitted  to  the  northern 
and  southern  extremities  of  Egypt.  By  this  means,  and 
by  the  aid  of  secret  emissaries,  who  eluded  our  feeble 


1798.  INSURRECTION  IN  CAIRO.  175 

police,  and  circulated  real  or  forged  firmans  of  the  Sultan 
disavowing  the  concord  between  France  and  the  Porte, 
and  provoking  war,  the  plan  of  a  revolution  was  organised 
throughout  the  country. 

The  signal  for  the  execution  of  this  plan  was  given  from 
the  minarets  on  the  night  of  the  20th  of  October,  and  on 
the  morning  of  the  21st  it  was  announced  at  headquarters 
that  the  city  of  Cairo  was  in  open  insurrection.  The 
General-in-Chief  was  not,  as  has  been  stated,  in  the  isle  of 
Raouddah  :  he  did  not  hear  the  firing  of  the  alarm-guns. 
He  rose  when  the  news  arrived  ;  it  was  then  five  o'clock. 
He  was  informed  that  all  the  shops  were  closed,  and  that 
the  French  were  attacked.  A  moment  after  he  heard  of 
the  death  of  General  Dupuis,  commandant  of  the  garrison, 
who  was  killed  by  a  lance  in  the  street.  Bonaparte  im- 
mediately mounted  his  horse,  and,  accompanied  by  only 
thirty  guides,  visited  all  the  threatened  points,  restored 
confidence,  and,  with  great  presence  of  mind  adopted 
measures  of  defence. 

He  left  me  at  headquarters  with  only  one  sentinel ;  but 
he  had  been  accurately  informed  of  the  situation  of  the 
insurgents ;  and  such  was  my  confidence  in  his  activity 
and  foresight  that  I  had  no  apprehension,  and  awaited  his 
return  with  perfect  composure.  This  composure  was  not 
disturbed  even  when  I  saw  a  party  of  insurgents  attack 
the  house  of  M.  Esteve,  our  paymaster-general,  which  was 
situated  on  the  opposite  side  of  Ezbekye'h  Place.  M. 
Esteve  was,  fortunately,  able  to  resist  the  attack  until 
troops  from  Boulac  came  up  to  his  assistance. 

After  visiting  all  the  posts,  and  adopting  every  precau- 
tionary measure,  Bonaparte  returned  to  headquarters. 
Finding  me  still  alone  with  the  sentinel,  he  asked  me, 
smiling,  "  whether  I  had  not  been  frightened  ?  " — "  Not  at 
all,  General,  I  assure  you,"  replied  I. 

It  was  about  half-past  eight  in  the  morning  when  Bona- 
parte returned  to  headquarters,  and  while  at  breakfast  he 


176        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1798. 

was  informed  that  some  Bedouin  Arabs,  on  horseback, 
were  trying  to  force  their  entrance  into  Cairo.  He 
ordered  his  aide  de  camp,  Sulkowsky,  to  mount  his  horse, 
to  take  with  him  fifteen  guides,  and  proceed  to  the  point 
where  the  assailants  were  most  numerous.  This  was  the 
Bab-el-Nasser,  or  the  gate  of  victory.  Croisier  observed 
to  the  General-in-Chief  that  Sulkowsky  had  scarcely  re- 
covered from  the  wounds  at  Salehye'h,  and  he  offered  to 
take  his  place.  He  had  his  motives  for  this.  Bonaparte 
consented  ;  but  Sulkowsky  had  already  set  out.  Within 
an  hour  after,  one  of  the  fifteen  guides  returned,  covered 
with  blood,  to  announce  that  Sulkowsky  and  the  remainder 
of  his  party  had  been  cut  to  pieces.  This  was  speedy 
work,  for  we  were  still  at  table  when  the  sad  newa 
arrived. 

Mortars  were  planted  on  Mount  Mokatam,  which  com- 
mands Cairo.  The  populace,  expelled  from  all  the  princi- 
pal streets  by  the  troops,  assembled  in  the  square  of  the 
Great  Mosque,  and  in  the  little  streets  running  into  it, 
which  they  barricaded.  The  firing  of  the  artillery  on  the 
heights  was  kept  up  with  vigour  for  two  days. 

About  twelve  of  the  principal  chiefs  of  Cairo  were 
arrested  and  confined  in  an  apartment  at  headquarters. 
They  awaited  with  the  calmest  resignation  the  death  they 
knew  they  merited  ;  but  Bonaparte  merely  detained  them 
as  hostages.  The  aga  in  the  service  of  Bonaparte  was 
astonished  that  sentence  of  death  was  not  pronounced 
upon  them  ;  and  he  said,  shrugging  his  shoulders,  and 
with  a  gesture  apparently  intended  to  provoke  severity, 
"  You  see  they  expect  it." 

On  the  third  the  insurrection  was  at  an  end,  and  tran- 
quillity restored.  Numerous  prisoners  were  conducted  to 
the  citadel.  In  obedience  to  an  order  which  I  wrote  every 
evening,  twelve  were  put  to  death  nightly.  The  bodies 
were  then  put  into  sacks  and  thrown  into  the  Nile.  There 
were  many  women  included  in  these  nocturnal  executions. 


1798.       MASSACRES  Of  FRENCH  AND  ARABS.          177 

I  am  not  aware  that  the  number  of  victims  amounted  to 
thirty  per  day,  as  Bonaparte  assured  General  Reynier  in  a 
letter  which  he  wrote  to  him  six  days  after  the  restoration 
of  tranquillity.  "  Every  night,"  said  he,  "  we  cut  off  thirty 
heads.  This,  I  hope,  will  be  an  effectual  example."  I  am 
of  opinion  that  in  this  instance  he  exaggerated  the  extent 
of  his  just  revenge. 

Some  time  after  the  revolt  of  Cairo  the  necessity  of 
ensuring  our  own  safety  forced  the  commission  of  a  terrible 
act  of  cruelty.  A  tribe  of  Arabs  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Cairo  had  surprised  and  massacred  a  party  of  French. 
The  General-in-Chief  ordered  his  aide  de  camp  Croisier  to 
proceed  to  the  spot,  surround  the  tribe,  destroy  the  huts, 
kill  all  the  men,  and  conduct  the  rest  of  the  population  to 
Cairo.  The  order  was  to  decapitate  the  victims,  and  bring 
their  heads  in  sacks  to  Cairo  to  be  exhibited  to  the  people. 
Eugene  Beauharnais  accompanied  Croisier,  who  joyfully 
set  out  on  this  horrible  expedition,  in  hope  of  obliterating 
all  recollection  of  the  affair  of  Damanhour. 

On  the  following  day  the  party  returned.  Many  of  the 
poor  Arab  women  had  been  delivered  on  the  road,  and  the 
children  had  perished  of  hunger,  heat,  and  fatigue.  About 
four  o'clock  a  troop  of  asses  arrived  in  Ezbekye'h  Place, 
laden  with  sacks.  The  sacks  were  opened  and  the  heads 
rolled  out  before  the  assembled  populace.  I  cannot  de- 
scribe the  horror  I  experienced ;  but  I  must  nevertheless 
acknowledge  that  this  butchery  ensured  for  a  considerable 
time  the  tranquillity  and  even  the  existence  of  the  little 
caravans  which  were  obliged  to  travel  in  all  directions  for 
the  service  of  the  army. 

Shortly  before  the  loss  of  the  fleet  the  General-in-Chief 
had  formed  the  design  of  visiting  Suez,  to  examine  the 
traces  of  the  ancient  canal  which  united  the  Nile  to  the 
Gulf  of  Arabia,  and  also  to  cross  the  latter.  The  revolt 
at  Cairo  caused  this  project  to  be  adjourned  until  the 
month  of  December. 
VOL.  L— 12 


178         MEMOIRS  OP  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1798. 

Before  his  departure  for  Suez  Bonaparte  granted  the 
commissary  Sucy  leave  to  return  to  France.1  He  had 
received  a  wound  in  the  right  hand  when  on  board  the 
xebec  Cerf.  I  was  conversing  with  him  on  deck  when  he 
received  this  wound.  At  first  it  had  no  appearance  of 
being  serious ;  but  some  time  after  he  could  not  use  his 
hand.  General  Bonaparte  despatched  a  vessel  with  sick 
and  wounded,  who  were  supposed  to  be  incurable,  to  the 
number  of  about  eighty.  All  envied  their  fate,  and  were 
anxious  to  depart  with  them,  but  the  privilege  was  con- 
ceded to  very  few.  However,  those  who  were  disappointed 
had  no  cause  for  regret.  We  never  know  what  we  wish 
for.  Captain  Marengo,  who  landed  at  Augusta  in  Sicily, 
supposing  it  to  be  a  friendly  land,  was  required  to  observe 
quarantine  for  twenty-two  days,  and  information  was  given 
of  the  arrival  of  the  vessel  to  the  court,  which  was  at 
Palermo.  On  the  25th  of  January  1799  all  on  board  the 
French  vessel  were  massacred,  with  the  exception  of 
twenty-one  who  were  saved  by  a  Neapolitan  frigate,  and 
conducted  to  Messina,  where  they  were  detained. 

Before  he  conceived  the  resolution  of  attacking  the 
Turkish  advanced  guard  in  the  valleys  of  Syria,  Bonaparte 
had  formed  a  plan  of  invading  British  India  from  Persia. 
He  had  ascertained,  through  the  medium  of  agents,  that 
the  Shah  of  Persia  would,  for  a  sum  of  money  paid  in 
advance,  consent  to  the  establishment  of  military  maga- 
zines on  certain  points  of  his  territory.  Bonaparte  fre- 
quently told  me  that  if,  after  the  subjugation  of  Egypt,  he 
could  have  left  15,000  men  in  that  country,  and  have  had 
30,000  disposable  troops,  he  would  have  marched  on  the 
Euphrates.  He  was  frequently  speaking  about  the  deserts 
which  were  to  be  crossed  to  reach  Persia. 

How  many  times  have  I  seen  him  extended  on  the 
ground,  examining  the  beautiful  maps  which  he  had 

1  Erreurs  (tome  i.  p.  67)  says  that  the  expedition  to  Suez  started  in  Niv6se 
(December  uiul  January),  and  that  Sucy  had  gone  home  three  months  before. 


1798.  LETTER  TO  TIPPOO  SAIB.  179 

brought  with  him,  and  he  would  sometimes  make  me  lie 
down  in  the  same  position  to  trace  to  me  his  projected 
march.  This  reminded  him  of  the  triumphs  of  his  favourite 
hero,  Alexander,  with  whom  he  so  much  desired  to  asso- 
ciate his  name ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  he  felt  that  these 
projects  were  incompatible  with  our  resources,  the  weak- 
ness of  the  Government,  and  the  dissatisfaction  which  the 
army  already  evinced.  Privation  and  misery  are  insepar- 
able from  all  these  remote  operations. 

This  favourite  idea  still  occupied  his  mind  a  fortnight 
before  his  departure  for  Syria  was  determined  on,  and  on 
the  25th  of  January  1799  he  wrote  to  Tippoo  Saib  as 
follows : — 

You  are  of  course  already  informed  of  my  arrival  on  the  banks 
of  the  Red  Sea,  with  a  numerous  and  invincible  army.  Eager  to 
deliver  you  from  the  iron  yoke  of  England,  I  hasten  to  request  that 
you  will  send  me,  by  the  way  of  Mascate  or  Mocha,  an  account  of 
the  political  situation  in  which  you  are.  I  also  wish  that  you  could 
send  to  Suez,  or  Grand  Cairo,  some  able  man,  in  your  confidence, 
with  whom  I  may  confer.1 


1  It  is  not  true,  as  has  often  been  stated,  that  Tippoo  Saib  wrote  to  General 
Bonaparte.  He  could  not  reply  to  a  letter  written  on  the  25th  of  January,  owing  to 
the  great  difficulty  of  communication,  the  considerable  distance,  and  the  short  inter- 
val which  elapsed  between  the  25th  of  January  and  the  fall  of  the  empire  of  Mysore, 
which  happened  on  the  20th  of  April  following.  The  letter  addressed  to  Tippoo 
Saib  commenced  "  Citizen-Sultan  |  " — Sourrienne, 


180  1798, 


CHAPTER    XVH. 
1798-1799. 

Bonaparte's  departure  for  Suez — Crossing  the  desert — Passage  of  the  Red 
Sea — The  fountain  of  Moses — The  Cenobites  of  Mount  Sinai — Danger 
in  recrosfiing  the  Red  Sea — Napoleon's  return  to  Cairo — Money  bor- 
rowed at  Genoa — New  designs  upon  Syria — Dissatisfaction  of  the 
Ottoman  Porte — Plan  for  invading  Asia — Gigantic  schemes — General 
Berthier's  permission  to  return  to  France — His  romantic  love  and  the 
adored  portrait — He  gives  up  his  permission  to  return  home — Louis 
Bonaparte  leaves  Egypt — The  first  Cashmere  shawl  in  France — Inter- 
cepted correspondence — Departure  for  Syria — Fountains  of  Messou- 
diah — Bonaparte  jealous — Discontent  of  the  troops — El- Arish  taken — 
Aspect  of  Syria — Ramleh — Jerusalem. 

ON  the  24th  of  December  we  set  out  for  Suez,  where 
we  arrived  on  the  26th.  On  the  25th  we  encamped  in  the 
desert  some  leagues  before  Ad-Greroth.  The  heat  had  been 
very  great  during  the  day  ;  but  about  eleven  at  night  the 
cold  became  so  severe  as  to  be  precisely  in  an  inverse  ratio 
to  the  temperature  of  the  day.  This  desert,  which  is  the 
route  of  the  caravans  from  Suez,  from  Tor  and  the  coun- 
tries situated  on  the  north  of  Arabia,  is  strewed  with  the 
bones  of  the  men  and  animals  who,  for  ages  past,  have 
perished  in  crossing  it.  As  there  was  no  wood  to  be  got, 
we  collected  a  quantity  of  these  bones  for  fuel.  Monge 
himself  was  induced  to  sacrifice  some  of  the  curious  skulls 
of  animals  which  he  had  picked  up  on  the  way  and  de- 
posited in  the  berlin  of  the  General-in-Chief.  But  no  soon- 
er had  we  kindled  our  fires  than  an  intolerable  effluvium 
obliged  us  to  raise  our  camp  and  advance  farther  on,  for 
we  could  procure  no  water  to  extinguish  the  fires. 

On  the  27th  Bonaparte  employed  himself  in  inspecting 


1799.        BONAPARTE  CROSSES   THE  RED  SEA.          181 


the  town  and  port  of  Suez,  and  in  giving  orders  for  some 
naval  and  military  works.  He  feared — what  indeed  really 
occurred  after  his  departure  from  Egypt — the  arrival  of 
some  English  troops  from  the  East  Indies,  which  he  had 
intended  to  invade.  These  regiments  contributed  to  the 
loss  of  his  conquest.1 

On  the  morning  of  the  28th  we  crossed  the  Bed  Sea 
dry-shod,3  to  go  to  the  Wells  of  Moses,  which  are  nearly  a 
myriametre  from  the  eastern  coast,  and  a  little  southeast 
of  Suez.  The  Gulf  of  Arabia  terminates  at  about  5,000 
metres  north  of  that  city.  Near  the  port  the  Red  Sea  is 
not  above  1,500  metres  wide,  and  is  always  fordable  at 
low  water.  The  caravans  from  Tor  and  Mount  Sinai* 
always  pass  at  that  part,  either  in  going  to  or  returning 
from  Egypt.  This  shortens  their  journey  nearly  a  myria- 
metre. At  high  tide  the  water  rises  five  or  six  feet  at 
Suez,  and  when  the  wind  blows  fresh  it  often  rises  to  nine 
or  ten  feet. 

We  spent  a  few  hours  seated  by  the  largest  of  the 
springs  called  the  Wells  of  Moses,  situated  on  the  eastern 
shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Arabia.  We  made  coffee  with  the 
water  from  these  springs,  which,  however,  gave  it  such  a 
brackish  taste  that  it  was  scarcely  drinkable. 

Though  the  water  of  the  eight  little  springs  which  form 
the  Wells  of  Moses  is  not  so  salt  as  that  of  many  wells 

1  Sir  David  Baird,  with  a  force  of  about  7000  men  sent  from  India,  landed  at  Cos- 
neir  in  July  1801. 

s  From  time  immemorial  this  ford  has  been  called  by  the  people  of  the  country 
El-Mahadyeh,  the  passage. — Bourrienne. 

8  I  shall  say  nothing  of  the  Cenobites  of  Mount  Sinai,  as  I  had  not  the  honour  of 
seeing  them.  Neither  did  I  see  the  register  containing  the  names  of  AH,  Salah- 
Etldin,  Ibrahim  or  Abraham,  on  which  Bonaparte  is  said  to  have  inscribed  his 
name.  I  perceived  at  a  distance  some  high  hills  which  were  said  to  be  Mount  Sinai. 
I  conversed,  through  the  medium  of  an  interpreter,  with  some  Arabian  chiefs  of 
Tor  and  its  neighbourhood.  They  had  been  informed  of  our  excursion  to  the  Wells, 
and  that  they  might  there  thank  the  French  General  for  the  protection  granted  to 
their  caravans  and  their  trade  with  Egypt.  On  the  19th  of  December,  before  his 
departure  from  Suez,  Bonaparte  signed  a  sort  of  safeguard,  or  exemption  from 
duties,  for  the  convent  of  Mount  Sinai.  This  had  been  granted  out  of  respect  to 
Moses  and  the  Jawish  nation,  and  alas  because  the  convent  of  Mount  Sinai  is  a  seat 
of  learning  and  civilisation  amidst  the  barbarism  of  the  deserts. — Bourrienne 


182         MEMOIRS  0V  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1798, 

dug  in  other  parts  of  the  deserts,  it  is,  nevertheless, 
exceedingly  brackish,  and  does  not  allay  thirst  so  well  as 
fresh  water. 

Bonaparte  returned  to  Suez  that  same  night.  It  was 
very  dark  when  we  reached  the  sea-shore.  The  tide  was 
coming  up,  and  the  water  was  pretty  high.  We  deviated 
a  little  from  the  way  we  had  taken  in  the  morning  ;  we 
crossed  a  little  too  low  down  ;  we  were  thrown  into  dis- 
order, but  we  did  not  lose  ourselves  in  the  marshes  as  has 
been  stated.  There  were  none. 

I  have  read  somewhere,  though  I  did  not  see  the  fact, 
nor  did  1  hear  it  mentioned  at  the  time,  that  the  tide, 
which  was  coming  up,  would  have  been  the  grave  of  the 
General-in-Chief  had  not  one  of  the  guides  saved  him  by 
carrying  him  on  his  shoulders.  If  any  such  danger  had 
existed  all  who  had  not  a  similar  means  of  escape  must 
have  perished. 

This  is  a  fabrication.  General  Caffarelli  was  the  only 
person  who  was  really  in  danger,  for  his  wooden  leg  pre- 
vented his  sitting  firmly  on  his  horse  in  the  water  ;  but 
some  persons  came  to  his  assistance  and  supported  him.1 

On  his  return  to  Cairo  the  General-in-Chief  wished  to 
discover  the  site  of  the  canal  which  in  ancient  times 
formed  a  junction  between  the  Red  Sea  and  the  Nile  by 
Belbeis.  M.  Lepere,  who  was  a  member  of  the  Egyptian 
Institute,  and  is  now  inspector-general  of  bridges  and 
highways,  executed  on  the  spot  a  beautiful  plan,  which 
may  confidently  be  consulted  by  those  who  wish  to  form 
an  accurate  idea  of  that  ancient  communication,  and  the 
level  of  the  two  seas." 

1  Bonaparte  extricated  himself  as  the  others  did  from  the  real  danger  he  and  his 
escort  had  run.     At  St.  Helena  he  said,  "Profiting  by  the  low  tide,  I  crossed  the 
Hed  Sea  dry-shod.     On  my  return  I  was  overtaken  by  the  night,  and  went  astray  in 
the  middle  of  the  rising  tide.     I  ran  the  greatest  danger.     I  nearly  perished  in  the 
same  manner  as  Pharaoh  did.     This  would  certainly  have  furnished  all  the  Christian 
preachers  with  a  magnificent  text  against  me." — Bourrtenne. 

2  Since  accurately  ascertained  during  the  progress  of  the  works  for  the  Sue« 
Canal. 


1799.  "PARTANT  POUR  LA  SYRIE."  183 

On  his  arrival  at  the  capital  Bonaparte  again  devoted 
all  his  thoughts  to  the  affairs  of  the  army,  which  he  had 
not  attended  to  during  his  short  absence.  The  revenues 
of  Egypt  were  far  from  being  sufficient  to  meet  the  mili- 
tary expenditure.  To  defray  his  own  expenses  Bonaparte 
raised  several  considerable  loans  in  Genoa  through  the 
medium  of  M.  James.  The  connection  of  James  with  the 
Bonaparte  family  takes  its  date  from  this  period.1 

Since  the  month  of  August  the  attention  of  General 
Bonaparte  had  been  constantly  fixed  on  Syria.  The  period 
of  the  possible  landing  of  an  enemy  in  Egypt  had  now 
passed  away,  and  could  not  return  until  the  month  of 
July  in  the  following  year.  Bonaparte  was  fully  convinced 
that  that  landing  would  take  place,  and  he  was  not  de- 
ceived. The  Ottoman  Porte  had,  indeed,  been  persuaded 
that  the  conquest  of  Egypt  was  not  in  her  interest.  She 
preferred  enduring  a  rebel  whom  she  hoped  one  day  to 
subdue  to  supporting  a  power  which,  under  the  specious 
pretext  of  reducing  her  insurgent  beys  to  obedience,  de- 
prived her  of  one  of  her  finest  provinces,  and  threatened 
the  rest  of  the  empire. 

On  his  return  to  Cairo  the  General-in-Chief  had  no 
longer  any  doubt  as  to  the  course  which  the  Porte  in- 
tended to  adopt.  The  numerous  class  of  persons  who  be- 
lieved that  the  Ottoman  Porte  had  consented  to  our  oc- 
cupation of  Egypt  were  suddenly  undeceived.  It  was 
then  asked  how  we  could,  without  that  consent,  have  at- 
tempted such  an  enterprise  ?  Nothing,  it  was  said,  could 
justify  the  temerity  of  such  an  expedition,  if  it  should 
produce  a  rupture  between  France,  the  Ottoman  empire, 
and  its  allies.  However,  for  the  remainder  of  the  year 
Bonaparte  dreaded  nothing  except  an  expedition  from 
Gaza  and  El-Arish,  of  which  the  troops  of  Djezzar  had  al- 

1  Joseph  Bonaparte  says  that  the  fathers  of  Napoleon  and  of  M.  James  had  long 
known  one  another,  and  that  Napoleon  had  met  James  at  Autuu  (Erreurs,  tome  i. 
p.  245). 


184         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      179&. 

ready  taken  possession.  This  occupation  was  justly  re- 
garded as  a  decided  act  of  hostility  ;  war  was  thus  prac- 
tically declared.  "We  must  adopt  anticipatory  meas- 
ures," thought  Napoleon  ;  "  we  must  destroy  this  advanced 
guard  of  the  Ottoman  empire,  overthrow  the  ramparts  of 
Jaffa  and  Acre,  ravage  the  country,  destroy  all  her  re- 
sources, so  as  to  render  the  passage  of  an  army  across  the 
desert  impracticable."  Thus  was  planned  the  expedition 
against  Syria. 

General  Berthier,  after  repeated  entreaties,  had  ob- 
tained permission  to  return  to  France.  The  Courageuse 
frigate,  which  was  to  convey  him  home,  was  fitting  out  at 
Alexandria  ;  he  had  received  his  instructions,  and  was  to 
leave  Cairo  on  the  29th  of  January,  ten  days  before  Bona- 
parte's departure  for  Syria.  Bonaparte  was  sorry  to  part 
with  him  ;  but  he  could  not  endure  to  see  an  old  friend, 
and  one  who  had  served  him  well  in  all  his  campaigns, 
dying  before  his  eyes,  the  victim  of  nostalgia  and  roman- 
tic love.  Besides,  Berthier  had  been  for  some  time  past, 
anything  but  active  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties.  Hia 
passion,  which  amounted  almost  to  madness,  impaired  the 
feeble  faculties  with  which  nature  had  endowed  him. 
Some  writers  have  ranked  him  in  the  class  of  sentimental 
lovers  :  be  this  as  it  may,  the  homage  which  Berthier  ren- 
dered to  the  portrait  of  the  object  of  his  adoration  more 
frequently  excited  our  merriment  than  our  sensibility. 

One  day  I  went  with  an  order  from  Bonaparte  to  the 
chief  of  his  staff,  whom  I  found  on  his  knees  before  the 
portrait  of  Madame  Visconti,  which  was  hanging  opposite 
the  door.  I  touched  him,  to  let  him  know  I  was  there. 
He  grumbled  a  little,  but  did  not  get  angry. 

The  moment  was  approaching  when  the  two  friends 
were  to  part,  perhaps  forever.  Bonaparte  was  sincerely 
distressed  at  this  separation,  and  the  chief  of  his  staff  was 
informed  of  the  fact.  At  a  moment  when  it  was  supposed 
Berthier  was  on  his  way  to  Alexandria,  he  presented  him- 


1799.       FIRST  CASHMERE  SHA  WL  IN  FRANCE.          185 

self  to  the  General-in-Chief.  "You  are,  then,  decidedly 
going  to  Asia?  "  said  he. — "You  know,"  replied  the  Gen- 
eral, "  that  all  is  ready,  and  I  shall  set  out  in  a  few  days." 
— "  Well,  I  will  not  leave  you.  I  voluntarily  renounce  all 
idea  of  returning  to  France.  I  could  not  endure  to  for- 
sake you  at  a  moment  when  you  are  going  to  encounter 
new  dangers.  Here  are  my  instructions  and  my  pass- 
port." Bonaparte,  highly  pleased  with  this  resolution, 
embraced  Berthier  ;  and  the  coolness  which  had  been  ex- 
cited by  his  request  to  return  home  was  succeeded  by  a 
sincere  reconciliation. 

Louis  Bonaparte,  who  was  suffering  from  the  effects  of 
the  voyage,  was  still  at  Alexandria.  The  General-in-Chief, 
yielding  to  the  pacific  views  of  his  younger  brother,  who 
was  also  beginning  to  evince  some  symptoms  of  nostalgia, 
consented  to  his  return  home.  He  could  not,  however, 
depart  until  the  llth  of  March  1799.  I  felt  the  absence 
of  Louis  very  much. 

On  his  return  to  France  Louis  passed  through  Sens, 
where  he  dined  with  Madame  de  Bourrienne,  to  whom  he 
presented  a  beautiful  shawl,  which  General  Berthier  had 
given  me.  This,  I  believe,  was  the  first  Cashmere  that 
had  ever  been  seen  in  France.  Louis  was  much  sui*prised 
when  Madame  de  Bourrienne  showed  him  the  Egyptian 
correspondence,  which  had  been  seized  by  the  English 
and  printed  in  London.  He  found  in  the  collection  some 
letters  addressed  to  himself,  and  there  were  others,  he 
said,  which  were  likely  to  disturb  the  peace  of  more  than 
one  family  on  the  return  of  the  army. 

On  the  llth  of  Febuary  1799  we  began  our  march  for 
Syria,  with  about  12,000  men.1  It  has  been  erroneously 
stated  that  the  army  amounted  to  only  6000  :  nearly  that 
number  was  lost  in  the  course  of  the  campaign.  How- 
ever, at  the  very  moment  we  were  on  our  way  to  Syria, 

1  Erreurs  (tome  I.  p.  69)  points  out  that  all  good  historians  have  put  the  strength 
of  the  army  of  Syria  at  from  10,000  to  12,000  men.  Thiers  (tome  v.  p.  446)  saya 
about  13,000. 


186         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1798, 

•with  12,000  men,  scarcely  as  many  being  left  in  Egypt, 
the  Directory  published  that,  "  according  to  the  informa- 
tion which  had  been  received,"  we  had  60,000  infantry 
and  10,000  cavalry  ;  that  the  army  had  doubled  its  num- 
bers by  battles  ;  and  that  since  our  arrival  in  Egypt,  we 
had  lost  only  300  men.  Is  history  to  be  written  from 
such  documents  ? 

We  arrived,  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  at  Mes- 
soudiah,  or,  "  the  Fortunate  Spot."  Here  we  witnessed 
a  kind  of  phenomenon,  which  was  not  a  little  agreeable 
to  us.  Messoudiah  is  a  place  situated  on  the  coast  of  the 
Mediterranean,  surrounded  with  little  dunes  of  very  fine 
sand,  which  the  copious  rains  of  winter  readily  penetrate. 
The  rain  remains  in  the  sand,  so  that  on  making  with  the 
fingers  holes  of  four  or  five  inches  in  depth  at  the  bottom 
of  these  little  hills,  the  water  immediately  flows  out. 
This  water  was,  indeed,  rather  thick,  but  its  flavour  was 
agreeable  ;  and  it  would  have  become  clear  if  we  could 
have  spared  time  to  allow  it  to  rest  and  deposit  the  par- 
ticles of  sand  it  contained. 

It  was  a  curious  spectacle  to  behold  us  all  lying  pros- 
trate, digging  wells  in  miniature,  and  displaying  a  laugh- 
able selfishness  in  our  endeavours  to  obtain  the  most 
abundant  source.  This  was  a  very  important  discovery 
to  us.  We  found  these  sand-wells  at  the  extremity  of  the 
desert,  and  it  contributed,  in  no  small  degree,  to  revive 
the  courage  of  our  soldiers  ;  besides,  when  men  are,  as 
was  the  case  with  us,  subject  to  privations  of  every  kind, 
the  least  benefit  which  accrues  inspires  the  hope  of  a  new 
advantage.  We  were  approaching  the  confines  of  Syria, 
and  we  enjoyed  by  anticipation,  the  pleasure  we  were 
about  to  experience,  on  treading  a  soil  which,  by  its  va- 
riety of  verdure  and  vegetation,  would  remind  us  of  our 
native  land.  At  Messoudiah  we  likewise  possessed  the 
advantage  of  bathing  in  the  sea,  which  was  not  more  than 
fifty  paces  from  our  unexpected  water-supply. 


1799.  BONAPARTE1 8  JEALOUSY.  187 

Whilst  near  the  wells  of  Messoudiah,  on  our  way  to 
El-Arish,  I  one  day  saw  Bonaparte  walking  alone  with 
Junot,  as  he  was  often  in  the  habit  of  doing.  I  stood  at 
a  little  distance,  and  my  eyes,  I  know  not  why,  were  fixed 
on  him  during  their  conversation.  The  General's  coun- 
tenance, which  was  always  pale,  had,  without  my  being 
able  to  divine  the  cause,  become  paler  than  usual.  There 
was  something  convulsive  in  his  features — a  wildness  in 
his  look,  and  he  several  times  struck  his  head  with  his 
hand.  After  conversing  with  Junot  about  a  quarter  of  an 
hour  he  quitted  him  and  came  towards  me.  I  never  saw 
him  exhibit  such  an  air  of  dissatisfaction,  or  appear  so 
much  under  the  influence  of  some  prepossession.  I  ad- 
vanced towards  him,  and  as  soon  as  we  met,  he  exclaimed 
in  an  abrupt  and  angry  tone,  "  So  !  I  find  I  cannot  depend 
upon  you. — These  women ! — Josephine  ! — If  you  had  loved 
me,  you  would  before  now  have  told  me  all  I  have  heard 
from  Junot — he  is  a  real  friend — Josephine  ! — and  I  600 
leagues  from  her — you  ought  to  have  told  me. — That  she 
should  thus  have  deceived  me  ! — Woe  to  them  ! — I  will 
exterminate  the  whole  race  of  fops  and  puppies ! — As  to 
her — divorce ! — yes,  divorce  !  a  public  and  open  divorce  ! 
— I  must  write  ! — I  know  all  ! — It  is  your  fault — you 
ought  to  have  told  me  !  " 

These  energetic  and  broken  exclamations,  his  disturbed 
countenance  and  altered  voice,  informed  me  but  too  well 
of  the  subject  of  his  conversation  with  Junot.  I  saw  that 
Junot  had  been  drawn  into  a  culpable  indiscretion,  and 
that,  if  Josephine  had  committed  any  faults,  he  had  cruelly 
exaggerated  them.  My  situation  was  one  of  extreme 
delicacy.  However,  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  retain  my 
self-possession,  and  as  soon  as  some  degree  of  calmness 
succeeded  to  this  first  burst,  I  replied  that  I  knew  noth- 
ing of  the  reports  which  Junot  might  have  communicated 
to  him  ;  that  even  if  such  reports,  often  the  offspring  of 
calumny,  had  reached  my  ear,  and  if  I  had  considered  it 


188         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1798^ 

my  duty  to  inform  him  of  them,  I  certainly  would  not 
have  selected  for  that  purpose  the  moment  when  he  was 
600  leagues  from  France.  I  also  did  not  conceal  how 
blamable  Junot's  conduct  appeared  to  me,  and  how  un- 
generous I  considered  it  thus  rashly  to  accuse  a  woman 
who  was  not  present  to  justify  or  defend  herself  ; — that  it 
was  no  great  proof  of  attachment  to  add  domestic  uneasi- 
ness to  the  anxiety,  already  sufficiently  great,  which  the 
situation  of  his  brothers  in  arms,  at  the  commencement 
of  a  hazardous  enterprise,  occasioned  him. 

Notwithstanding  these  observations,  which,  however,  he 
listened  to  with  some  calmness,  the  word  "  divorce "  still 
escaped  his  lips ;  and  it  is  necessary  to  be  aware  of  the 
degree  of  irritation  to  which  he  was  liable  when  anything 
seriously  vexed  him,  to  be  able  to  form  an  idea  of  what 
Bonaparte  was  during  this  painful  scene.  However,  I  kept 
my  ground.  I  repeated  what  I  had  said.  I  begged  of 
him  to  consider  with  what  facility  tales  were  fabricated 
and  circulated,  and  that  gossip  such  as  that  which  had 
been  repeated  to  him  was  only  the  amusement  of  idle 
persons,  and  deserved  the  contempt  of  strong  minds.  I 
spoke  of  his  glory.  "  My  glory  !  "  cried  he.  "  I  know  not 
what  I  would  not  give  if  that  which  Junot  has  told  me 
should  be  untrue  ;  so  much  do  I  love  Josephine !  If  she 
be  really  guilty  a  divorce  must  seperate  us  for  ever.  I 
will  not  submit  to  be  a  laughing-stock  for  all  the  imbe- 
ciles in  Paris.  .  I  will  write  to  Joseph  ;  he  will  get  the 
divorce  declared." 

Although  his  agitation  continued  long,  intervals  oc- 
curred in  which  he  was  less  excited.  I  seized  one  of  these 
moments  of  comparative  calm  to  combat  this  idea  of 
divorce  which  seemed  to  possess  his  mind.  I  represented 
to  him  especially  that  it  would  be  imprudent  to  write  to 
his  brother  with  reference  to  a  communication  which  was 
probably  false.  "  The  letter  might  be  intercepted ;  it 
would  betray  the  feelings  of  irritation  which  dictated  it. 


1799.  BONAPARTE  AND  JUNOT.  189 

As  to  a  divorce,  it  would  be  time  to  think  of  that  hereaf- 
ter, but  advisedly." 

These  last  words  produced  an  effect  on  him  which  I 
could  not  have  ventured  to  hope  for  so  speedily.  He 
became  tranquil,  listened  to  me  as  if  he  had  suddenly  felt 
the  justice  of  my  observations,  dropped  the  subject,  and 
never  returned  to  it ;  except  that  about  a  fortnight  after, 
when  we  were  before  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  he  expressed  himself 
greatly  dissatisfied  with  Junot,  and  complained  of  the 
injury  he  had  done  him  by  his  indiscreet  disclosures, 
which  he  began  to  regard  as  the  inventions  of  malignity. 
I  perceived  afterwards  that  he  never  pardoned  Junot  for 
this  indiscretion  ;  and  I  can  state,  almost  with  certainty, 
that  this  was  one  of  the  reasons  why  Junot  was  not 
created  a  marshal  of  France,  like  many  of  his  comrades 
whom  Bonaparte  had  loved  less.  It  may  be  supposed 
that  Josephine,  who  was  afterwards  informed  by  Bona- 
parte of  Junot's  conversation,  did  not  feel  particularly 
interested  in  his  favour.1  He  died  insane  on  the  27th  of 
July  1813. 

1  However  indiscreet  Junot  might  on  this  occasion  have  shown  himself  in  inter- 
fering in  so  delicate  a  matter,  it  is  pretty  certain  that  his  suspicions  were  breathed 
to  no  other  ear  than  that  of  Bonaparte  himself.  Madame  Junot,  in  speaking  of  the 
ill-suppressed  enmity  between  her  husband  and  Madame  Bonaparte,  says  that  he 
never  uttered  a  word  even  to  her  of  the  subject  of  his  conversation  with  the  General 
in-Chief  in  Egypt.  That  Junot's  testimony,  however,  notwithstanding  the  counte- 
nance it  obtained  from  Bonaparte's  relations,  ought  to  be  cautiously  received,  the 
following  passage  from  the  Memoirs  of  the  Duchesse  tfAbrantli,  vol.  i.  p.  260, 
demonstrative  of  the  feelings  of  irritation  between  the  parties,  will  show : — 

"  Jnnot  escorted  Madame  Bonaparte  when  she  went  to  join  the  General-in-Chief 
in  Italy.  I  am  surprised  that  M.  de  Bonrrienne  has  omitted  mentioning  this  circum- 
stance in  his  Memoirs.  He  must  have  known  it,  since  he  was  well  acquainted  with 
everything  relating  to  Josephine,  and  knew  many  facts  of  high  interest  in  her  life 
as  this  period  and  subsequently.  How  happens  it  too  that  he  makes  no  mention  of 
Mademoiselle  Louise,  who  might  be  called  her  demoiselle  de  compagnte  rather  than 
her  femme  de  chambre  t  At  the  outset  of  the  journey  to  Italy  she  was  such  a 
favourite  with  Josephine  that  she  dressed  like  her  mistress,  sat  at  table  with  her,  and 
was  in  all  respects  her  friend  and  confidante. 

"The  journey  was  long,  much  too  long  for  Junot,  though  he  was  very  much 
in  love  with  Mademoiselle  Louise.  But  he  was  anxious  to  join  the  army,  for  to  him 
hit  General  was  always  the  dearest  of  mistresses.  Junot  has  often  spoken  to  me, 
and  to  me  alone,  of  the  vexations  he  experienced  on  this  journey,  ffe  might  have 
added  to  hit  circumstantial  details  relative  to  Josephine  the  conversation  be  is 


190         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1798-* 

Our  little  army  continued  its  march  on  El-Arish,  where 
we  arrived  on  the  17th  of  February.  The  fatigues  experi- 
enced in  the  desert  and  the  scarcity  of  water  excited  violent 
murmurs  amongst  the  soldiers  during  their  march  across 
the  isthmus.  "When  any  person  on  horseback  passed  them 
they  studiously  expressed  their  discontent.  The  advan- 
tage possessed  by  the  horsemen  provoked  their  sarcasms. 
I  never  heard  the  verses  which  they  are  said  to  have 
repeated,  but  they  indulged  in  the  most  violent  language 
against  the  Republic,  the  men  of  science,  and  those  whom 
they  regarded  as  the  authors  of  the  expedition.  Never- 
theless these  brave  fellows,  from  whom  it  was  not  aston- 
ishing that  such  great  privations  should  extort  complaints, 
often  compensated  by  their  pleasantries  for  the  bitterness 
o.f  their  reproaches. 

Many  times  during  the  crossing  of  the  isthmus  I  have 
seen  soldiers,  parched  with  thirst,  and  unable  to  wait  till 
the  hour  for  distribution  of  water,  pierce  the  leathern 
bottles  which  contained  it ;  and  this  conduct,  so  injurious 
to  all,  occasioned  numerous  quarrels. 

El-Arish  surrendered  on  the  17th  of  February.  It  has 
been  erroneously  stated  that  the  garrison  of  this  insignifi- 
cant place,  which  was  set  at  liberty  on  condition  of  not 
again  serving  against  us,  was  afterwards  found  amongst 
the  besieged  at  Jaffa.  It  has  also  been  stated  that  it  was 
because  the  men  composing  the  El-Arish  garrison  did  not 
proceed  to  Bagdad,  according  to  the  capitulation,  that  we 

reported  to  have  had  with  Bonaparte  in  Egypt ;  but  fit  never  breathed  a  word  on 
the  subject,  for  his  character  was  always  noble  and  generous.  The  journey  to 
Italy  did  not  produce  the  effect  which  usually  arises  from  such  incidents  in  common 
life  ;  namely,  a  closer  friendship  and  intimacy  between  the  parties.  On  the  con- 
trary, Madame  Bonaparte  from  that  moment  evinced  some  degree  of  ill-humour 
towards  Junot,  and  complained  with  singular  warmth  of  the  want  of  respect  which 
he  had  shown  her,  in  making  love  to  her/«mme  de  chambre  before  her  face." 

According  to  Erreurs  (tome  i.  pp.  4,  50)  Junot  was  not  then  in  Syria.  On  16th 
February  Napoleon  was  at  Messoudiah.  Junot  only  arrived  from  Egypt  at  Gaza 
on  the  25th  February.  Madame  d'Abrantes  (ii.  32)  treats  this  conversation  aa 
apocryphal,  "  This  [an  anecdote  of  her  own]  is  not  an  imaginary  episode,  like  that, 
for  example,  of  making  a  person  speak  at  Messoudiah  who  never  was  there. " 


1799.  CHRISTIANS  AT  RAMLEH.  161 

shot  them  at  Jaffa.  We  shall  presently  see  the  falsehood 
of  these  assertions. 

On  the  28th  of  February  we  obtained  the  first  glimpse 
of  the  green  and  fertile  plains  of  Syria,  which,  in  many 
respects,  reminded  us  of  the  climate  and  soil  of  Europe. 
We  now  had  rain,  and  sometimes  rather  too  much.  The 
feelings  which  the  sight  of  the  valleys  and  mountains  called 
forth  made  us,  in  some  degree,  forget  the  hardships  and 
vexatious  of  an  expedition  of  which  few  persons  could  fore- 
see the  object  or  end.  There  are  situations  in  life  when 
the  slightest  agreeable  sensation  alleviates  all  our  ills. 

On  the  1st  of  March  we  slept  at  Rarnleh,1  in  a  small 
convent  occupied  by  two  monks,  who  paid  us  the  greatest 
attention.  They  gave  us  the  church  for  a  hospital.  These 
good  fathers  did  not  fail  to  tell  us  that  it  was  through 
this  place  the  family  of  Jesus  Christ  passed  into  Egypt,  and 
showed  us  the  wells  at  which  they  quenched  their  thirst. 
The  pure  and  cool  water  of  these  wells  delighted  us. 

We  were  not  more  than  about  six  leagues  from  Jerusalem. 
I  asked  the  General  whether  he  did  not  intend  to  direct 
his  march  by  the  way  of  that  city,  so  celebrated  in  many 
respects.  He  replied,  "  Oh  no  !  Jerusalem  is  not  in  my  line 
of  operations.  I  do  not  wish  to  be  annoyed  by  moun- 
taineers in  difficult  roads.  And,  besides,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  mountain  I  should  be  assailed  by  swarms  of 
cavalry.  I  am  not  ambitious  of  the  fate  of  Cassius." 

We  therefore  did  not  enter  Jerusalem,  which  was  not 
disturbed  by  the  war.  All  we  did  was  to  send  a  written 
declaration  to  the  persons  in  power  at  Jerusalem,  assuring 
them  that  we  had  no  design  against  that  country,  and 
only  wished  them  to  remain  at  peace.  To  this  communi- 
cation no  answer  was  returned,  and  nothing  more  passed 
on  the  subject." 

1  Ramleh,  the  ancient  Arimathea,  is  situated  at  the  base  of  a  chain  of  mountains, 
the  eastern  extremity  of  which  is  washed  by  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  the  western 
by  the  Mediterranean. — Boiirrienne. 

a  Sir  Walter  Scott  says,  speaking  of  Bonaparte,  that  he  believes  that  little  officer 


192         MEMOIRS  Of  NAPOLEOtf  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

We  found  at  Ramleh  between  two  and  three  hundred 
Christians  in  a  pitiable  state  of  servitude,  misery,  and 
dejection.  On  conversing  with  them  I  could  not  help 
admiring  how  much  the  hope  of  future  rewards  may 
console  men  under  present  ills.  But  I  learned  from 
many  of  them  that  they  did  not  live  in  harmony  together. 
The  feelings  of  hatred  and  jealousy  are  not  less  common 
amongst  these  people  than  amongst  the  better-instructed 
inhabitants  of  rich  and  populous  cities. 

of  artillery  dreamed  of  being  King  of  Jerusalem.  What  I  have  just  stated  proves 
that  he  never  thought  of  such  a  thing.  The  "little  officer  of  artDlery"  had  a 
far  more  splendid  dream  in  his  bead, — Bourrienne, 


1799.  193 


CHAPTER  XVm. 
1799. 

Arrival  at  Jaffa — The  siege — Beauharnais  and  Croisier — Four  thousand 
prisoners — Scarcity  of  provisions — Councils  of  war — Dreadful  neces- 
sity— The  massacre — The  plague — Lannes  and  the  mountaineers — 
Barbarity  of  Djezzar — Arrival  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  and  abortive 
attacks — Sir  Sidney  Smith — Death  of  Caffarelli — Duroc  wounded — 
Rash  bathing — Insurrections  in  Egypt. 

ON  arriving  before  Jaffa,  where  there  were  already  some 
troops,  the  first  person  I  met  was  Adjutant-Genera] 
Gre"sieux,  with  whom  I  was  well  acquainted.  I  wished 
him  good-day,  and  offered  him  my  hand.  "  Good  God  ! 
what  are  you  about  ? "  said  he,  repulsing  me  with  a  very 
abrupt  gesture ;  "  you  may  have  the  plague.  People  do  not 
touch  each  other  here  !  "  I  mentioned  the  circumstance 
to  Bonaparte,  who  said,  "  If  he  be  afraid  of  the  plague,  he 
will  die  of  it."  Shortly  after,  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  he  was 
attacked  by  that  malady,  and  soon  sank  under  it. 

On  the  4th  of  March  we  commenced  the  siege  of  Jaffa. 
That  paltry  place,  which,  to  round  a  sentence,  was  pom- 
pously styled  the  ancient  Joppa,  held  out  only  to  the  6th 
of  March,  when  it  was  taken  by  storm,  and  given  up  to 
pillage.  The  massacre  was  horrible.  General  Bonaparte 
Bent  his  aides  de  camp  Beauharnais  and  Croisier  to  ap- 
pease the  fury  of  the  soldiers  as  much  as  possible,  and 
to  report  to  him  what  was  passing.  They  learned  that  a 
considerable  part  of  the  garrison  had  retired  into  some 
vast  buildings,  a  sort  of  caravanserai,  which  formed  a 
large  enclosed  court.  Beauharnais  and  Croisier,  who 
were  distinguished  by  wearing  the  aide  de  camp  scarf  on 
VOL.  I.— 13 


194         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

their  arms,  proceeded  to  that  place.  The  Arnauts  and 
Albanians,  of  whom  these  refugees  were  almost  entirely 
composed,  cried  from  the  windows  that  they  were  will- 
ing to  surrender  upon  an  assurance  that  they  would 
be  exempted  from  the  massacre  to  which  the  town  was 
doomed ;  if  not,  they  threatened  to  fire  on  the  aides  de 
camp,  and  to  defend  themselves  to  the  last  extremity. 
The  two  officers  thought  that  they  ought  to  accede  to  the 
proposition,  notwithstanding  the  decree  of  death  which 
had  been  pronounced  against  the  whole  garrison,  in 
consequence  of  the  town  being  taken  by  storm.  They 
brought  them  to  our  camp  in  two  divisions,  one  consisting 
of  about  2500  men,  the  other  of  about  1500. 

I  was  walking  with  General  Bonaparte,  in  front  of  his 
tent,  when  he  beheld  this  mass  of  men  approaching,  and 
before  he  even  saw  his  aides  de  camp  he  said  to  me,  in  a 
tone  of  profound  sorrow,  "  What  do  they  wish  me  to  do 
with  these  men  ?  Have  I  food  for  them  ? — ships  to  convey 
them  to  Egypt  or  France?  Why,  in  the  devil's  name,  have 
they  served  me  thus  ?  "  After  their  arrival,  and  the  ex- 
planations which  the  General-in-Chief  demanded  and  lis- 
tened to  with  anger,  Eugene  and  Croisier  received  the 
most  severe  reprimand  for  their  conduct.  But  the  deed 
was  done.  Four  thousand  men  were  there.  It  was  neces- 
sary to  decide  upon  their  fate.  The  two  aides  de  camp 
observed  that  they  had  found  themselves  alone  in  the 
midst  of  numerous  enemies,  and  that  he  had  directed  them 
to  restrain  the  carnage.  "Yes,  doubtless,"  replied  the 
General-in-Chief,  with  great  warmth,  "  as  to  women,  chil- 
dren, and  old  men — all  the  peaceable  inhabitants ;  but  not 
with  respect  to  armed  soldiers.  It  was  your  duty  to  die 
rather  than  bring  these  unfortunate  creatures  to  me. 
What  do  you  want  me  to  do  with  them?"  These  words 
were  pronounced  in  the  most  angry  tone. 

The  prisoners  were  then  ordered  to  sit  down,  and  were 
placed,  without  any  order,  in  front  of  the  tents,  their 


1799.  FOUR  THOUSAND  PRISONERS.  195 

hands  tied  behind  their  backs.  A  sombre  determination 
was  depicted  in  their  countenances.  We  gave  them  a 
little  biscuit  and  bread,  squeezed  out  of  the  already  scanty 
supply  for  the  army. 

On  the  first  day  of  their  arrival  a  council  of  war  was 
held  in  the  tent  of  the  General-in-Chief,  to  determine  what 
course  should  be  pursued  with  respect  to  them.  The 
council  deliberated  a  long  time  without  coming  to  any 
decision. 

On  the  evening  of  the  following  day  the  daily  reports 
of  the  generals  of  division  came  in.  They  spoke  of  noth- 
ing but  the  insufficiency  of  the  rations,  the  complaints  of 
the  soldiers — of  their  murmurs  and  discontent  at  seeing 
their  bread  given  to  enemies  who  had  been  withdrawn 
from  their  vengeance,  inasmuch  as  a  decree  of  death,  in 
conformity  with  the  laAvs  of  war,  had  been  passed  on  Jaffa. 
All  these  reports  were  alarming,  and  especially  that  of 
General  Bon,  in  which  no  reserve  was  made.  He  spoke 
of  nothing  less  than  the  fear  of  a  revolt,  which  would  be 
justified  by  the  serious  nature  of  the  case. 

The  council  assembled  again.  All  the  generals  of  divis- 
ion were  summoned  to  attend,  and  for  several  hours  to- 
gether they  discussed,  under  separate  questions,  what 
measures  might  be  adopted,  with  the  most  sincere  desire 
to  discover  and  execute  one  which  would  save  the  lives  of 
these  unfortunate  prisoners. 

(1.)  Should  they  be  sent  into  Egypt?   Could  it  be  done? 

To  do  so,  it  would  be  necessary  to  send  with  them  a 
numerous  escort,  which  would  too  much  weaken  our  little 
army  in  the  enemy's  country.  How,  besides,  could  they 
and  the  escort  be  supported  till  they  reached  Cairo,  hav- 
ing no  provisions  to  give  them  on  setting  out,  and  their 
route  being  through  a  hostile  territory,  which  we  had  ex- 
hausted, which  presented  no  fresh  resources,  and  through 
which  we,  perhaps,  might  have  to  return. 

(2.)  Should  they  be  embarked? 


196        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

Where  were  the  ships  ? — Where  could  they  be  found  ? 
All  our  telescopes,  directed  over  the  sea,  could  not  descry 
a  single  friendly  sail.  Bonaparte,  I  affirm,  would  have  re- 
garded such  an  event  as  a  real  favour  of  fortune.  It  was, 
and  I  am  glad  to  have  to  say  it,  this  sole  idea,  this  sole 
hope,  which  made  him  brave,  for  three  days,  the  murmurs 
of  his  army.  But  in  vain  was  help  looked  for  seaward. 
It  did  not  come. 

(3.)  Should  the  prisoners  be  set  at  liberty  ? 

They  would  then  instantly  proceed  to  St.  Jean  d'Acre 
to  reinforce  the  pasha,  or  else,  throwing  themselves  into 
the  mountains  of  Nablous,  would  greatly  annoy  our  rear 
and  right  flank,  and  deal  out  death  to  us,  as  a  recompense 
for  the  life  we  had  given  them.  There  could  be  no  doubt 
of  this.  What  is  a  Christian  dog  to  a  Turk  ?  It  would 
even  have  been  a  religious  and  meritorious  act  in  the  eye 
of  the  Prophet. 

(4.)  Could  they  be  incorporated,  disarmed,  with  our 
soldiers  in  tha  ranks  ? 

Here  again  the  question  of  food  presented  itself  in  all 
its  force.  Next  came  to  be  considered  the  danger  of 
having  such  comrades  while  marching  through  an  enemy's 
country.  What  might  happen  in  the  event  of  a  battle 
before  St.  Jean  d'Acre  ?  Could  we  even  tell  what  might 
occur  during  the  march  ?  And,  finally,  what  must  be  done 
with  them  when  under  the  ramparts  of  that  town,  if  we 
should  be  able  to  take  them  there  ?  The  same  embarrass- 
ments with  respect  to  the  questions  of  provisions  and 
security  would  then  recur  with  increased  force. 

The  third  day  arrived  without  its  being  possible,  anx- 
iously as  it  was  desired,  to  come  to  any  conclusion  fa- 
vourable to  the  preservation  of  these  unfortunate  men. 
The  murmurs  in  the  camp  grew  louder — the  evil  went  on 
increasing — remedy  appeared  impossible — the  danger  was 
real  and  imminent. 

The  order  for  shooting  the  prisoners  was  given  and 


1799.  SLAUGHTER  OF  THE  PRISONERS.  197 

executed  on  the  10th  of  March.  We  did  not,  as  has  been 
stated,  separate  the  Egyptians  from  the  other  prisoners. 
There  were  no  Egyptians. 

Many  of  the  unfortunate  creatures  composing  the 
smaller  division,  which  was  fired  on  close  to  the  sea- 
coast,  at  some  distance  from  the  other  column,  succeeded 
in  swimming  to  some  reefs  of  rocks  out  of  the  reach  of 
musket-shot.  The  soldiers  rested  their  muskets  on  the 
sand,  and,  to  induce  the  prisoners  to  return,  employed 
the  Egyptian  signs  of  reconciliation  in  use  in  the  country. 
They  came  back ;  but  as  they  advanced  they  were  killed, 
and  disappeared  among  the  waves. 

I  confine  myself  to  these  details  of  this  act  of  dreadful 
necessity,  of  which  I  was  an  eye-witness.  Others,  who, 
like  myself,  saw  it,  have  fortunately  spared  me  the  recital 
of  the  sanguinary  result.  This  atrocious  scene,  when  I 
think  of  it,  still  makes  me  shudder,  as  it  did  on  the  day  I 
beheld  it ;  and  I  would  wish  it  were  possible  for  me  to  for- 
get it,  rather  than  be  compelled  to  describe  it.  All  the 
horrors  imagination  can  conceive,  relative  to  that  day  of 
blood,  would  fall  short  of  the  reality. 

I  have  related  the  truth,  the  whole  truth.  I  was  present 
at  all  the  discussions,  all  the  conferences,  all  the  delibera- 
tions. I  had  not,  as  may  be  supposed,  a  deliberative 
voice ;  but  I  am  bound  to  declare  that  the  situation  of  the 
army,  the  scarcity  of  food,  our  small  numerical  strength, 
in  the  midst  of  a  country  where  every  individual  was  an 
enemy,  would  have  induced  me  to  vote  in  the  affirmative 
of  the  proposition  which  was  carried  into  effect,  if  I  had  a 
vote  to  give.  It  was  necessary  to  be  on  the  spot  in  order 
to  understand  the  horrible  necessity  which  existed. 

War,  unfortunately,  presents  too  many  occasions  on 
which  a  law,  immutable  in  all  ages,  and  common  to  all 
nations,  requires  that  private  interests  should  be  sacrificed 
to  a  gi'eat  general  interest,  and  that  even  humanity  should 
be  forgotten.  It  is  for  posterity  to  judge  whether  this  ter- 


198         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

rible  situation  was  that  in  which  Bonaparte  was  placed. 
For  my  own  part,  I  have  a  perfect  conviction  that  he 
could  not  do  otherwise  than  yield  to  the  dire  necessity  of 
the  case.  It  was  the  advice  of  the  council,  whose  opinion 
was  unanimous  in  favour  of  the  execution,  that  governed 
him.  Indeed  I  ought  in  truth  to  say,  that  he  yielded  only 
in  the  last  extremity,  and  was  one  of  those,  perhaps,  who 
beheld  the  massacre  with  the  deepest  pain.1 

1  The  following  is  Napoleon's  own  account  of  this  dreadful  affair :  I  asked  the 
Emperor  then  if  he  had  ever  read  Miot's  history  of  the  expedition  to  Egypt. 
"  What,  the  commissary  ?  "  replied  he.  "  I  believe  Las  Cases  gave  me  a  copy ; 
moreover,  it  was  published  in  my  time."  He  then  desired  me  to  bring  the  one 
which  I  had,  that  he  might  compare  them.  He  observed,  "Miot  was  a  polisson, 
whom,  together  with  his  brother,  I  raised  from  the  dirt.  He  says  that  I  threatened 
him  for  writing  the  book,  which  is  a  falsehood.  I  said  to  his  brother  once  that  he 
might  as  well  not  have  published  untruths.  He  was  a  man  who  had  always  fear 
oefore  his  eyes.  What  does  he  say  about  the  poisoning  affair  and  the  shooting  at 
Jaffa  ?  "  I  replied,  that  as  to  the  poisoning,  Miot  declared  he  could  say  no  more 
than  that  such  had  been  the  current  report :  but  he  positively  as.serted  that  he 
(Napoleon)  had  caused  between  three  and  four  thousand  Turks  to  bo  shot  some  days 
after  the  capture  of  Jaffa.  Napoleon  answered,  "It  is  not  true  that  there  were  so 
many.  I  ordered  about  a  thousand  or  twelve  hundred  to  be  shot,  which  was  done. 
The  reason  was,  that  amongst  the  garrison  of  Jaffa,  a  number  of  Turkish  troops 
were  discovered  whom  I  had  taken  a  short  time  before  at  El-Arish,  and  sent  to  Bag- 
dad upon  their  parole  not  to  serve  again,  or  to  be  found  in  arms  against  me  for  a 
year.  I  had  caused  them  to  be  escorted  twelve  leagues  on  their  way  to  Bagdad  by  a 
division  of  my  army.  But  those  Turks,  instead  of  proceeding  to  Bagdad,  threw 
themselves  into  Jaffa,  defended  it  to  the  last,  and  cost  me  a  number  of  brave  men  to 
take  it,  whose  lives  would  have  been  spared  if  the  others  had  not  reinforced  the  gar- 
rison of  Jaffa.  Moreover,  before  I  attacked  the  town  I  sent  them  a  flag  of  truce. 
Immediately  afterwards  we  saw  the  head  of  the  bearer  hoisted  on  a  pole  over  the 
wall.  Now,  if  I  had  spared  them  again,  and  sent  them  away  upon  their  parole,  they 
would  have  directly  gone  to  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  where  they  would  have  played  over 
again  the  same  scene  that  they  had  done  at  Jaffa.  In  justice  to  the  lives  of 
my  soldiers,  as  every  general  ought  to  consider  himself  as  their  father,  and  them  as 
his  children,  I  could  not  allow  this.  To  leave  as  a  guard  a  portion  of  my  army, 
already  small  and  reduced  in  number,  in  consequence  of  the  breach  of  faith  of  those 
wretches,  was  impossible.  Indeed,  to  have  acted  otherwise  than  as  I  did  would  prob- 
ably have  caused  the  destruction  of  my  whole  army.  I  therefore,  availing  myself  of 
the  rights  of  war,  which  authorise  the  putting  to  death  prisoners  taken  under  such 
circumstances,  independently  of  the  right  given  to  me  by  taking  the  city  by  assault, 
and  that  of  retaliation  on  the  Turks,  ordered  that  the  prisoners  taken  at  El-Arish 
who,  in  defiance  of  their  capitulation,  had  been  found  bearing  arms  against  me, 
should  be  selected  out  and  shot.  The  rest,  amounting  to  a  considerable  number, 
were  spared.  "  I  would,"  continued  he,  "  do  the  same  thing  again  to-morrow,  and 
so  would  Wellington  or  any  general  commanding  an  army  under  similar  circum- 
stances "  (.4  Voice  from  St.  Helena). 

Savary  (tome  i.  p.  154)  gives  a  similar  account,  but  he  was  not  present.      Thiers 


1799.  LANNES'  SKIRMISH  WITH  MOUNTAINEERS.    199 

After  the  siege  of  Jaffa  the  plague  began  to  exhibit 
itself  with  a  little  more  virulence.  We  lost  between  seven 
and  eight  hundred  men  by  the  contagion  during  the  cam- 
paign of  Syria.' 

During  our  march  on  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  which  was  com- 
menced on  the  14th  of  March,  the  army  neither  obtained 
the  brilliant  triumphs  nor  encountered  the  numerous  ob- 
stacles spoken  of  in  certain  works.  Nothing  of  impor- 
tance occurred  but  a  rash  skirmish  of  General  Lannes, 
who,  in  spite  of  contrary  orders  from  Bonaparte,  obsti- 
nately pursued  a  troop  of  mountaineers  into  the  passes  of 
Nablous.  On  returning,  he  found  the  mountaineers  placed 
in  ambush  in  great  numbers  amongst  rocks,  the  windings 
of  which  they  were  well  acquainted  with,  whence  they 
fired  close  upon  our  troops,  whose  situation  rendered 
them  unable  to  defend  themselves.  Daring  the  time  of 
this  foolish  and  useless  enterprise,  especially  while  the 
firing  was  brisk,  Bonaparte  exhibited  much  impatience, 
and,  it  must  be  confessed,  his  anger  was  but  natural 
The  Nablousians  halted  at  the  openings  of  the  moun- 
tain defiles.  Bonaparte  reproached  Lannes  bitterly  for 
having  uselessly  exposed  himself,  and  "  sacrificed,  with- 
out any  object,  a  number  of  brave  men."  Lannes  ex- 
cused himself  by  saying  that  the  mountaineers  had  de- 
fied him,  and  he  wished  to  chastise  the  rabble.  "We 
are  not  in  a  condition  to  play  the  swaggerer,"  replied 
Napoleon. 

(tome  v.  p.  447)  accepts  this  account.  Jomini  (tome  i.  pp.  292-293),  a  good  judge, 
treats  the  act  as  unjustifiable  by  public  law,  but  justifiable  by  reciprocity,  i.e.  con- 
sidering the  treatment  the  French  would  certainly  have  met  with  from  the  Turks. 
Lanfrey  (tome  i.  pp.  393-390)  of  course  throws  the  whole  weight  of  blame  on 
Napoleon,  denying  there  was  any  difficulty  in  feeding  the  prisoners.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  Bourrienne  denies  one  of  the  reasons  given  at  St.  Helena,  that  it  was 
known  the  men  formed  part  of  the  garrison  of  El-Arish.  Some  protestations  were 
made  among  the  officers. 

1  Sir  Walter  Scott  Rays,  that  Heaven  sent  this  pestilence  amongst  us  to  avenge 
the  massacre  of  Jaffa.  The  pestilence  had  its  origin,  however,  before  the  massacre, 
for  KltSber's  division  caught  the  seeds  of  the  dreadful  malady  at  Damietta.  It  wag 
developed  and  propagated  on  our  march ;  and  was  carried  into  Syria  with  u», — 
Bourrienne. 


200         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

In  four  days  we  arrived  before  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  where 
we  learned  that  Djezzar  had  cut  off  the  head  of  our  envoy, 
Mailly-de-Chateau-Renaud,  and  thrown  his  body  into  the 
sea  in  a  sack.  This  cruel  pasha  was  guilty  of  a  great 
number  of  similar  executions.  The  waves  frequently 
drove  dead  bodies  towards  the  coast,  and  we  came  upon 
them  whilst  bathing. 

The  details  of  the  siege  of  Acre  are  well  known.  Al- 
though surrounded  by  a  wall,  flanked  "sith  strong  towers, 
and  having,  besides,  a  broad  and  deep  ditch  defended  by 
works,  this  little  fortress  did  not  appear  likely  to  hold  out 
against  French  valour  and  the  skill  of  our  corps  of  engin- 
eers and  artillery  :  but  the  ease  and  rapidity  with  which 
Jaffa  had  been  taken  occasioned  us  to  overlook  in  some 
degree  the  comparative  strength  of  the  two  places,  and 
the  difference  of  their  respective  situations.  At  Jaffa 
we  had  sufficient  artillery  :  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre  we  had  not. 
At  Jaffa  we  had  to  deal  only  with  a  garrison  left  to 
itself  :  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre  we  were  opposed  by  a  garrison 
strengthened  by  reinforcements  of  men  and  supplies  of 
provisions,  supported  by  the  English  fleet,  and  assisted  by 
European  science. 

Sir  Sidney  Smith  was,  beyond  doubt,  the  man  who  did 
us  the  greatest  injury.1  Much  has  been  said  respecting  his 
communications  with  the  General-in-Chief.  The  reproaches 
which  the  latter  cast  upon  him  for  endeavouring  to  seduce 
the  soldiers  and  officers  of  the  army  by  tempting  offers 
were  the  more  singular,  even  if  they  were  well  founded, 
inasmuch  as  these  means  are  frequently  employed  by 
leaders  in  war.8  As  to  the  embarking  of  French  prisoners 

1  Sir  Sidney  Smith  was  the  only  Englishman  besides  the  Duke  of  Wellington  who 
defeated  Napoleon  in  military  operations.  The  third  Englishman  opposed  to  him. 
Sir  John  Moore,  was  compelled  to  make  a  precipitate  retreat  through  the  weakness 
of  his  force. 

4  At  one  tune  the  French  General  was  so  disturbed  by  them  ns  to  endeavour  to  put 
a  stop  to  them,  which  object  he  effected  by  interdicting  all  communication  with  the 
English,  and  signifying,  in  an  order  of  the  day,  that  their  Commodore  was  a  mad- 
man. This,  being  believed  in  the  army,  so  enraged  Sir  Sidney  Smith,  that  in  his 


TDUCDEMONTEBELLO 


1799.      BONAPARTE  AND  SIR  SIDNEY  SMITH.         201 

on  board  a  vessel  in  which  the  plague  existed,  the  im- 
probability of  the  circumstance  alone,  but  especially  the 
notorious  facts  of  the  case,  repell  this  odious  accusation. 
I  observed  the  conduct  of  Sir  Sidney  Smith  closely  at 
the  time,  and  I  remarked  in  him  a  chivalric  spirit,  which 
sometimes  hurried  him  into  trifling  eccentricities  ;  but  I 
affirm  that  his  behaviour  towards  the  French  was  that  of 
a  gallant  enemy.  I  have  seen  many  letters,  in  which  the 
writers  informed  him  that  they  "  were  very  sensible  of 
the  good  treatment  which  the  French  experienced  when 
they  fell  into  his  hands."  Let  any  one  examine  Sir  Sid- 
ney's conduct  before  the  capitulation  of  El-Arish,  and 
after  its  rupture,  and  then  they  can  judge  of  his  char- 
acter.1 

wrath  he  sent  a  challenge  to  Napoleon.  The  latter  replied,  that  he  had  too  many 
weighty  affairs  on  his  hands  to  trouble  himself  in  so  trifling  a  matter.  Had  it,  In- 
deed, been  the  great  Marl  borough,  it  might  have  been  worthy  his  attention.  Still, 
if  the  English  sailor  was  absolutely  bent  upon  fighting,  he  would  send  him  a  bravo 
from  the  army,  and  allow  them  a  small  portion  of  neutral  ground,  where  the  mad 
Commodore  might  land,  and  satisfy  his  humour  to  the  full. — Editor  c/1836  Edition. 

1  Napoleon,  when  at  St.  Helena,  in  speaking  of  the  siege  of  Acre,  said,  "Sidney 
Smith  is  a  brave  officer.  He  displayed  considerable  ability  in  the  treaty  for  the 
evacuation  of  Egypt  by  the  French.  He  took  advantage  of  the  discontent  which 
ne  found  to  prevail  amongst  the  French  troops  at  being  so  long  away  from  France, 
and  other  circumstances.  He  manifested  great  honour  in  sending  immediately  to 
Kleber  the  refusal  of  Lord  Keith  to  ratify  the  treaty,  which  saved  the  French 
army ;  if  he  had  kept  it  a  secret  seven  or  eight  days  longer,  Cairo  would  have  been 
given  up  to  the  Turks,  and  the  French  army  necessarily  obliged  to  surrender  to  the 
English.  He  also  showed  great  humanity  and  honour  in  all  his  proceedings  towards 
the  French  who  fell  into  his  hands.  He  landed  at  Havre,  for  some  sottise  of  a  bet 
he  had  made,  according  to  some,  to  go  to  the  theatre  ;  others  said  it  was  for  espion- 
age ;  however  th  it  may  be,  he  was  arrested  and  confined  in  the  Temple  as  n  spy ; 
and  at  one  time  it  was  intended  to  try  and  execute  him.  Shortly  after  I  returned 
from  Italy  he  wrote  to  me  from  his  prison,  to  request  that  I  would  intercede  for 
him;  but,  under  the  circumstances  in  which  he  was  taken,  I  could  do  nothing  for 
him.  He  is  active,  intelligent,  intriguing,  and  indefatigable ;  but  I  believe  that  ha 
is  mei&o  pazo. 

"The  chief  cause  of  the  failure  at  Acre  was,  that  he  took  all  my  battering  train, 
which  was  on  board  of  several  small  vessels.  Had  it  not  been  for  that.  I  would 
have  taken  Acre  in  spite  of  him.  He  behaved  very  bravely,  and  was  well  seconded 
by  Phillipeaux,  a  Frenchman  of  talent,  who  had  studied  with  me  as  an  engineer. 
There  was  a  Major  Douglas  also,  who  behaved  very  gallantly.  The  acquisition  of 
five  or  six  hundred  seamen  as  gunners  was  a  great  advantage  to  the  Turks,  whose 
spirits  they  revived,  and  whom  they  showed  how  to  defend  the  fortress.  But  he 
committed  a  great  fault  in  making  sorties,  which  cost  the  lives  of  two  or  three  hun- 
dred brave  fellows  without  the  possibility  of  success.  For  it  was  impossible  hs 


202         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799 

All  our  manoeuvres,  our  works,  and  attacks  were  made 
with  that  levity  and  carelessness  which  over-confidence 
inspires.  Kleber,  whilst  walking  with  me  one  day  in  the 
lines  of  our  camp,  frequently  expressed  his  surprise  and 
discontent.  "The  trenches,"  said  he,  "do  not  come  up 
to  my  knees."  Besieging  artillery  was,  of  necessity,  re- 
quired :  we  commenced  with  field  artillery.  This  encour- 
aged the  besieged,  who  perceived  the  weakness  of  our  re- 
sources. The  besieging  artillery,  consisting  only  of  three 
twenty-four  pounders  and  six  eighteen  pounders,  was  not 
brought  up  until  the  end  of  April,  and  before  that  period 
three  assaults  had  taken  place  with  very  serious  loss.  On 
the  4th  of  May  our  powder  began  to  fail  us.  This  cruel 
event  obliged  us  to  slacken  our  fire.  We  also  wanted 
shot ;  and  an  order  of  the  day  fixed  a  price  to  be  given 
for  all  balls,  according  to  their  calibre,  which  might  be 
picked  up  after  being  fired  from  the  fortress  or  the  two 
ships  of  the  line,  the  Tiger  and  Theseus,  which  were  sta- 
tioned on  each  side  of  the  harbour.  These  two  vessels 
embarrassed  the  communication  between  the  camp  and 
the  trenches ;  but  though  they  made  much  noise,  they 
did  little  harm.  A  ball  from  one  of  them  killed  an  officer 
on  the  evening  the  siege  was  raised. 

The  enemy  had  within  the  walls  some  excellent  rifle- 
men, chiefly  Albanians.  They  placed  stones,  one  over  the 
other,  on  the  walls,  put  their  firearms  through  the  inter- 
stices, and  thus,  completely  sheltered,  fired  with  destructive 
precision. 

On  the  9th  of  April  General  Caffarelli,  so  well  known  for 

could  succeed  against  the  number  of  the  French  who  were  before  Acre.  I  would 
lay  a  wager  that  he  lost  half  of  bis  crew  in  them.  He  dispersed  proclamations 
amongst  my  troops,  which  certainly  shook  some  of  them,  and  I  in  consequence  pub- 
lished an  order,  stating  that  he  was  mad,  and  forbidding  all  communication  with 
him.  Some  days  after  he  sent,  by  means  of  a  flag  of  truce,  a  lieutenant  or  a  mid- 
shipman with  a  letter  containing  a  challenge  to  me  to  meet  him  at  some  place  he 
pointed  out  in  order  to  fight  a  duel.  I  laughed  at  this,  and  sent  him  back  an  in- 
timation that  when  he  brought  Marlborough  to  fight  me  I  would  meet  him.  Not- 
withstanding this,  I  like  the  character  of  the  man  "  ( Voice  from  St.  Helena,  vol.  i. 
p.  208). 


1799.         DEATH  OF  GENERAL   CAFFARELLL  208 

his  courage  and  talents,  was  passing  through  the  trench, 
his  hand  resting  as  he  stooped  on  his  hip,  to  preserve  the 
equilibrium  which  his  wooden  leg  impaired ;  his  elbow 
only  was  raised  above  the  trench.  He  was  warned  that 
the  enemy's  shot,  fired  close  upon  us,  did  not  miss  the 
smallest  object.  He  paid  no  attention  to  any  observation 
of  this  kind,  and  in  a  few  instants  his  elbow-joint  was 
fractured.  Amputation  of  the  arm  was  judged  indispens- 
able. The  General  survived  the  operation  eighteen  days. 
Bonaparte  went  regularly  twice  a  day  to  his  tent.  By  his 
order,  added  to  my  friendship  for  Caffarelli,  I  scarcely  ever 
quitted  him.  Shortly  before  he  expired  he  said  to  me, 
"My  dear  Bourrienne,  be  so  good  as  to  read  to  me 
Voltaire's  preface  to  the  Esprit  des  Lois."  When  I  returned 
to  the  tent  of  the  General-in-Chief  he  asked,  "How  is 
Caffarelli  ?  "  I  replied,  "  He  is  near  his  end  ;  but  he  asked 
me  to  read  him  Voltaire's  preface  to  the  Esprit  des  Lois. 
He  has  just  fallen  asleep."  Bonaparte  said,  "Bah!  to 
wish  to  hear  that  preface  ?  how  singular !  "  He  went 
to  see  Caffarelli,  but  he  was  still  asleep.  I  returned 
to  him  that  evening,  and  received  his  last  breath.  He 
died  with  the  utmost  composure.  His  death  was  equally 
regretted  by  the  soldiers  and  the  men  of  science  who  ac- 
companied us.  It  was  a  just  regret,  fully  due  to  that  dis- 
tinguished man,  in  whom  very  extensive  information  was 
united  with  great  courage  and  an  amiable  disposition. 

On  the  10th  of  May,  when  an  assault  took  place,  Bona- 
parte proceeded  at  an  early  hour  to  the  trenches.1  Croisier, 
who  was  mentioned  on  our  arrival  at  Damanhour,  and  on 
the  capture  of  Jaffa,  had  in  vain  courted  death  since  the 
commencement  of  the  siege.  Life  had  become  insup- 
portable to  him  since  the 'unfortunate  affair  at  Jaffa.  He 
as  usual  accompanied  his  General  to  the  trenches.  Be- 
lieving that  the  termination  of  the  siege,  which  was 

1  Sir  Sidney  Smith,  in  his  official  report  of  the  assault  of  the  8th  of  May,  says  that 
Napoleon  was  distinctly  seen  directing  the  operation. 


204         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

supposed  to  be  near,  would  postpone  indefinitely  the  death 
which  he  sought,  he  mounted  a  battery.  In  this  situation 
his  tall  figure  uselessly  provoked  all  the  enemy's  shots. 
"  Croisier,  come  down,  I  command  you  ;  you  have  no 
business  there,"  cried  Bonaparte,  in  a  loud  and  imperative 
tone.  Croisier  remained  without  making  any  reply.  A 
moment  after  a  ball  passed  through  his  right  leg.  Ampu- 
tation was  not  considered  indispensable.  On  the  day  of 
our  departure  he  was  placed  on  a  litter,  which  was  borne 
by  sixteen  men  alternately,  eight  at  a  time.  I  received 
his  last  farewell  between  Gaza  and  El-Arish,  where  he  died 
of  tetanus.  His  modest  tomb  will  not  be  often  visited. 

The  siege  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre  lasted  sixty  days.  During 
that  time  eight  assaults  and  twelve  sorties  took  place.  In 
the  assault  of  the  8th  of  May  more  than  200  men  penetrated 
into  the  town.  Victory  was  already  shouted  ;  but  the 
breach  having  been  taken  in  reverse  by  the  Turks,  it  was 
not  approached  without  some  degree  of  hesitation,  and  the 
200  men  who  had  entered  were  not  supported.  The 
streets  were  barricaded.  The  cries,  the  howlings  of  the 
women,  who  ran  through  the  streets  throwing,  according 
to  the  custom  of  the  country,  dust  in  the  air,  excited  the 
male  inhabitants  to  a  desperate  resistance,  which  rendered 
unavailing  this  short  occupation  of  the  town  by  a  handful 
of  men,  who,  finding  themselves  left  without  assistance, 
retreated  towards  the  breach.  Many  who  could  not  reach 
it  perished  in  the  town. 

During  this  assault  Duroc,  who  was  in  the  trench,  was 
wounded  in  the  right  thigh  by  the  splinter  from  a  shell 
fired  against  the  fortifications.  Fortunately  this  accident 
only  carried  away  the  flesh  from  the  bone,  which  remained 
untouched.  He  had  a  tent  in  common  with  several  other 
aides  de  camp ;  but  for  his  better  accommodation  I  gave 
him  mine,  and  I  scarcely  ever  quitted  him.  Entering  his 
tent  one  day  about  noon,  I  found  him  in  a  profound  sleep. 
The  excessive  heat  had  compelled  him  to  throw  off  all 


1799.  APPEARANCE  OF  A  MAHDI.  205 

covering,  and  part  of  his  wound  was  exposed.  I  perceived 
a  scorpion  which  had  crawled  up  the  leg  of  the  camp-bed 
and  approached  very  near  to  the  wound.  I  was  just  in 
time  to  hurl  it  to  the  ground.  The  sudden  motion  of  my 
hand  awoke  Duroc. 

We  often  bathed  in  the  sea.  Sometimes  the  English, 
perhaps  after  taking  a  double  allowance  of  grog,  would 
fire  at  our  heads,  which  appeared  above  water.  I  am  not 
aware  that  any  accident  was  occasioned  by  their  cannon- 
ade ;  but  as  we  were  beyond  reach  of  their  guns,  we 
paid  scarcely  any  attention  to  the  firing.  It  was  even  a 
subject  of  amusement  to  us. 

Had  our  attack  on  St.  Jean  d'Acre  been  less  precipitate, 
and  had  the  siege  been  undertaken  according  to  the  rules 
of  war,  the  place  would  not  have  held  out  three  days  ;  one 
assault,  like  that  of  the  8th  of  May,  would  have  been  suffi- 
cient.  If,  in  the  situation  in  which  we  were  on  the  day 
when  we  first  came  in  sight  of  the  ramparts  of  Acre,  we 
had  made  a  less  inconsiderate  estimate  of  the  strength  of 
the  place  ;  if  we  had  likewise  taken  into  consideration  the 
active  co-operation  of  the  English  and  the  Ottoman  Porte, 
our  absolute  want  of  artillery  of  sufficient  calibre,  our 
scarcity  of  gunpowder  and  the  difficulty  of  procuring  food, 
we  certainly  should  not  have  undertaken  the  siege ;  and 
that  would  have  been  by  far  the  wisest  course. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  siege  the  General-in-Chief 
received  intelligence  of  some  trifling  insurrections  in 
northern  Egypt.  An  angel  had  excited  them,  and  the 
heavenly  messenger,  who  had  condescended  to  assume  a 
name,  was  called  the  Mahdi,  or  El  Mohdy.  This  religious 
extravagance,  however,  did  not  last  long,  and  tranquillity 
was  soon  restored.  All  that  the  fanatic  Mahdi,  who 
shrouded  himself  in  mystery,  succeeded  in  doing  was  to 
attack  our  rear  by  some  vagabonds,  whose  illusions  were 
dissipated  by  a  few  musket- shots. 


30f>  179ft 


CHAPTER   XIX. 
1799. 

The  siege  of  Acre  raised — Attention  to  names  in  bulletins — Gigantic  pro- 
ject— The  Druses — Mount  Carmel — The  wounded  and  infected — 
Order  to  march  on  foot — Loss  of  our  cannon — A  Nablousian  fires  at 
Bonaparte — Return  to  Jaffa — Bonaparte  visits  the  plague  hospital — 
A  potion  given  to  the  sick — Bonaparte's  statement  at  St.  Helena. 

THE  siege  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre  was  raised  on  the  20th  of 
May.  It  cost  us  a  loss  of  nearly  3000  men,  in  killed, 
deaths  by  the  plague,  or  wounds.  A  great  number  were 
wounded  mortally.  In  those  veracious  documents,  the 
bulletins,  the  French  loss  was  made  500  killed,  and  1000 
wounded,  and  the  enemy's  more  than  15,000.' 

Our  bulletins  may  form  curious  materials  for  history  ; 
but  their  value  certainly  will  not  depend  on  the  credit 
due  to  their  details.  Bonaparte  attached  the  greatest 
importance  to  those  documents,  generally  drawing  them 
up  himself,  or  correcting  them,  when  written  by  another 
hand,  if  the  composition  did  not  please  him. 

It  must  be  confessed  that  at  that  time  nothing  so  much 
flattered  self-love  as  being  mentioned  in  a  bulletin.  Bona- 
parte was  well  aware  of  this  ;  he  knew  that  to  insert  a 
name  in  a  bulletin  was  conferring  a  great  honour,  and 
that  its  exclusion  was  a  severe  disappointment.  General 
Berthier,  to  whom  I  had  expressed  a  strong  desire  to  ex- 
amine the  works  of  the  siege,  took  me  over  them  ;  but, 
notwithstanding  his  promise  of  secrecy,  he  mentioned  the 
circumstance  to  the  General-in-Chief,  who  had  desired  me 

1  M.  Aure,  the  ordonnateur-en-chef  of  the  army,  computes  the  whole  number  ol 
deaths  during  the  Syrian  campaign  at  2000  (Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  75> 


1799.  MISTAKEN  CALCULATIONS.  207 

not  to  approach  the  works.  "  What  did  you  go  there 
for?"  said  Bonaparte  to  me,  with  some  severity;  "that 
is  not  your  place."  I  replied  that  Berthier  told  me  that 
no  assault  would  take  place  that  day  ;  and  he  believed 
there  would  be  no  sortie,  as  the  garrison  had  made  one 
the  preceding  evening.  "What  matters  that?  There 
might  have  been  another.  Those  who  have  nothing  to  do 
in  such  places  are  always  the  first  victims.  *  Let  every 
man  mind  his  own  business.  Wounded  or  killed,  I  would 
not  even  have  noticed  you  in  the  bulletin.  You  would 
have  been  laughed  at,  and  that  justly." 

Bonaparte,  not  having  at  this  time  experienced  reverses, 
having  continually  proceeded  from  triumph  to  triumph, 
confidently  anticipated  the  taking  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre.  In 
his  letters  to  the  generals  in  Egypt  he  fixed  the  25th  of 
April  for  the  accomplishment  of  that  event.  He  reckoned 
that  the  grand  assault  against  the  tower  could  not  be  made 
before  that  day  ;  it  took  place,  however,  twenty-four  hours 
sooner.  He  wrote  to  Desaix  on  the  19th  of  April,  "  I 
count  on  being  master  of  Acre  in  six  days."  On  the  2d  of 
May  he  told  Junot,  "  Our  18  and  24  pounders  have  arrived. 
We  hope  to  enter  Acre  in  a  few  days.  The  fire  of  their 
artillery  is  completely  extinguished."  Letters  have  been 
printed,  dated  30th  Floreal a  (19th  May),  in  which  he  an- 
nounces to  Dugua  and  to  Poussielgue  that  they  can  rely 
on  his  being  in  Acre  on  6th  Floreal  (25th  April).  Some 
mistake  has  evidently  been  made.  "  The  slightest  cir- 
cumstances produce  the  greatest  events,"  said  Napoleon, 
according  to  the  Memorial  of  St.  Helena;  "had  St.  Jean 
d'Acre  fallen,  I  should  have  changed  the  face  of  the  world." 
And  again,  "  The  fate  of  the  East  lay  in  that  small  town." 

1  It  may  be  noted  that  this  has  always  been  a  common  belief  among  soldiers,  an 
idea  supported  by  the  frequent  wounds  and  death  of  persons  voluntarily  engaged  in 
operations. 

*  If  in  these  latter  letters  for  30th  Flor&al  we  read  30th  Germinal  (19th  April),  the 
letters  to  Caff arelli,  Dugua,  and  to  Poussielgne  will  agree  in  their  dates  with  thoso 
to  Desaix. 


208         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

This  idea  is  not  one  which  he  first  began  to  entertain  at 
St.  Helena ;  he  often  repeated  the  very  same  words  at  St. 
Jean  d'Acre.  On  the  shore  of  Ptolemais  gigantic  projects 
agitated  him,  as,  doubtless,  regret  for  not  having  carried 
them  into  execution  tormented  him  at  St.  Helena. 

Almost  every  evening  Bonaparte  and  myself  used  to 
walk  together,  at  a  little  distance  from  the  sea-shore.  The 
day  after  the  unfortunate  assault  of  the  8th  of  May  Bona- 
parte, afflicted  at  seeing  the  blood  of  so  many  brave  men 
uselessly  shed,  said  to  me,  "Bourrienne,  I  see  that  this 
wretched  place  has  cost  me  a  number  of  men,  and  wasted 
much  time.  But  things  are  too  far  advanced  not  to  attempt 
a  last  effort  If  I  succeed,  as  I  expect,  I  shall  find  in  the 
town  the  pasha's  treasures,  and  arms  for  300,000  men. 
I  will  stir  up  and  arm  the  people  of  Syria,  who  are  dis- 
gusted at  the  ferocity  of  Djezzar,  and  who,  as  you  know, 
pray  for  his  destruction  at  every  assault.  I  shall  then 
march  upon  Damascus  and  Aleppo.  On  advancing  into 
the  country,  the  discontented  will  flock  round  my  stand- 
ard, and  swell  my  army.  I  will  announce  to  the  people 
the  abolition  of  servitude  and  of  the  tyrannical  governments 
of  the  pashas.  I  shall  arrive  at  Constantinople  with  large 
masses  of  soldiery.  I  shall  overturn  the  Turkish  empire, 
and  found  in  the  East  a  new  and  grand  empire,  which 
will  fix  my  place  in  the  records  of  posterity.  Perhaps  I 
shall  return  to  Paris  by  Adrianople,  or  by  Vienna,  after 
having  annihilated  the  house  of  Austria."  After  I  had 
made  some  observations  which  these  grand  projects  natu- 
rally suggested,  he  replied,  "What!  do  you  not  see  that 
the  Druses  only  wait  for  the  fall  of  Acre  to  rise  in  re- 
bellion? Have  not  the  keys  of  Damascus  already  been 
offered  me?  I  only  stay  till  these  walls  fall  because  until 
then  I  can  derive  no  advantage  from  this  large  town.  By 
the  operation  which  I  meditate  I  cut  off  all  kind  of  succour 
from  the  beys,  and  secure  the  conquest  of  Egypt.  I  will 
have  Desaix  nominated  commander-in-chief ;  but  if  I  do 


1799.  PROCLAMATIONS  OF  BONAPARTE.  209 

not  succeed  in  the  last  assault  I  am  about  to  attempt,  I 
set  off  directly.  Time  presses.  I  shall  not  be  at  Cairo 
before  the  middle  of  June.  The  winds  will  then  be 
favourable  for  ships  bound  to  Egypt  from  the  north. 
Constantinople  will  send  troops  to  Alexandria  and  Ro- 
setta.  I  must  be  there.  As  for  the  army  which  will 
arrive  afterwards  by  land,  I  do  not  fear  it  this  year.  I 
will  cause  everything  to  be  destroyed,  all  the  way  to  the 
entrance  of  the  desert.  I  will  render  the  passage  of  an 
army  impossible  for  two  years.  Troops  cannot  exist 
amidst  ruins." 

As  soon  as  I  returned  to  my  tent  I  committed  to  paper 
this  conversation,  which  was  then  quite  fresh  in  my  mem- 
ory ;  and  I  may  venture  to  say  that  every  word  I  put  down 
is  correct.  I  may  add,  that  during  the  siege  our  camp  was 
constantly  filled  with  the  inhabitants,  who  invoked  Heaven 
to  favour  our  arms,  and  prayed  fervently  at  every  assault 
for  our  success,  many  of  them  on  their  knees,  with  their 
faces  to  the  city.  The  people  of  Damascus,  too,  had 
offered  the  keys  to  Bonaparte.  Thus  everything  contrib- 
uted to  make  him  confident  in  his  favourite  plan. 

The  troops  left  St.  Jean  d'Acre  on  the  20th  of  May,  tak- 
ing advantage  of  the  night  to  avoid  a  sortie  from  the  be- 
sieged, and  to  conceal  the  retreat  of  the  army,  which  had 
to  march  three  leagues  along  the  shore,  exposed  to  the  fire 
of  the  English  vessels  lying  in  the  roads  of  Mount  Carmel. 
The  removal  of  the  wounded  and  sick  commenced  on  the 
18th  and  19th  of  May. 

Bonaparte  then  made  a  proclamation,  which  from  one 
end  to  the  other  offends  against  truth.  It  has  been  pub- 
lished in  many  works.  The  season  of  the  year  for  hostile 
landing  is  there  very  dexterously  placed  in  the  foreground  ; 
all  the  rest  is  a  deceitful  exaggeration.  It  must  be  ob- 
served that  the  proclamations  which  Bonaparte  regarded 
as  calculated  to  dazzle  an  ever  too  credulous  public  were 
amplifications  often  ridiculous  and  incomprehensible  upon 
VOL.  L— 14 


210         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

the  spot,  and  which  only  excited  the  laughter  of  men  of 
common  sense.  In  all  Bonaparte's  correspondence  there 
is  an  endeavour  to  disguise  his  reverses,  and  impose  on  the 
public,  and  even  on  his  own  generals.  For  example,  he 
wrote  to  General  Dugua,  commandant  of  Cairo,  on  the 
15th  of  February,  "  I  will  bring  you  plenty  of  prisoners 
and  flags  !  "  One  would  almost  be  inclined  to  say  that  he 
had  resolved,  during  his  stay  in  the  East,  thus  to  pay  a 
tribute  to  the  country  of  fables. l 

Thus  terminated  this  disastrous  expedition.  I  have  read 
somewhere  that  during  this  immortal  campaign  the  two 
heroes  Murat  and  Mourad  had  often  been  in  face  of  one 
another.  There  is  only  a  little  difficulty;  Mourad  Bey 
never  put  his  foot  in  Syria. 

We  proceeded  along  the  coast,  and  passed  Mount  Car- 
mel.  Some  of  the  wounded  were  carried  on  litters,  the  re- 
mainder on  horses,  mules,  and  camels.  At  a  short  distance 
from  Mount  Carmel  we  were  informed  that  three  soldiers, 
ill  of  the  plague,  who  were  left  in  a  convent  (which  served 
for  a  hospital),  and  abandoned  too  confidently  to  the  gen- 
erosity of  the  Turks,  had  been  barbarously  put  to  death. 

A  most  intolerable  thirst,  the  total  want  of  water,  an 
excessive  heat,  and  a  fatiguing  march  over  burning  sand- 
hills, quite  disheartened  the  men,  and  made  every  generous 
sentiment  give  way  to  feelings  of  the  grossest  selfishness 
and  most  shocking  indifference.  I  saw  officers,  with  their 
limbs  amputated,  thrown  off  the  litters,  whose  removal  in 
that  way  had  been  ordered,  and  who  had  themselves  given 
money  to  recompense  the  bearers.  I  saw  the  amputated, 
the  wounded,  the  infected,  or  those  only  suspected  of  in- 
fection, deserted  and  left  to  themselves.  The  march  was 

1  .The  prisoners  and  flags  were  sent  The  Turkish  flags  were  entrusted  by  Berthier 
to  the  Adjutant-Commandant  Boycr,  who  conducted  a  convoy  of  sick  and  wounded 
to  Egypt.  Sidney  Smith  acknowledges  the  loss  of  some  flags  by  the  Turks.  The 
Turkish  prisoners  were  used  as  carriers  of  the  litters  for  the  wounded,  and  were,  for 
the  most  part,  brought  into  Egypt  (Erreurs,  tome  i.  pp.  47  and  160).  See  also  La*- 
Jrey  (tome  i.  p.  403)  as  to  prisoners  and  flags. 


1799.  THE   WOUNDED  AND  INFECTED.  211 

illumined  by  torches,  lighted  for  the  purpose  of  setting 
fire  to  the  little  towns,  villages,  and  hamlets  which  lay  in 
the  route,  and  the  rich  crops  with  which  the  land  was  then 
covered.  The  whole  country  was  in  a  blaze.  Those  who 
were  ordered  to  preside  at  this  work  of  destruction  seemed 
eager  to  spread  desolation  on  every  side,  as  if  they  could 
thereby  avenge  themselves  for  their  reverses,  and  find  in 
such  dreadful  havoc  an  alleviation  of  their  sufferings.  We 
were  constantly  surrounded  by  plunderers,  incendiaries, 
and  the  dying,  who,  stretched  on  the  sides  of  the  road, 
implored  assistance  in  a  feeble  voice,  saying,  "  I  am  not 
infected — I  am  only  wounded;"  and  to  convince  those 
whom  they  addressed,  they  reopened  their  old  wounds,  or 
inflicted  on  themselves  fresh  ones.  Still  nobody  attended 
to  them.  "It  is  all  over  with  him,"  was  the  observation 
applied  to  the  unfortunate  beings  in  succession,  while 
every  one  pressed  onward.  The  sun,  which  shone  in  an 
unclouded  sky  in  all  its  brightness,  was  often  darkened  by 
our  conflagrations.  On  our  right  lay  the  sea ;  on  our  left, 
and  behind  us,  the  desert  made  by  ourselves  ;  before  were 
the  privations  and  sufferings  which  awaited  us.  Such  was 
our  true  situation. 

We  reached  Tentoura  on  the  20th  of  May,  when  a  most 
oppressive  heat  prevailed,  and  produced  general  dejection. 
We  had  nothing  to  sleep  on  but  the  parched  and  burning 
sand ;  on  our  right  lay  a  hostile  sea ;  our  losses  in 
wounded  and  sick  were  already  considerable  since  leaving 
Acre  ;  and  there  was  nothing  consolatory  in  the  future.  The 
truly  afflicting  condition  in  which  the  remains  of  an  army 
called  triumphant  were  plunged,  produced,  as  might  well 
be  expected,  a  corresponding  impression  on  the  mind  of 
the  General-in-Chief.  Scarcely  had  he  arrived  at  Ten- 
toura when  he  ordered  his  tent  to  be  pitched.  He  then 
called  me,  and  with  a  mind  occupied  by  the  calamities  of 
our  situation,  dictated  an  order  that  every  one  should 
march  on  foot ;  and  that  all  the  horses,  mules,  and  camels 


212         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

should  be  given  up  to  the  wounded,  the  sick,  and  infected 
who  had  been  removed,  and  who  still  showed  signs  of  life. 
"  Carry  that  to  Berthier,"  said  he  ;  and  the  order  was  in- 
stantly despatched.  Scarcely  had  I  returned  to  the  tent 
when  the  elder  Vigogne,  the  General-in-Chief's  groom, 
entered,  and  raising  his  hand  to  his  cap,  said,  "  General, 
what  horse  do  you  reserve  for  yourself  ?  "  In  the  state 
of  excitement  in  which  Bonaparte  was  this  question  irri- 
tated him  so  violently  that,  raising  his  whip,  he  gave  the 
man  a  severe  blow  on  the  head,  saying  in  a  terrible  voice, 
"  Every  one  must  go  on  foot,  you  rascal — I  the  first !  Do 
you  not  know  the  order  ?  Be  off !  " 

Every  one  in  parting  with  his  horse  was  now  anxious 
to  avoid  giving  it  to  any  unfortunate  individual  supposed 
to  be  suffering  from  plague.  Much  pains  were  taken  to 
ascertain  the  nature  of  the  diseases  of  the  sick  ;  and  no  diffi- 
culty was  made  in  accommodating  the  wounded  or  ampu- 
tated. For  my  part  I  had  an  excellent  horse,  a  mule,  and 
two  camels,  all  which  I  gave  up  with  the  greatest  pleas- 
ure ;  but  I  confess  that  I  directed  my  servant  to  do  all  he 
could  to  prevent  an  infected  person  from  getting  my 
horse.  It  was  returned  to  me  in  a  very  short  time.  The 
same  thing  happened  to  many  others.  The  cause  may  be 
easily  conjectured. 

The  remains  of  our  heavy  artillery  were  lost  in  the  mov- 
ing sands  of  Tentoura,  from  the  want  of  horses,  the  small 
number  that  remained  being  employed  in  more  indispen- 
sable services.  The  soldiers  seemed  to  forget  their  own 
sufferings,  plunged  in  grief  at  the  loss  of  their  bronze 
guns,  often  the  instruments  of  their  triumphs,  ajnd  which 
had  made  Europe  tremble. 

We  halted  at  Caesarea  on  the  22d  of  May,  and  we 
marched  all  the  following  night.  Towards  daybreak  a 
man,  concealed  in  a  bush  upon  the  left  of  the  road  (the 
sea  was  two  paces  from  us  on  the  right),  fired  a  musket 
almost  close  to  the  head  of  the  General-in-Chief,  who  was 


1799.     A  NADLOUSIAN  FIRES  AT  BONAPARTE.         213 

sleeping  on  his  horse.  I  was  beside  him.  The  wood  be- 
ing searched,  the  Nablousian  was  taken  without  difficulty, 
and  ordered  to  be  shot  on  the  spot.  Four  guides  pushed 
him  towards  the  sea  by  thrusting  their  carbines  against 
his  back  ;  when  close  to  the  water's  edge  they  drew  the 
triggers,  but  all  the  four  muskets  hung  fire  :  a  circum- 
stance which  was  accounted  for  by  the  great  humidity  of 
the  night.  The  Nablousian  threw  himself  into  the  water, 
and,  swimming  with  great  agility  and  rapidity,  gained  a 
ridge  of  rocks  so  far  off  that  not  a  shot  from  the  whole 
troop,  which  fired  as  it  passed,  reached  him.  Bonaparte, 
who  continued  his  march,  desired  me  to  wait  for  K16- 
ber,  whose  division  formed  the  rear-guard,  and  to  tell 
him  not  to  forget  the  Nablousian.  He  was,  I  believe,  shot 
at  last. 

We  returned  to  Jaffa  on  the  24th  of  May,  and  stopped 
there  during  the  25th,  26th,  27th,  and  28th.  This  town 
had  lately  been  the  scene  of  a  horrible  transaction,  dic- 
tated by  necessity,  and  it  was  again  destined  to  witness 
the  exercise  of  the  same  dire  law.  Here  I  have  a  painful 
duty  to  perform — I  will  perform  it.  I  will  state  what  I 
know,  what  I  saw. 

I  have  seen  the  following  passage  in  a  certain  work  : — 
"Bonaparte,  having  arrived  at  Jaffa,  ordered  three  re- 
movals of  the  infected  :  one  by  sea  to  Damietta,  and 
also  by  land  ;  the  second  to  Gaza ;  and  the  third  to  El- 
Arish  !  "  So  many  words,  so  many  errors ! 

Some  tents  were  pitched  on  an  eminence  near  the  gar- 
dens east  of  Jaffa.  Orders  were  given  directly  to  under- 
mine the  fortifications  and  blow  them  up  ;  and  on  the  27th 
of  May,  upon  the  signal  being  given,  the  town  was  in  a 
moment  laid  bare.  An  hour  afterwards  the  General-in- 
Chief  left  his  tent  and  repaired  to  the  town,  accompanied 
by  Berthier,  some  physicians  and  surgeons,  and  his  usual 
staff.  I  was  also  one  of  the  party.  A  long  and  sad  de- 
liberation took  place  on  the  question  which  now  arose 


214         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

relative  to  the  men  who  were  incurably  ill  of  the  plague, 
or  who  were  at  the  point  of  death.  After  a  discussion  of 
the  most  serious  and  conscientious  kind  it  was  decided  to 
accelerate  a  few  moments,  by  a  potion,  a  death  which  was 
inevitable,  and  which  would  otherwise  be  painful  and 
cruel. 

Bonaparte  took  a  rapid  view  of  the  destroyed  ramparts 
of  the  town  and  returned  to  the  hospital,  where  there  were 
men  whose  limbs  had  been  amputated,  many  wounded, 
many  afflicted  with  ophthalmia,  whose  lamentations  were 
distressing,  and  some  infected  with  the  plague.  The  beds 
of  the  last  description  of  patients  were  to  the  right  on 
entering  the  first  ward.  I  walked  by  the  General's  side, 
and  I  assert  that  I  never  saw  him  touch  any  one  of  the 
infected.  And  why  should  he  have  done  so?  They  were 
in  the  last  stage  of  the  disease.  Not  one  of  them  spoke  a 
word  to  him,  and  Bonaparte  well  knew  that  he  possessed 
no  protection  against  the  plague.  Is  Fortune  to  be  again 
brought  forward  here?  She  had,  in  truth,  little  favoured 
him  during  the  last  few  months,  when  he  had  trusted  to 
her  favours.  I  ask,  why  should  he  have  exposed  himself  to 
certain  death,  and  have  left  his  army  in  the  midst  of  a 
desert  created  by  our  ravages,  in  a  desolate  town,  without 
succour,  and  without  the  hope  of  ever  receiving  any  ? 
Would  he  have  acted  rightly  in  doing  so — he  who  was 
evidently  so  necessary,  so  indispensable  to  his  army ;  he 
on  whom  depended  at  that  moment  the  lives  of  all  who 
had  survived  the  last  disaster,  and  who  had  proved  their 
attachment  to  him  by  their  sufferings,  their  privations, 
and  their  unshaken  courage,  and  who  had  done  all  that 
he  could  have  required  of  men,  and  whose  only  trust  was 
in  him? 

Bonaparte  walked  quickly  through  the  rooms,  tapping 
the  yellow  top  of  his  boot  with  a  whip  he  held  in  his 
hand.  As  he  passed  along  with  hasty  steps  he  repeated 
these  words:  "  The  fortifications  are  destroyed.  Fortune 


1799.     VISIT  OF  BONAPARTE  TO  THE  HOSPITAL.     215 

was  against  me  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre.  I  must  return  to 
Egypt  to  preserve  it  from  the  enemy,  who  will  soon  be 
there.  In  a  few  hours  the  Turks  will  be  here.  Let  all 
those  who  have  strength  enough  rise  and  come  along  with 
us.  They  shall  be  carried  on  litters  and  horses."  There 
were  scarcely  sixty  cases  of  plague  in  the  hospital ;  and 
all  accounts  stating  a  greater  number  are  exaggerated. 
The  perfect  silence,  complete  dejection,  and  general 
stupor  of  the  patients  announced  their  approaching  end. 
To  carry  them  away  in  the  state  in  which  they  were  would 
evidently  have  been  doing  nothing  else  than  inoculating 
the  rest  of  the  army  with  the  plague.  I  have,  it  is  true, 
learned,  since  my  return  to  Europe,  that  some  persons 
touched  the  infected  with  impunity  ;  nay,  that  others  went 
so  far  as  to  inoculate  themselves  with  the  plague  in  order 
to  learn  how  to  cure  those  whom  it  might  attack.  It  cer- 
tainly was  a  special  protection  from  Heaven  to  be  pre- 
served from  it ;  but,  to  cover  in  some  degree  the  absurdity 
of  such  a  story,  it  is  added  that  they  knew  how  to  elude 
the  danger,  and  that  any  one  else  who  braved  it  without 
using  precautions  met  with  death  for  their  temerity. 
This  is,  in  fact,  the  whole  point  of  the  question.  Either 
those  privileged  persons  took  indispensable  precautions, 
and  in  that  case  their  boasted  heroism  is  a  mere  juggler's 
trick  ;  or  they  touched  the  infected  without  using  precau- 
tions, and  inoculated  themselves  with  the  plague,. thus 
voluntarily  encountering  death,  and  then  the  story  is  really 
a  good  one. 

The  infected  were  confided,  it  has  been  stated,  to  the 
head  apothecary  of  the  army,  Boyer,  who,  dying  in  Egypt 
three  years  after,  carried  the  secret  with  him  to  the  grave. 
But  on  a  moment's  reflection  it  will  be  evident  that  the 
leaving  of  Royer  alone  in  Jaffa  would  have  been  to  devote 
to  certain  death,  and  that  a  prompt  and  cruel  one,  a  man 
who  was  extremely  useful  to  the  army,  and  who  was 
at  the  time  in  perfect  health.  It  must  be  remembered 


216         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

that  no  guard  could  be  left  with  him,  and  that  the  Turks 
were  close  at  our  heels.  Bonaparte  truly  said,  while 
walking  through  the  rooms  of  the  hospital,  that  the  Turks 
would  be  at  Jaffa  in  a  few  hours.  With  this  conviction, 
would  he  have  left  the  head  apothecary  in  that  town  ? 

Recourse  has  been  had  to  suppositions  to  support  the 
contrary  belief  to  what  I  state.  For  example,  it  is  said 
that  the  infected  patients  were  embarked  in  ships  of  war. 
There  were  no  such  ships.  Where  had  they  disem- 
barked, who  had  received  them,  what  had  been  done  with 
them?  No  one  speaks  of  them.1  Others,  not  doubting 
that  the  infected  men  died  at  Jaffa,  say  that  the  rear- 
guard under  Kleber,  by  order  of  Bonaparte,  delayed  its 
departure  for  three  days,  and  only  began  its  march  when 
death  had  put  an  end  to  the  sufferings  of  these  unfortunate 
beings,  unshortened  by  any  sacrifice.  All  this  is  incorrect. 
No  rear-guard  was  left — it  could  not  be  done.  Pretence 
is  made  of  forgetting  that  the  ramparts  were  destroyed, 
that  the  town  was  as  open  and  as  defenceless  as  any  vil- 
lage, so  this  small  rear-guard  would  have  been  left  for 
certain  destruction.  The  dates  themselves  tell  against 
these  suppositions.  It  is  certain,  as  can  be  seen  by  the 
official  account,  that  we  arrived  at  Jaffa  on  24th  May,  and 
stayed  there  the  25th,  26th,  and  27th.  We  left  it  on  the 
28th.  Thus  the  rear-guard,  which,  according  to  these 
writers,  left  on  the  29th,  did  not  remain,  even  according 
to  their  own  hypothesis,  three  days  after  the  army  to  see 
the  sick  die.  In  reality  it  left  on  the  29th  of  May,  the 
day  after  we  did.  Here  are  the  very  words  of  the  Major- 
General  (Berthier)  in  his  official  account,  written  under 
the  eye  and  under  the  dictation  of  the  Commander- 
in-Chief : — 

i  Erreun  (tome  i.  pp.  36,  37,  87,  and  163,  etc.)  fully  proves  that  many  sick  were 
sent  by  sea  as  well  as  by  land,  and  gives  the  names  of  the  vessels  employed,  the  officers 
in  charge,  the  ports  of  landing,  etc.  Sir  Sidney  Smith  reports  that  he  captured,  but 
released  and  sent  to  Damietta,  some  if  not  all  those  sent  by  sea.  Bourrienne  himself 
seems  to  have  afterwards  practically  admitted  he  was  wrong  about  the  difficulty  of 
removing  the  sick  (Erreun,  tome  i.  p.  41). 


1799.     VISIT  OF  BONAPARTE  TO  THE  HOSPITAL.    217 


The  army  arrived  at  Jaffa  5th  Prairial  (24th  May),  and  remained 
there  the  6th,  7th,  and  8th  (25th-27th  May).  This  time  was  em- 
ployed in  punishing  the  village,  which  had  behaved  badly.  The 
fortifications  of  Jaffa  were  blown  up.  All  the  iron  guns  of  the 
place  were  thrown  into  the  sea.  The  wounded  were  removed  by 
sea  and  by  land.  There  were  only  a  few  ships,  and  to  give  time  to 
complete  the  evacuation  by  land,  the  departure  of  the  army  had  to 
be  deferred  until  the  9th  (28th  May).  K16ber's  division  formed 
the  rear-guard,  and  only  left  Jaffa  on  the  10th  (29th  May). 

The  official  report  of  what  passed  at  Jaffa  was  drawn 
up  by  Berthier,  under  the  eye  of  Bonaparte.  It  has  been 
published  ;  but  it  may  be  remarked  that  not  a  word  about 
the  infected,  not  a  word  of  the  visit  to  the  hospital,  or 
the  touching  of  the  plague-patients  with  impunity,  ia 
there  mentioned.  In  no  official  report  is  anything  said 
about  the  matter.  Why  this  silence  ?  Bonaparte  was  not 
the  man  to  conceal  a  fact  which  would  have  afforded  him 
so  excellent  and  so  allowable  a  text  for  talking  about  his 
fortune.  If  the  infected  were  removed,  why  not  mention 
it  ?  Why  be  silent  on  so  important  an  event  ?  But  it 
would  have  been  necessary  to  confess  that  being  obliged 
to  have  recourse  to  so  painful  a  measure  was  the  unavoid- 
able consequence  of  this  unfortunate  expedition.  Very 
disagreeable  details  must  have  been  entered  into  ;  and  it 
was  thought  more  advisable  to  be  silent  on  the  subject. 

But  what  did  Napoleon  himself  say  on  the  subject  at 
St.  Helena  ?  His  statement  there  was  to  the  following 
effect : — "  I  ordered  a  consultation  as  to  what  was  best  to 
be  done.  The  report  which  was  made  stated  that  there 
were  seven  or  eight  men  (the  question  is  not  about  the 
number)  so  dangerously  ill  that  they  could  not  live  beyond 
twenty-four  hours,  and  would  besides  infect  the  rest  of 
the  army  with  the  plague.  It  was  thought  it  would  be 
an  act  of  charity  to  anticipate  their  death  a  few  hours." 
[Then  comes  the  fable  of  the  500  men  of  the  rear-guard, 
who,  it  is  pretended,  saw  them  die.]  "  I  make  no  doubt 
that  the  story  of  the  poisoning  was  the  invention  of 


218         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

Den .     He  was  a  babbler,  who  understood  a  story 

badly,  and  repeated  it  worse.  I  do  not  think  it  would 
have  been  a  crime  to  have  given  opium  to  the  infected. 
On  the  contrary,  it  would  have  been  obedience  to  the 
dictates  of  reason.  Where  is  the  man  who  would  not,  in 
such  a  situation,  have  preferred  a  prompt  death,  to  being 
exposed  to  the  lingering  tortures  inflicted  by  barbarians  ? 
If  my  child,  and  I  believe  I  love  him  as  much  as  any  father 
does  his,  had  been  in  such  a  state,  my  advice  would  have 
been  the  same ;  if  I  had  been  among  the  infected  myself, 
I  should  have  demanded  to  be  so  treated." 

Such  was  the  reasoning  at  St.  Helena,  and  such  was 
the  view  which  he  and  every  one  else  took  of  the  case 
twenty  years  ago  at  Jaffa.1 

1  M.  de  Bonrrienne's  description  of  the  extraordinary  scene  in  the  hospital  of 
Jaffa  does  not  precisely  correspond  with  that  given  by  some  other  writers.  The 
reader  may  feel  interested  in  comparing  it  with  the  account  given  by  the  Due  de 
Bovigo  in  his  Memoirs,  tome  i.  p.  161.  It  is  as  follows: — 

"The  hospital  contained  many  soldiers  who  were  in  a  state  bordering  upon  mad- 
ness, much  more  owing  to  the  terror  which  the  malady  inspired  than  to  the  intensity 
of  the  pain.  General  Bonaparte  determined  to  restore  them  to  their  wonted  energy. 
He  paid  them  a  visit,  reproached  them  for  giving  way  to  dejection  and  yielding  to 
chimerical  fears  ;  and  in  order  to  convince  them,  by  the  most  obvious  proof,  that 
their  apprehensions  were  groundless,  he  desired  that  the  .bleeding  tumour  of  one  of 
the  soldiers  should  be  uncovered  before  him,  and  pressed  it  with  his  own  hand. 
This  act  of  heroism  restored  confidence  to  the  sick,  who  no  longer  thought  their  case 
desperate.  Each  one  recruited  his  remaining  strength,  and  prepared  to  quit  a  place 
which  but  a  moment  before  he  had  expected  never  to  leave.  A  grenadier,  upon 
whom  the  plague  had  made  greater  ravages,  could  hardly  raise  himself  from  his  bed. 
The  General  perceiving  this  addressed  to  him  a  few  encouraging  words.  '  You  are 
right,  General,'  replied  the  warrior;  'your  grenadiers  are  not  made  to  die  in  a 
hospital.'  Affected  at  the  courage  displayed  by  these  unfortunate  men,  who  were 
exhausted  by  uneasiness  of  mind  no  less  than  by  the  complaint,  General  Bonaparte 
would  not  quit  them  until  he  saw  them  all  placed  upon  camels  and  the  other  means 
of  transport  at  the  disposal  of  the  army.  These,  however,  being  found  inadequate, 
he  made  a  requisition  for  the  officers'  horses,  delivered  up  his  own,  and,  finding  one 
of  them  missing,  he  sent  for  the  groom,  who  was  keeping  it  for  his  master,  and  hes- 
itated to  give  it  up.  The  General,  growing  impatient  at  this  excess  of  zeal,  darted  a 
threatening  look ;  the  whole  stud  was  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  sick ;  and  yet  it 
is  this  very  act  of  magnanimity  which  the  perverseness  of  human  nature  has  de- 
lighted in  distorting.  I  feel  ashamed  to  advert  to  so  atrocious  a  calumny ;  but  the 
man  whose  simple  assertion  was  found  sufficient  to  give  it  currency  has  not  been 
able  to  stifle  it  by  his  subsequent  disavowal.  I  must,  therefore,  descend  to  the  task 
of  proving  the  absurdity  of  the  charge.  I  do  not  wish  to  urge,  as  an  argument,  the 
absolute  want  of  medicines  to  which  the  army  was  reduced  by  the  rapacity  of  an 
apothecary ;  nor  the  indignation  felt  by  General  Bonaparte  .when  he  learned  that 
this  wretch,  instead  of  employing  his  camels  to  transport  pharmaceutic  preparations, 


1799.  RETURN  TO  EGYPT.  219 

Our  little  army  arrived  at  Cairo  on  the  14th  of  June, 
after  a  painful  and  harassing  march  of  twenty-five  days. 
The  heat,  during  the  passage  of  the  desert  between  El- 
Arish  and  Belbeis  exceeded  thirty- three  degrees.  On 
placing  the  bulb  of  the  thermometer  in  the  sand  the 
mercury  rose  to  forty-five  degrees. '  The  deceitful  mirage 
was  even  more  vexatious  than  in  the  plains  of  Bohahire'h. 
In  spite  of  our  experience  an  excessive  thirst,  added  to  a 
perfect  illusion,  made  us  goad  on  our  wearied  horses 
towards  lakes  which  vanished  at  our  approach,  and  left 
behind  nothing  but  salt  and  arid  sand.  In  two  days  my 
cloak  was  completely  covered  with  salt,  left  on  it  after 
the  evaporation  of  the  moisture  which  held  it  in  solution. 
Our  horses,  who  ran  eagerly  to  the  brackish  springs  of 
the  desert,  perished  in  numbers,  after  travelling  about  a 
quarter  of  a  league  from  the  spot  where  they  drank  the 
deleterious  fluid. 

had  loaded  them  with  provisions,  upon  which  he  expected  to  derive  a  profit.  The 
necessity  to  which  we  were  driven  of  using  roots  as  a  substitute  for  opium  is  a  fact 
known  to  the  whole  army.  Supposing,  however,  that  opium  had  been  as  plentiful 
as  it  was  scarce,  and  that  General  Bonaparte  could  have  contemplated  the  expedi- 
ent attributed  to  him,  where  co:ild  there  be  found  a  man  sufficiently  determined  in 
mind,  or  so  lost  to  the  feelings  of  human  nature,  as  to  force  open  the  jaws  of  fifty 
wretched  men  on  the  point  of  death,  and  thrust  a  deadly  preparation  down  their 
throats?  The  most  intrepid  soldier  turned  pale  at  the  Right  of  an  infected  person ; 
the  warmest  heart  dared  not  relieve  a  friend  afflicted  with  the  plague  ;  and  is  it  to 
be  credited,  that  brutal  ferocity  could  execute  what  the  noblest  feelings  recoiled  at  ? 
or  that  there  should  have  been  a  creature  savage  or  mad  enough  to  sacrifice  his  own 
life  in  order  to  enjoy  the  satisfaction  of  hastening  the  death  of  fifty  dying  men, 
wholly  unknown  to  him,  and  against  whom  he  had  no  complaint  to  make  ?  The 
supposition  is  truly  absurd,  and  only  worthy  of  those  who  bring  it  forward  in  spite 
of  the  disavowal  of  its  author." 

The  above  account  is  confirmed  by  the  statements  of  M.  Desgenettes,  the  physi- 
cian, General  Andreossy,  and  M.  d'Aure,  who,  as  well  as  M.  de  Bourrienne,  were 
present  on  the  occasion  referred  to.  It  is  to  be  remarked,  however,  that  Savary, 
then  with  Desaix  in  Upper  Egypt,  was  not  an  eye-witness.  Lanfrey  (tome  i.  pp. 
404-407),  with  unusual  fairness,  points  out  that  Sir  Sidney  Smith,  who  found  some  of 
the  infected  still  alive  at  Jaffa  after  the  departure  of  the  French  and  who  reports 
the  murmurs  of  the  soldiers  against  their  General,  says  nothing  of  the  poisoning.' 
Lanfrey  himself  believes  the  most  probable  account  to  be  that  opium  was  put  within 
the  reach  of  the  men  left  behind.  It  seems  safest  to  believe  that  the  proposal  to 
give  the  opium  was  discussed,  but  never  carried  out.  Few  soldiers  would  not,  in  the 
circumstances,  prefer  the  views  of  Napoleon  on  the  point  to  the  false  humanity  of 
handing  dying  men  to  the  certain  cruelty  of  Asiatics. 

1  Beamur? 


220         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

Bonaparte  preceded  his  entry  into  the  capital  of  Egypt 
by  one  of  those  lying  bulletins  which  only  imposed  on 
fools.  "I  will  bring  with  me,"  said  he,  "many  prisoners 
and  flags.  I  have  razed  the  palace  of  the  Djezzar  and 
the  ramparts  of  Acre — not  a  stone  remains  upon  another. 
All  the  inhabitants  have  left  the  city  by  sea.  Djezzar  is 
severely  wounded." 

I  confess  that  I  experienced  a  painful  sensation  in  writ- 
ing, by  his  dictation,  these  official  words,  everyone  of 
which  was  an  imposition.  Excited  by  all  I  had  just  wit- 
nessed, it  was  difficult  for  me  to  refrain  from  making 
some  observation  ;  but  his  constant  reply  was,  "  My  dear 
fellow,  you  are  a  simpleton  :  you  do  not  understand  this 
business."  And  he  observed,  when  signing  the  bulletin, 
that  he  would  yet  fill  the  world  with  admiration,  and  in- 
spire historians  and  poets. 

Our  return  to  Cairo  has  been  attributed  to  the  insur- 
rections which  broke  out  during  the  unfortunate  expedi- 
tion into  Syria.  Nothing  is  more  incorrect.  The  term 
insurrection  cannot  be  properly  applied  to  the  foolish  en- 
terprises of  the  angel  El-Mahdi  in  the  Bohahire'h,  or  to 
the  less  important  disturbances  in  the  Charkyeh.  The 
reverses  experienced  before  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  the  fear,  or 
rather  the  prudent  anticipation  of  a  hostile  landing,  were 
sufficient  motives,  and  the  only  ones,  for  our  return  to 
Egypt.  What  more  could  we  do  in  Syria  but  lose  men 
and  time,  neither  of  which  the  General  had  to  spare  ? 


1799.  391 


CHAPTER    XX. 
1799. 

Marat  and  Mourad  Bey  at  the  Natron  Lakes — Bonaparte's  departure  for 
the  Pyramids — Sudden  appearance  of  an  Arab  messenger — News  of 
the  landing  of  the  Turks  at  Aboukir — Bonaparte  marches  against 
them — They  are  immediately  attacked  and  destroyed  in  the  battle  of 
Aboukir — Interchange  of  communication  with  the  English — Sudden 
determination  to  return  to  Europe — Outfit  of  two  frigates — Bona- 
parte's dissimulation — His  pretended  journey  to  the  Delta — Generous 
behaviour  of  Lanusse — Bonaparte's  artifice — His  bad  treatment  of 
General  Kleber. 

BONAPAETK  had  hardly  set  foot  in  Cairo  when  he  was  in- 
formed that  the  brave  and  indefatigable  Mourad  Bey  was 
descending  by  the  Fayoum,  in  order  to  form  a  junction 
with  reinforcements  which  had  been  for  some  time  past 
collected  in  the  Bohahire'h.  In  all  probability  this  move- 
ment of  Mourad  Bey  was  the  result  of  news  he  had  re- 
ceived respecting  plans  formed  at  Constantinople,  and  the 
landing  which  took  place  a  short  time  after  in  the  roads  of 
Aboukir.  Mourad  had  selected  the  Natron  Lakes  for  his 
place  of  rendezvous.  To  these  lakes  Murat  was  despatched. 
The  Bey  no  sooner  got  notice  of  Murat's  presence  than  he 
determined  to  retreat  and  to  proceed  by  the  desert  to 
Gizeh  and  the  great  Pyramids.  I  certainly  never  heard, 
until  I  returned  to  France,  that  Mourad  had  ascended  to 
the  summit  of  the  great  Pyramid  for  the  purpose  of  pass- 
ing his  time  in  contemplating  Cairo  ! 

Napoleon  said  at  St.  Helena  that  Murat  might  have 
taken  Mourad  Bey  had  the  latter  remained  four-and-twenty 
hours  longer  in  the  Natron  Lakes.  Now  the  fact  is,  that 


222         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

as  soon  as  the  Bey  heard  of  Murat's  arrival  he  was  off.  The 
Arabian  spies  were  far  more  serviceable  to  our  enemies 
than  to  us  ;  we  had  not,  indeed,  a  single  friend  in  Egypt. 
Mourad  Bey,  on  being  informed  by  the  Arabs,  who  acted 
as  couriers  for  him,  that  General  Desaix  was  despatching 
a  column  from  the  south  of  Egypt  against  him,  that  the 
General-in-Chief  was  also  about  to  follow  his  footsteps 
along  the  frontier  of  Gizeh,  and  that  the  Natron  Lakes 
and  the  Bohahire'h  were  occupied  by  forces  superior  to 
his  own,  retired  into  Fayoum. 

Bonaparte  attached  great  importance  to  the  destruction 
of  Mourad,  whom  he  looked  upon  as  the  bravest,  the  most 
active,  and  most  dangerous  of  his  enemies  in  Egypt.  As 
all  accounts  concurred  in  stating  that  Mourad,  supported 
by  the  Arabs,  was  hovering  about  the  skirts  of  the  desert 
of  the  province  of  Gizeh,  Bonaparte  proceeded  to  the 
Pyramids,  there  to  direct  different  corps  against  that  able 
and  dangerous  partisan.  He,  indeed,  reckoned  him  so 
redoubtable  that  he  wrote  to  Murat,  saying  he  wished 
fortune  might  reserve  for  him  the  honour  of  putting  the 
seal  on  the  conquest  of  Egypt  by  the  destruction  of  this 
opponent. 

On  the  14th  of  July  Bonaparte  left  Cairo  for  the  Pyra- 
mids. He  intended  spending  three  or  four  days  in  ex- 
amining the  ruins  of  the  ancient  necropolis  of  Memphis  ; 
but  he  was  suddenly  obliged  to  alter  his  plan.  This  jour- 
ney to  the  Pyramids,  occasioned  by  the  course  of  war,  has 
given  an  opportunity  for  the  invention  of  a  little  piece  of 
romance.  Some  ingenious  people  have  related  that  Bona- 
parte gave  audiences  to  the  mufti  and  ulemas,  and  that  on 
entering  one  of  the  great  Pyramids  he  cried  out,  "Glory 
to  Allah  !  God  only  is  God,  and  Mahomet  is  his  prophet !  " 
Now  the  fact  is,  that  Bonaparte  never  even  entered  the 
great  Pyramid.  He  never  had  any  thought  of  entering 
it.  I  certainly  should  have  accompanied  him  had  he  done 
so,  for  I  never  quitted  his  side  a  single  moment  in  the 


1799.  BONAPARTE  AT  THE  PYRAMIDS.  223 

desert.  He  caused  some  persons  to  enter  into  one  of  the 
great  Pyramids  while  he  remained  outside,  and  received 
from  them,  on  their  return,  an  account  of  what  they  had 
seen.  In  other  words,  they  informed  him  there  was 
nothing  to  be  seen ! 

On  the  evening  of  the  15th  of  July,  while  we  were  tak- 
ing a  walk,  we  perceived,  on  the  road  leading  from 
Alexandria,  an  Arab  riding  up  to  us  in  all  haste.  He 
brought  to  the  General-in-Chief  a  despatch  from  General 
Marmont,  who  was  entrusted  with  the  command  of  Alex- 
andria, and  who  had  conducted  himself  so  well,  especially 
during  the  dreadful  ravages  of  the  plague,  that  he  had 
gained  the  unqualified  approbation  of  Bonaparte.  The 
Turks  had  landed  on  the  llth  of  July  at  Aboukir  under 
the  escort  and  protection  of  English  ships  of  war.  The 
news  of  the  landing  of  from  fifteen  to  sixteen  thousand 
men  did  not  surprise  Bonaparte,  who  had  for  some  time 
expected  it.  It  was  not  so,  however,  with  the  generals 
most  in  his  favour,  whose  apprehensions,  for  reasons  which 
may  be  conjectured,  he  had  endeavoured  to  calm.  He 
had  even  written  to  Marmont,  who,  being  in  the  most  ex- 
posed situation,  had  the  more  reason  to  be  vigilant,  in 
these  terms : 

The  army  which  was  to  have  appeared  before  Alexandria,  and 
which  left  Constantinople  on  the  1st  of  the  Kamadhan,  has  been 
destroyed  under  the  walls  of  Acre.  If,  however,  that  mad  English- 
man (Smith)  has  embarked  the  remains  of  that  army  in  order  to 
convey  them  to  Aboukir,  I  do  not  believe  there  can  be  more  than 
2000  men. 

He  wrote  in  the  following  strain  to  General  Dugua,  who 
had  the  command  of  Cairo : 

The  English  Commander,  who  has  summoned  Damietta,  is  a  mad- 
man. The  combined  army  they  speak  of  has  been  destroyed  bef or° 
Acre,  where  it  arrived  a  fortnight  before  we  left  that  place . 


224         MEMOIRS  Off  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

As  soon  as  lie  arrived  at  Cairo,  in  a  letter  lie  despatched 
to  Desaix,  he  said  : 

The  time  has  now  arrived  when  disembarkations  have  become 
practicable.  I  shall  lose  no  time  in  getting  ready.  The  probabili- 
ties, however,  are,  that  none  will  take  place  this  year. 

What  other  language  could  he  hold,  when  he  had  pro- 
claimed, immediately  after  the  raising  of  the  siege  of  Acre, 
that  he  had  destroyed  those  15,000  men  who  two  months 
after  landed  at  Aboukir  ? 

No  sooner  had  Bonaparte  perused  the  contents  of  Mar- 
mont's  letter  than  he  retired  into  his  tent  and  dictated  to 
me,  until  three  in  the  morning,  his  orders  for  the  depart- 
ure of  the  troops,  and  for  the  routes  he  wished  to  be 
pursued  during  his  absence  by  the  troops  who  should  re- 
main in  the  interior.  At  this  moment  I  observed  in  him 
the  development  of  that  vigorous  character  of  mind  which 
was  excited  by  obstacles  until  it  overcame  them,  that 
celerity  of  thought  which  foresaw  everything.  He  was  all 
action,  and  never  for  a  moment  hesitated.  On  the  16th 
of  July,  at  four  in  the  morning,  he  was  on  horseback  and 
the  army  in  full  march.  I  cannot  help  doing  justice  to 
the  presence  of  mind,  promptitude  of  decision,  and  rapid- 
ity of  execution  which  at  this  period  of  his  life  never  de- 
serted him  on  great  occasions. 

We  reached  Ouardan,  to  the  north  of  Gizeh,  on  the 
evening  of  the  16th  ;  on  the  19th  we  arrived  at  Rahma- 
hanie'h,  and  on  the  23d  at  Alexandria,  where  every  prep- 
aration was  made  for  that  memorable  battle  which,  though 
it  did  not  repair  the  immense  losses  and  fatal  consequences 
of  the  naval  conflict  of  the  same  name,  will  always  recall 
to  the  memory  of  Frenchmen  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
achievements  of  their  arms.1 

1  As  M.  de  Bourrienne  gives  no  details  of  the  battle,  the  following  extract  from 
the  Duo  de  Rovigo's  Memoirs,  tome  i.  p.  167,  will  supply  the  deficiency  : — 

"  General  Bonaparte  left  Cairo  in  the  utmost  haste  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of 


1799.  BATTLE  OF  ABOUKIR.  225 

After  the  battle,  which  took  place  on  the  25th  of  July, 
Bonaparte  sent  a  flag  of  truce  on  board  the  English 
Admiral's  ship.  Our  intercourse  was  full  of  politeness, 
such  as  might  be  expected  in  the  communications  of  the 
people  of  two  civilised  nations.  The  English  Admiral 
gave  the  flag  of  truce  some  presents  in  exchange  for  some 
we  sent,  and  likewise  a  copy  of  the  French  Gazette  of  Frank- 
fort, dated  10th  of  June  1799.  For  ten  months  we  had  re- 
ceived no  news  from  France.  Bonaparte  glanced  over  this 
journal  with  an  eagerness  which  may  easily  be  conceived.1 

the  troops  which  he  had  ordered  to  quit  their  cantonments  and  march  down  to  the 
coast 

"  Whilst  the  General  was  making  these  arrangements  and  coming  in  person  from 
Cairo,  the  troops  on  board  the  Turkish  fleet  had  effected  a  landing  and  taken  posses- 
sion of  the  fort  of  Aboukir,  and  of  a  redoubt  placed  behind  the  village  of  that  name 
which  ought  to  have  been  put  into  a  state  ot  defence  six  months  before,  but  had  been 
completely  neglected. 

"The  Turks  had  nearly  destroyed  the  weak  garrisons  that  occupied  those  two  mil- 
itary points  when  General  Marmont  (who  commanded  at  Alexandria)  came  to  their 
relief.  This  general,  seeing  the  two  posts  in  the  power  of  the  Turks,  returned  to 
shut  himself  up  in  Alexandria,  where  he  would  probably  have  been  blockaded  by  the 
Turkish  army  had  it  not  been  for  the  arrival  of  General  Bonaparte  with  his  forces, 
who  was  very  angry  when  he  saw  that  the  fort  and  redoubt  had  been  taken  ;  but  he 
did  not  blame  Marmont  for  retreating  to  Alexandria  with  the  forces  at  his  disposal. 

"  General  Bonaparte  arrived  at  midnight  with  his  guides  and  the  remaining  part 
of  his  army,  and  ordered  the  Turks  to  be  attacked  the  nextmorning.  In  this  battle, 
as  in  the  preceding  ones,  the  attack,  the  encounter,  and  the  rout  were  occurrences  of  a 
moment,  and  the  result  of  a  single  movement  on  the  part  of  our  troops.  The  whole 
Turkish  army  plunged  into  the  sea  to  regain  its  ships,  leaving  behind  them  every- 
thing they  had  brought  on  shore. 

"  Whilst  this  event  was  occurring  on  the  seashore  a  pasha  had  left  the  field  of 
battle  with  a  corps  of  about  3000  men  in  order  to  throw  himself  into  the  fort  of 
Abonkir.  They  soon  felt  the  extremities  of  thirst,  which  compelled  them,  after  the 
lapse  of  a  few  days,  to  surrender  unconditionally  to  General  Menou,  who  was  left  to 
close  the  operations  connected  with  the  recently  defeated  Turkish  army." 

1  The  French,  on  their  return  from  St.  Jean  d'Acre  were  totally  ignorant  of  all  that 
had  taken  place  in  Europe  for  several  months.  Napoleon,  eager  to  obtain  intelligence, 
Bent  a  flag  of  truce  on  board  the  Turkish  admiral's  ship,  under  the  pretence  of  treat- 
ing for  the  ransom  of  the  prisoners  taken  at  Aboukir,  not  doubting  but  the  envoy 
would  be  stopped  by  Sir  Sidney  Smith,  who  carefully  prevented  all  direct  communi- 
cation between  the  French  and  the  Turks.  Accordingly  the  French  flag  of  truce 
received  directions  from  Sir  Sidney  to  go  on  board  his  ship.  He  experienced  the 
handsomest  treatment ;  and  the  English  commander  having,  among  other  things, 
ascertained  that  the  disasters  of  Italy  were  quite  unknown  to  Napoleon,  indulged  in 
the  malicious  pleasure  of  sending  him  a  file  of  newspapers.  Napoleon  spent  the 
whole  night  in  his  tent  perusing  the  papers  ;  and  he  came  to  the  determination  of 
immediately  proceeding  to  Europe  to  repair  the  disasters  of  France  ;  and  if  possible, 
to  save  her  from  destruction  (Memorial  de  Sainte  Hilene). 

VOL.  I.— 15 


226         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

"  Heavens  !  "  said  he  to  me,  "  my  presentiment  is  veri- 
fied :  the  fools  have  lost  Italy.  All  the  fruits  of  our  vic- 
tories are  gone  !  I  must  leave  Egypt !  " 

He  sent  for  Berthier,  to  whom  he  communicated  the 
news,  adding  that  things  were  going  on  very  badly  in 
France — that  he  wished  to  return  home — that  he  (Berthier) 
should  go  along  with  him,  and  that,  for  the  present,  only 
he,  Gantheaume,  and  I  were  in  the  secret.  He  recom- 
mended Berthier  to  be  prudent,  not  to  betray  any  symp- 
toms of  joy,  nor  to  purchase  or  sell  anything,  and  concluded 
by  assuring  him  that  he  depended  on  him.  "  I  can  answer," 
said  he,  "for  myself  and  for  Bourrienne."  Berthier 
promised  to  be  secret,  and  he  kept  his  word.  He  had 
had  enough  of  Egypt,  and  he  so  ardently  longed  to  return  to 
France,  that  there  was  little  reason  to  fear  he  would  dis- 
appoint himself  by  any  indiscretion. 

Gantheaume  arrived,  and  Bonaparte  gave  him  orders  to 
fit  out  the  two  frigates,  the  Muiron  and  the  Carr&re,  and 
the  two  small  vessels,  the  Revanche  and  the  Fortune,  with 
a  two  months'  supply  of  provisions  for  from  four  to  five 
hundred  men.  He  enjoined  his  secrecy  as  to  the  object 
of  these  preparations,  and  desired  him  to  act  with  such 
circumspection  that  the  English  cruisers  might  have  no 
knowledge  of  what  was  going  on.  He  afterwards  arranged 
with  Gantheaume  the  course  he  wished  to  take.  No 
details  escaped  his  attention. 

Bonaparte  concealed  his  preparations  with  much  care, 
but  still  some  vague  rumours  crept  abroad.  General 
Dugua,  the  commandant  of  Cairo,  whom  he  had  just  left 
for  the  purpose  of  embarking,  wrote  to  him  on  the  18th 
of  August  to  the  following  effect : 

I  have  this  moment  heard  that  it  is  reported  at  the  Institute  you 
are  about  to  return  to  France,  taking  with  you  Monge,  Berthollet, 
Berthier,  Lannes,  and  Murat.  This  news  has  spread  like  lightning 
through  the  city,  and  I  should  not  be  at  all  surprised  if  it  produce 
an  unfavourable  effect,  which,  however,  I  hope  you  will  obviate. 


1799.  HOMEWARD  BOUND.  227 


Bonaparte  embarked  five  days  after  the  receipt  of 
Dugua's  letter,  and,  as  may  be  supposed,  without  replying 
to  it 

On  the  18th  of  August  he  wrote  to  the  divan  of  Cairo  as 
follows : 

I  set  out  to-morrow  for  Menouf ,  whence  I  intend  to  make  various 
excursions  in  the  Delta,  in  order  that  I  may  myself  witness  the  acts 
of  oppression  which  are  committed  there,  and  acquire  some  know- 
ledge of  the  people. 

He  told  the  army  but  half  the  truth  : 

The  news  from  Europe  (said  he)  has  determined  me  to  proceed 
to  France.  I  leave  the  command  of  the  army  to  General  Kleber. 
The  army  shall  hear  from  me  forthwith.  At  present  I  can  say  no 
more.  It  costs  me  much  pain  to  quit  troops  to  whom  I  am  so 
strongly  attached.  But  my  absence  will  be  but  temporary,  and  the 
general  I  leave  in  command  has  the  confidence  of  the  Government 
as  well  as  mine. 

I  have  now  shown  the  true  cause  of  General  Bonaparte's 
departure  for  Europe.  This  circumstance,  in  itself  per- 
fectly natural,  has  been  the  subject  of  the  most  ridiculous 
conjectures  to  those  who  always  wish  to  assign  extra- 
ordinary causes  for  simple  events.  There  is  no  truth 
whatever  in  the  assertion  of  his  having  planned  his  de- 
parture before  the  battle  of  Aboukir.  Such  an  idea  never 
crossed  his  mind.  He  had  no  thought  whatever  of  his  de- 
parture for  France  when  he  made  the  journey  to  the 
Pyramids,  nor  even  when  he  received  the  news  of  the 
landing  of  the  Anglo-Turkish  force. 

At  the  end  of  December  1798  Bonaparte  thus  wrote  to 
the  Directory  :  "  We  are  without  any  news  from  France. 
No  courier  has  arrived  since  the  month  of  June." 

Some  writers  have  stated  that  we  received  news  by  the 
way  of  Tunis,  Algiers,  or  Morocco  ;  but  there  is  no  contra- 
dicting a  positive  fact.  At  that  period  I  had  been  with 
Bonaparte  more  than  two  years,  and  during  that  time  not 


228         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

a  single  despatch  on  any  occasion  arrived  of  the  contents 
of  which  I  was  ignorant.  How  then  should  the  news 
alluded  to  have  escaped  me  ? 1 

Almost  all  those  who  endeavour  to  avert  from  Bonaparte 
the  reproach  of  desertion  quote  a  letter  from  the  Directory, 
dated  the  26th  of  May  1799.  This  letter  may  certainly 
have  been  written,  but  it  never  reached  its  destination. 
Why  then  should  it  be  put  upon  record  ? 

The  circumstance  I  have  stated  above  determined  the 
resolution  of  Bonaparte,  and  made  him  look  upon  Egypt 
as  an  exhausted  field  of  glory,  which  it  was  high  time  he 
had  quitted,  to  play  another  part  in  France.  On  his  de- 
parture from  Europe  Bonaparte  felt  that  his  reputation 
was  tottering.  He  wished  to  do  something  to  raise  up  his 
glory,  and  to  fix  upon  him  the  attention  of  the  world. 
This  object  he  had  in  great  part  accomplished  ;  for,  in 
spite  of  serious  disasters,  the  French  flag  waved  over  the 
cataracts  of  the  Nile  and  the  ruins  of  Memphis,  and  the 

1  Details  on  the  question  of  the  correspondence  of  Napoleon  with  France  while  he 
was  in  Egypt  will  be  found  in  Colonel  lung's  work,  Lucten  Bonaparte  (Paris,  Char- 
pentier,  1882),  tome  i.  pp.  251-274.  It  seems  most  probable  that  Napoleon  was  in 
occasional  communication  with  his  family  and  with  some  of  the  Directors  by  way  of 
Tunis  and  Tripoli.  It  would  not  be  his  interest  to  let  his  army  or  perhaps  even 
Bourrienne  know  of  the  disasters  in  Italy  till  he  found  that  they  were  sure  to  hear 
of  them  through  the  English.  This  would  explain  his  affected  ignorance  till  such  a 
late  date.  On  the  llth  of  April  Barras  received  a  despatch  by  which  Napoleon  stated 
his  intention  of  returning  to  France  if  the  news  brought  by  Hamelin  was  confirmed. 
On  the  26th  of  May  1799  three  of  the  Directors,  Barras,  Rewbell,  and  La  Rev6illere- 
Lepeaux,  wrote  to  Napoleon  that  Admiral  Bruix  had  been  ordered  to  attempt  every 
means  of  bringing  back  his  army.  On  the  15th  of  July  Napoleon  seems  to  have 
received  this  and  other  letters.  On  the  20th  of  July  he  warns  Admiral  Gantheaume 
to  be  ready  to  start.  On  the  llth  of  September  the  Directors  formally  approved  the 
recall  of  the  army  from  Egypt.  Thus  at  the  title  Napoleon  landed  in  France  (on  the 
8th  October),  his  intended  return  had  been  long  known  to  and  approved  by  the 
majority  of  the  Directors,  and  had  at  last  been  formally  ordered  by  the  Directory.  At 
the  most  he  anticipated  the  order.  He  cannot  be  said  to  have  deserted  his  post. 
Lanfrey  (tome  i.  p.  411)  remarks  that  the  existence  and  receipt  of  the  letter  from 
Joseph  denied  by  Bourrienne  is  proved  by  Miot  (the  commissary,  the  brother  of 
Miot  de  Melito)  and  by  Joseph  himself.  Talleyrand  thanks  the  French  Consul  at 
Tripoli  for  sending  news  from  Egypt,  and  for  letting  Bonaparte  know  what  passed  in 
Europe.  See  also  Baguse  (Mannont),  tome  i.  p.  441,  writing  on  24th  December 
1798  :  "  I  have  found  an  Arab  of  whom  I  am  sure,  and  who  shall  start  to-morrow 
for  Dane.  .  .  .  This  means  can  be  used  to  send  a  letter  to  Tripoli,  for  boats 
often  go  there." 


1799.  DISSIMULATION  OP  BONAPARTE.  229 

battles  of  the  Pyramids  and  Aboukir  were  calculated  in 
no  small  degree  to  dazzle  the  imagination.  Cairo  and 
Alexandria  too  were  ours.  Finding  that  the  glory  of  his 
arms  no  longer  supported  the  feeble  power  of  the  Directory, 
he  was  anxious  to  see  whether  he  could  not  share  it,  or 
appropriate  it  to  himself. 

A  great  deal  has  been  said  about  letters  and  secret  com- 
munications from  the  Directory,  but  Bonaparte  needed  no 
such  thing.  He  could  do  what  he  pleased  :  there  was  no 
power  to  check  him ;  such  had  been  the  nature  of  his 
arrangements  on  leaving  France.  He  followed  only  the 
dictates  of  his  own  will,  and  probably,  had  not  the  fleet 
been  destroyed,  he  would  have  departed  from  Egypt  much 
sooner.  To  will  and  to  do  were  with  him  one  and  the  same 
thing.  The  latitude  he  enjoyed  was  the  result  of  his  ver- 
bal agreement  with  the  Directory,  whose  instructions  and 
plans  he  did  not  wish  should  impede  his  operations. 

Bonaparte  left  Alexandria  on  the  5th  of  August,  and  on 
the  10th  arrived  at  Cairo.  He  at  first  circulated  the  re- 
port of  a  journey  to  Upper  Egypt.  This  seemed  so  much 
the  more  reasonable,  as  he  had  really  entertained  that  de- 
sign before  he  went  to  the  Pyramids,  and  the  fact  was 
known  to  the  army  and  the  inhabitants  of  Cairo.  Up  to 
this  time  our  secret  had  been  studiously  kept.  However, 
General  Lanusse,  the  commandant  at  Menouf,  where  we 
arrived  on  the  20th  of  August,  suspected  it.  "You  are 
going  to  France,"  said  he  to  me.  My  negative  reply  con- 
firmed his  suspicion.  This  almost  induced  me  to  believe 
the  General-in-Chief  had  been  the  first  to  make  the  dis- 
closure. General  Lanusse,  though  he  envied  our  good 
fortune,  made  no  complaints.  He  expressed  his  sincere 
wishes  for  our  prosperous  voyage,  but  never  opened  his 
mouth  on  the  subject  to  any  one. 

On  the  21st  of  August  we  reached  the  wells  of  Birkett. 
The  Arabs  had  rendered  the  water  unfit  for  use,  but  the 
General-in-Chief  was  resolved  to  quench  his  thirst,  and  for 


230         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

this  purpose  squeezed  the  juice  of  several  lemons  into  a 
glass  of  the  water  ;  but  he  could  not  swallow  it  without 
holding  his  nose  and  exhibiting  strong  feelings  of  disgust. 

The  next  day  we  reached  Alexandria,  where  the  General 
informed  all  those,  who  had  accompanied  him  from  Cairo 
that  France  was  their  destination.  At  this  announcement 
joy  was  pictured  in  every  countenance. 

General  Kleber,  to  whose  command  Bonaparte  had  re- 
signed the  army,  was  invited  to  come  from  Damietta  to 
Rosetta  to  confer  with  the  General-in-Chief  on  affairs  of 
extreme  importance.  Bonaparte,  in  making  an  appoint- 
ment which  he  never  intended  to  keep,  hoped  to  escape 
the  unwelcome  freedom  of  Kleber's  reproaches.  He  after- 
wards wrote  to  him  all  he  had  to  say  ;  and  the  cause  he 
assigned  for  not  keeping  his  appointment  was,  that  his 
fear  of  being  observed  by  the  English  cruisers  had  forced 
him  to  depart  three  days  earlier  than  he  intended.  But 
when  he  wrote  Bonaparte  well  knew  that  he  would  be  at 
sea  before  Kleber  could  receive  his  letter.  Kleber,  in  his 
letter  to  the  Directory,  complained  bitterly  of  this  decep- 
tion. The  singular  fate  that  befell  this  letter  will  be 
seen  by  and  by. 


1790.  331 


CHAPTER    XXL 
1799. 

Our  departure  from  "Egypt — Nocturnal  embarkation — M.  Parseval  Grand- 
maison — Our  course — Adverse  winds — Fear  of  the  English — Favour- 
able weather — Vingt-et-un — Chess — We  land  at  Ajaccio — Bonaparte's 
pretended  relations — Family  domains — Want  of  money — Battle  of  Novi 
— Death  of  Joubert — Visionary  schemes — Purchase  of  a  boat — Depart- 
ure from  Corsica — The  English  squadron — Our  escape — The  roads  of 
Frejus — Our  landing  in  France — The  plague  or  the  Austrians — Joy  of 
the  people — The  sanitary  laws — Bonaparte  falsely  accused. 

WE  were  now  to  return  to  our  country — again  to  cross 
the  sea,  to  us  so  pregnant  with  danger — Caesar  and  his  for- 
tune were  once  more  to  embark.  But  Csesar  was  not  now 
advancing  to  the  East  to  add  Egypt  to  the  conquests  of 
the  Republic.  He  was  revolving  in  his  mind  vast  schemes, 
unawed  by  the  idea  of  venturing  everything  to  change  in 
his  own  favour  the  Government  for  which  he  had  fought. 
The  hope  of  conquering  the  most  celebrated  country  of  the 
East  no  longer  excited  the  imagination,  as  on  our  depart- 
ure from  France.  Our  last  visionary  dream  had  vanished 
before  the  walls  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  and  we  were  leaving 
on  the  burning  sands  of  Egypt  most  of  our  companions  in 
arms.  An  inconceivable  destiny  seemed  to  urge  us  on, 
and  we  were  obliged  to  obey  its  decrees. 

On  the  23d  of  August1  we  embarked  on  board  two 
frigates,  the  Muiron*  and  Carrdre.  Our  number  was 
between  four  and  five  hundred.  Such  was  our  squadron, 
and  such  the  formidable  army  with  which  Bonaparte  had 
resolved,  as  he  wrote  to  the  divan  of  Cairo,  "  to  annihilate 

1  It  was  neither  in  June  nor  July,  as  stated  by  the  Due  de  Rovigo. — Bourrienne, 
9  Named  after  Bonaparte's  aide  de  camp  killed  ia  the  Italian  campaign. 


232         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

all  his  enemies."  This  boasting  might  impose  on  those 
who  did  not  see  the  real  state  of  things  ;  but  what  were 
we  to  think  of  it  ?  What  Bonaparte  himself  thought  the 
day  after. 

The  night  was  dark  when  we  embarked  in  the  frigates 
which  lay  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  port  of 
Alexandria ;  but  by  the  faint  light  of  the  stars  we  per- 
ceived a  corvette,  which  appeared  to  be  observing  our 
silent  nocturnal  embarkation.1 

Next  morning,  just  as  we  were  on  the  point  of  setting 
sail,  we  saw  coming  from  the  port  of  Alexandria  a  boat, 
on  board  of  which  was  M.  Parseval  Grandmaison.  This 
excellent  man,  who  was  beloved  by  all  of  us,  was  not  in- 
cluded among  the  persons  whose  return  to  France  had 
been  determined  by  the  General-in-Chief.  In  his  anxiety 
to  get  off  Bonaparte  would  not  hear  of  taking  him  on 
board.  It  will  readily  be  conceived  how  urgent  were  the 
entreaties  of  Parseval ;  but  he  would  have  sued  in  vain 
had  not  Gantheaume,  Monge,  Berthollet,  and  I  interceded 
for  him.  With  some  difficulty  we  overcame  Bonaparte's 
resistance,  and  our  colleague  of  the  Egyptian  Institute  got 
on  board  after  the  wind  had  filled  our  sails. 

It  has  been  erroneously  said  that  Admiral  Gantheaume 
had  full  control  of  the  frigates,  as  if  any  one  could  com- 
mand when  Bonaparte  was  present.  On  the  contrary, 
Bonaparte  declared  to  the  admiral,  in  my  hearing,  that  he 
would  not  take  the  ordinary  course  and  get  into  the  open 

1  The  horses  of  the  escort  had  been  left  to  run  loose  on  the  beach,  and  all  was 
perfect  stillness  in  Alexandria,  when  the  advanced  posts  of  the  town  were  alarmed 
by  the  wild  galloping  of  horses,  which  from  a  natural  instinct,  were  returning  to 
Alexandria  through  the  desert.  The  picket  ran  to  arms  on  seeing  horses  ready 
saddled  and  bridled,  which  were  soon  discovered  to  belong  to  the  regiment  of  guides. 
They  at  first  thought  that  a  misfortune  had  happened  to  some  detachment  in  its 
pursuit  of  the  Arabs.  With  these  horses  came  also  those  of  the  generals  who  had 
embarked  with  General  Bonaparte ;  so  that  Alexandria  was  for  a  time  In  con- 
siderable alarm.  The  cavalry  was  ordered  to  proceed  in  all  haste  in  the  direction 
whence  the  horses  came,  and  every  one  was  giving  himself  up  to  the  most  gloomy  con- 
jectures, when  the  cavalry  returned  to  the  city  with  the  Turkish  groom,  who  was 
bringing  back  General  Bonaparte's  horse  to  Alexandria  (Memoirs  of  the  Due  dt 
Rovigo,  tome  i.  p.  182). 


1799.     BONAPARTE1 8  DREAD  OF  THE  ENGLISH.       233 

sea.  "  Keep  close  along  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean," 
said  he,  "  on  the  African  side,  until  you  get  south  of  Sar- 
dinia. I  have  here  a  handful  of  brave  fellows  and  a  few 
pieces  of  artillery  ;  if  the  English  should  appear  I  will  run 
ashore,  and  with  my  party  make  my  way  by  land  to  Oran, 
Tunis,  or  some  other  port,  whence  we  may  find  an  oppor- 
tunity of  getting  home."  This  was  his  irrevocable  de- 
termination. 

For  twenty-one  days  adverse  winds,  blowing  from  west 
or  north-west,  drove  us  continually  on  the  coast  of  Syria, 
or  in  the  direction  of  Alexandria.  At  one  time  it  was 
even  proposed  that  we  should  again  put  into  the  port ; 
but  Bonaparte  declared  he  would  rather  brave  every  dan- 
ger than  do  so.  During  the  day  we  tacked  to  a  certain 
distance  northward,  and  in  the  evening  we  stood  towards 
Africa  until  we  came  within  sight  of  the  coast.  Finally, 
after  no  less  than  twenty-one  days  of  impatience  and  dis- 
appointment, a  favourable  east  wind  carried  us  past  that 
point  of  Africa  on  which  Carthage  formerly  stood,  and 
we  soon  doubled  Sardinia.  We  kept  very  near  the  west- 
ern coast  of  that  island,  where  Bonaparte  had  determined 
to  land  in  case  of  our  falling  in  with  the  English  squadron. 
From  thence  his  plan  was  to  reach  Corsica,  and  there  to 
await  a  favourable  opportunity  of  returning  to  France. 

Everything  had  contributed  to  render  our  voyage  dull 
and  monotonous  ;  and,  besides,  we  were  not  entirely  with- 
out uneasiness  as  to  the  steps  which  might  be  taken  by 
the  Directory,  for  it  was  certain  that  the  publication  of 
the  intercepted  correspondence  must  have  occasioned 
many  unpleasant  disclosures.  Bonaparte  used  often  to 
walk  on  deck  to  superintend  the  execution  of  his  orders. 
The  smallest  sail  that  appeared  in  view  excited  his  alarm. 
The  fear  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  English  never  for- 
sook him.  That  was  what  he  dreaded  most  of  all,  and 
yet,  at  a  subsequent  period,  he  trusted  to  the  generosity 
of  his  enemies. 


234         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE. 


However,  in  spite  of  our  well-founded  alarm,  there  were 
some  moments  in  which  we  sought  to  amuse  ourselves,  or, 
to  use  a  common  expression,  to  kill  time.  Cards  afforded 
us  a  source  of  recreation,  and  even  this  frivolous  amuse- 
ment served  to  develop  the  character  of  Bonaparte.  In 
general  he  was  not  fond  of  cards  ;  but  if  he  did  play, 
vingt-et-un  was  his  favourite  game,  because  it  is  more 
rapid  than  many  others,  and  because,  in  short,  it  afforded 
him  an  opportunity  of  cheating.  For  example,  he  would 
ask  for  a  card  ;  if  it  proved  a  bad  one  he  would  say  noth- 
ing, but  lay  it  down  on  the  table  and  wait  till  the  dealer 
had  drawn  his.  If  the  dealer  produced  a  good  card,  then 
Bonaparte  would  throw  aside  his  hand,  without  showing  it, 
and  give  up  his  stake.  If,  on  the  contrary,  the  dealer's 
card  made  him  exceed  twenty-one,  Bonaparte  also  threw 
his  cards  aside  without  showing  them,  and  asked  for  the 
payment  of  his  stake.  He  was  much  diverted  by  these 
little  tricks,  especially  when  they  were  played  off  unde- 
tected; and  I  confess  that  even  then  we  were  courtiers 
enough  to  humour  him,  and  wink  at  his  cheating.  I 
must,  however,  mention  that  he  never  appropriated  to 
himself  the  fruit  of  these  little  dishonesties,  for  at  the 
end  of  the  game  he  gave  up  all  his  winnings,  and  they 
were  equally  divided.  Gain,  as  may  readily  be  supposed, 
was  not  his  object  ;  but  he  always  expected  that  fortune 
would  grant  him  an  ace  or  a  ten  at  the  right  moment 
with  the  same  confidence  with  which  he  looked  for  fine 
weather  on  the  day  of  battle.  If  he  were  disappointed  he 
wished  nobody  to  know  it. 

Bonaparte  also  played  at  chess,  but  very  seldom,  because 
he  was  only  a  third-rate  player,  and  he  did  not  like  to  be 
beaten  at  that  game,  which,  I  know  not  why,  is  said  to 
bear  a  resemblance  to  the  grand  game  of  war.  At  this 
latter  game  Bonaparte  certainly  feared  no  adversary. 
This  reminds  me  that  when  we  were  leaving  Passeriano 
he  announced  his  intention  of  passing  through  Mantua. 


1799.  RECEPTION  AT  A  JAG  CIO.  885 

He  was  told  that  the  commandant  of  that  town,  I  believe 
General  Beauvoir,  was  a  great  chess-player,  and  he  ex- 
pressed a  wish  to  play  a  game  with  him.  General  Beau- 
voir asked  him  to  point  out  any  particular  pawn  with 
which  he  would  be  checkmated  ;  adding,  that  if  the  pawn 
were  taken,  he,  Bonaparte,  should  be  declared  the  winner. 
Bonaparte  pointed  out  the  last  pawn  on  the  left  of  his 
adversary.  A  mark  was  put  upon  it,  and  it  turned  out 
that  he  actually  was  checkmated  with  that  very  pawn. 
Bonaparte  was  not  very  well  pleased  at  this.  He  liked  to 
play  with  me  because,  though  rather  a  better  player  than 
himself,  I  was  not  always  able  to  beat  him.  As  soon  as  a 
game  was  decided  in  his  favour  he  declined  playing  any 
longer,  preferring  to  rest  on  his  laurels. 

The  favourable  wind  which  had  constantly  prevailed 
after  the  first  twenty  days  of  our  voyage  still  continued 
while  we  kept  along  the  coast  of  Sardinia  ;  but  after  we 
had  passed  that  island  the  wind  again  blew  violently  from 
the  west,  and  on  the  1st  of  October  we  were  forced  to 
enter  the  Gulf  of  Ajaccio.  We  sailed  again  next  day  ; 
but  we  found  it  impossible  to  work  our  way  out  of  the 
gulf.  We  were  therefore  obliged  to  put  into  the  port  and 
land  at  Ajaccio.  Adverse  winds  obliged  us  to  remain 
there  until  the  7th  of  October.  It  may  readily  be 
imagined  how  much  this  delay  annoyed  Bonaparte.  He 
sometimes  expressed  his  impatience,  as  if  he  could  en- 
force the  obedience  of  the  elements  as  well  as  of  men. 
He  was  losing  time,  and  time  was  everything  to  him. 

There  was  one  circumstance  which  seemed  to  annoy  him 
as  much  as  any  of  his  more  serious  vexations.  "  What 
will  become  of  me,"  said  he,  "if  the  English,  who  are 
cruising  hereabout,  should  learn  that  I  have  landed  in 
Corsica  ?  I  shall  be  forced  to  stay  here.  That  I  could 
never  endure.  I  have  a  torrent  of  relations  pouring  upon 
me."  His  great  reputation  had  certainly  prodigiously 
augmented  the  number  of  his  family.  He  \vas  over- 


236         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

whelmed  with  visits,  congratulations,  and  requests.  The 
whole  town  was  in  a  commotion.  Every  one  of  its  in- 
habitants wished  to  claim  him  as  their  cousin  ;  and  from 
the  prodigious  number  of  his  pretended  godsons  and  god- 
daughters, it  might  have  been  supposed  that  he  had  held 
one-fourth  of  the  children  of  Ajaccio  at  the  baptismal  font. 

Bonaparte  frequently  walked  with  us  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Ajaccio  ;  and  when  in  all  the  plenitude  of  his 
power  he  did  not  count  his  crowns  with  greater  pleasure 
than  he  evinced  in  pointing  out  to  us  the  little  domains  of 
his  ancestors. 

While  we  were  at  Ajaccio  M.  Fesch  *  gave  Bonaparte 
French  money  in  exchange  for  a  number  of  Turkish 
sequins,  amounting  in  value  to  17,000  francs.  This  sum 
was  all  that  the  General  brought  with  him  from  Egypt.  I 
mention  this  fact  because  he  was  unjustly  calumniated  in 
letters  written  after  his  departure,  and  which  were  inter- 
cepted and  published  by  the  English.  I  ought  also  to  add, 
that  as  he  would  never  for  his  own  private  use  resort  to 
the  money-chest  of  the  army,  the  contents  of  which  were, 
indeed,  never  half  sufficient  to  defray  the  necessary  ex- 
penses, he  several  times  drew  on  Genoa,  through  M. 
James,  and  on  the  funds  he  possessed  in  the  house  of 
Clary,  15,000,  25,000,  and  up  to  33,000  francs.2  I  can 
bear  witness  that  in  Egypt  I  never  saw  him  touch  any 
money  beyond  his  pay ;  and  that  he  left  the  country 
poorer  than  he  had  entered  it  is  a  fact  that  cannot  be 
denied.  In  his  notes  on  Egypt  it  appears  that  in  one  year 
12,600,000  francs  were  received.  In  this  sum  were  in- 

1  Joseph  Fesch  (1763-1839),  son  of  Napoleon's  maternal  grandmother  by  her 
second  marriage  with  Captain  Francis  Fesch,  Archdeacon,  1792,  Commissary  in  War 
Department,  1793  ;  re-entered  clerical  orders,  1799  ;  Bishop,  1802  ;  Archbishop  of 
Lyons,  1802  ;  Cardinal,  1803  ;  Grand  Almoner  under  the  Empire  ;  nominated  Arch- 
bishop of  Paris,  but  never  held  that  see ;  Coadjutor  to  Archbishop  of  Ratisbon 
(Prince  Primate),  1806 ;  retired  to  Rome,  1816. 

a  Joseph  Bonaparte  says  that  his  brother  had  no  funds  with  the  house  of  Clary 
(Erreurx,  tome  i.  p.  248).  It  will  be  remembered  that  Joseph  had  married  a 
daughter  of  M.  Clary. 


1799.  VISIONARY  SCHEMES.  237 

eluded  at  least  2,000,000  of  contributions,  which  wer« 
levied  at  the  expense  of  many  decapitations.  Bonaparte 
was  fourteen  months  in  Egypt,  and  he  is  said  to  have 
brought  away  with  him  20,000,000.  Calumny  may  be 
very  gratifying  to  certain  persons,  but  they  should  at  least 
give  it  a  colouring  of  probability.  The  fact  is,  that  Bona- 
parte had  scarcely  enough  to  maintain  himself  at  Ajaccio 
and  to  defray  our  posting  expenses  to  Paris. 

On  our  arrival  at  Ajaccio  we  learnt  the  death  of  Joubert, 
and  the  loss  of  the  battle  of  Novi,  which  was  fought  on 
the  15th  of  August.  Bonaparte  was  tormented  by 
anxiety  ;  he  was  in  a  state  of  utter  uncertainty  as  to  the 
future.  From  the  time  we  left  Alexandria  till  our  arrival 
in  Corsica  he  had  frequently  talked  of  what  he  should  do 
during  the  quarantine,  which  he  supposed  he  would  be 
required  to  observe  on  reaching  Toulon,  the  port  at  which 
he  had  determined  to  land. 

Even  then  he  cherished  some  illusions  respecting  the 
state  of  affairs ;  and  he  often  said  to  me,  "  But  for  that 
confounded  quarantine,  I  would  hasten  ashore,  and  place 
myself  at  the  head  of  the  army  of  Italy.  All  is  not  over ; 
and  I  am  sure  that  there  is  not  a  general  who  would  re- 
fuse me  the  command.  The  news  of  a  victory  gained  by 
me  would  reach  Paris  as  soon  as  the  battle  of  Aboukir  ; 
that,  indeed,  would  be  excellent." 

In  Corsica  his  language  was  very  different.  When  he 
was  informed  of  our  reverses,  and  saw  the  full  extent  of 
the  evil,  he  was  for  a  moment  overwhelmed.  His  grand 
projects  then  gave  way  to  the  consideration  of  matters  of 
minor  import,  and  he  thought  about  his  detention  in  the 
Lazaretto  of  Toulon.  He  spoke  of  the  Directory,  of  in- 
trigues, and  of  what  would  be  said  of  him.  He  accounted 
his  enemies  those  who  envied  him,  and  those  who  could 
not  be  reconciled  to  his  glory  and  the  influence  of  his 
name.  Amidst  all  these  anxieties  Bonaparte  was  out- 
wardly calm,  though  he  was  moody  and  r»fl«ctirt . 


238         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

Providing  against  every  chance  of  danger,  he  had  pur- 
chased at  Ajaccio  a  large  launch  which  was  intended  to 
be  towed  by  the  Muiron,  and  it  was  manned  by  twelve  of 
the  best  sailors  the  island  could  furnish.  His  resolution 
was,  in  case  of  inevitable  danger,  to  jump  into  this  boat 
and  get  ashore.  This  precaution  had  well-nigh  proved 
useful. ' 

After  leaving  the  Gulf  of  Ajaccio  the  voyage  was  pros- 
perous and  undisturbed  for  one  day  ;  but  on  the  second 
day,  just  at  sunset,  an  English  squadron  of  fourteen  sail 
hove  in  sight.  The  English,  having  advantage  of  the 
light,  which  we  had  in  our  faces,  saw  us  better  than  we 
could  see  them.  They  recognised  our  two  frigates  as 
Venetian  built  ;  but,  luckily  for  us,  night  came  on,  for  we 
were  not  far  apart.  We  saw  the  signals  of  the  English 
for  a  long  time,  and  heard  the  report  of  the  guns  more 
and  more  to  our  left,  and  we  thought  it  was  the  intention 
of  the  cruisers  to  intercept  us  on  the  south-east.  Under 
these  circumstances  Bonaparte  had  reason  to  thank  for- 
tune ;  for  it  is  very  evident  that  had  the  English  suspected 
our  two  frigates  of  coming  from  the  East  and  going  to 
France,  they  would  have  shut  us  out  from  land  by  running 
between  us  and  it,  which  to  them  was  very  easy.  Prob- 
ably they  took  us  for  a  convoy  of  provisions  going  from 
Toulon  to  Genoa  ;  and  it  was  to  this  error  and  the  dark- 
ness that  we  were  indebted  for  escaping  with  no  worse 
consequence  than  a  fright.2 

1  Sir  Walter  Scott,  at  the  commencement  of  his  Life  of  Napoleon,  says  that 
Bonaparte  did  not  see  his  native  city  after  1793.  Probably  to  avoid  contradicting 
himself,  the  Scottish  historian  observes  that  Bonaparte  was  near  Ajaccio  on  his 
return  from  Egypt.  He  spent  eight  days  there. — Bourrienne. 

4  Here  Bourrienne  says  in  a  note,  "  Where  did  Sir  Walter  Scott  learn  that  we 
were  neither  seen  nor  recognised  ?  We  were  not  recognised,  but  certainly  seen." 
This  IB  corroborated  by  the  testimony  of  the  Due  de  Eovigo,  who,  in  his  Memoirs, 
says,  "  I  have  met  officers  of  the  English  navy  who  assured  me  that  the  two  frigates 
had  been  seen,  but  were  considered  by  the  Admiral  to  belong  to  his  squadron,  aa 
they  steered  their  course  towards  him  ;  and  as  he  knew  we  had  only  one  frigate  in  the 
Mediterranean,  and  one  in  Toulon  harbour,  he  was  far  from  supposing  that  the 
frigates  which  he  had  descried  could  have  General  Bonaparte  on  board  "  (Savary, 
tome  i.  p.  226). 


1799.  THE  ENGLISH  SQUADRON.  233 

During  the  remainder  of  the  night  the  utmost  agitation 
prevailed  on  board  the  Muiron.  Gantheaume  especially 
was  in  a  state  of  anxiety  which  it  is  impossible  to  de- 
scribe, and  which  it  was  painful  to  witness  :  he  was  quite 
beside  himself,  for  a  disaster  appeared  inevitable.  He 
proposed  to  return  to  Corsica.  "  No,  no !  "  replied  Bona- 
parte imperiously.  "  No  !  Spread  all  sail !  Every  man 
at  his  post !  To  the  north-west !  To  the  north-west ! " 
This  order  saved  us  ;  and  I  am  enabled  to  affirm  that  in 
the  midst  of  almost  general  alarm  Bonaparte  was  solely 
occupied  in  giving  orders.  The  rapidity  of  his  judgment 
seemed  to  grow  in  the  face  of  danger.  The  remembrance 
of  that  night  will  never  be  effaced  from  my  mind.  The 
hours  lingered  on ;  and  none  of  us  could  guess  upon 
what  new  dangers  the  morrow's  sun  would  shine. 

However,  Bonaparte's  resolution  was  taken  :  his  orders 
were  given,  his  arrangements  made.  During  the  evening 
he  had  resolved  upon  throwing  himself  into  the  long- 
boat ;  he  had  already  fixed  on  the  persons  who  were  to 
share  his  fate,  and  had  already  named  to  me  the  papers 
which  he  thought  it  most  important  to  save.  Happily 
our  terrors  were  vain  and  our  arrangements  useless.  By 
the  first  rays  of  the  sun  we  discovered  the  English  fleet 
sailing  to  the  north-east,  and  we  stood  for  the  wished-for 
coast  of  France. 

The  8th  of  October,  at  eight  in  the  morning,  we  entered 
the  roads  of  Frejus.  The  sailors  not  having  recognised 
the  coast  during  the  night,  we  did  not  know  where  we 
were.  There  was,  at  first,  some  hesitation  whether  we 
should  advance.  We  were  by  no  means  expected,  and  did 
not  know  how  to  answer  the  signals,  which  had  been 
changed  during  our  absence.  Some  guns  were  even  fired 
upon  us  by  the  batteries  on  the  coast ;  but  our  bold  entry 
into  the  roads,  the  crowd  upon  the  decks  of  the  two 
frigates,  and  our  signs  of  joy,  speedily  banished  all  doubt 
of  our  being  friends.  We  were  in  the  port,  and  approach- 


240         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

ing  the  landing-place,  when  the  rumour  spread  that 
Bonaparte  was  on  board  one  of  the  frigates.  In  an 
instant  the  sea  was  covered  with  boats.  In  vain  we  begged 
them  to  keep  at  a  distance  ;  we  were  carried  ashore,  and 
when  we  told  the  crowd,  both  of  men  and  women  who 
were  pressing  about  us,  the  risk  they  ran,  they  all  ex- 
claimed, "  We  prefer  the  plague  to  the  Austrians  I " 

What  were  our  feelings  when  we  again  set  foot  on  the 
soil  of  France  I  will  not  attempt  to  describe.  Our  escape 
from  the  dangers  that  threatened  us  seemed  almost 
miraculous.  We  had  lost  twenty  days  at  the  beginning  of 
our  voyage,  and  at  its  close  we  had  been  almost  taken  by 
au  English  squadron.  Under  these  circumstances,  how 
rapturously  we  inhaled  the  balmy  air  of  Provence  ! 
Such  was  our  joy,  that  we  were  scarcely  sensible  of  the 
disheartening  news  which  arrived  from  all  quarters.  At 
the  first  moment  of  our  arrival,  by  a  spontaneous  impulse, 
we  all  repeated,  with  tears  in  our  eyes,  the  beautiful  lines 
which  Voltaire  has  put  into  the  mouth  of  the  exile  of 
Sicily. 

Bonaparte  has  been  reproached  with  having  violated  the 
sanitary  laws ;  but,  after  what  I  have  already  stated  re- 
specting his  intentions,  I  presume  there  can  remain  no 
doubt  of  the  falsehood  of  this  accusation.  All  the  blame 
must  rest  with  the  inhabitants  of  Frejus,  who  on  this  oc- 
casion found  the  law  of  necessity  more  imperious  than  the 
sanitary  laws.  Yet  when  it  is  considered  that  four  or  five 
hundred  persons,  and  a  quantity  of  effects,  were  landed 
from  Alexandria,  where  the  plague  had  been  raging  during 
the  summer,  it  is  almost  a  miracle  that  France,  and  indeed 
Europe,  escaped  the  scourge, 


1799.  241 


CH1PTEB    Y1TT. 
1799. 

Effect  produced  by  Bonaparte's  return— His  justification — Melancholy 
letter  to  my  wife — Bonaparte's  intended  dinner  at  Sens — Louis  Bona- 
parte and  Josephine — He  changes  his  intended  route — Melancholy 
situation  of  the  provinces — Necessity  of  a  change — Bonaparte's  am- 
bitious views — Influence  of  popular  applause — Arrival  in  Paris — His 
reception  of  Josephine— Their  reconciliation — Bonaparte's  visit  to  the 
Directory — His  contemptuous  treatment  of  Sieyes. 

THE  effect  produced  in  France  and  throughout  Europe  by 
the  mere  intelligence  of  Bonaparte's  return  is  well  known. 
I  shall  not  yet  speak  of  the  vast  train  of  consequences 
which  that  event  entailed.  I  must,  however,  notice  some 
accusations  which  were  brought  against  him  from  the 
time  of  our  landing  to  the  9th  of  November.  He  was  re- 
proached for  having  left  Egypt,  and  it  was  alleged  that 
his  departure  was  the  result  of  long  premeditation.  But 
I,  who  was  constantly  with  him,  am  enabled  positively  to 
affirm  that  his  return  to  France  was  merely  the  effect  of  a 
sudden  resolution.  Of  this  the  following  fact  is  in  itself 
sufficient  evidence. 

While  we  were  at  Cairo,  a  few  days  before  we  heard  of 
the  landing  of  the  Anglo-Turkish  fleet,  and  at  the  moment 
when  we  were  on  the  point  of  setting  off  to  encamp  at  the 
Pyramids,  Bonaparte  despatched  a  courier  to  France.  I 
took  advantage  of  this  opportunity  to  write  to  my  wife.  I 
almost  bade  her  an  eternal  adieu.  My  letter  breathed  ex- 
pressions of  grief  such  as  I  had  not  before  evinced.  I  said, 
among  other  things,  that  we  knew  not  when  or  how  it 
would  be  possible  for  us  to  return  to  Franc*.  If  Bona- 
VOL.  I.—  II 


MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 


parte  had  then  entertained  any  thought  of  a  speedy  return 
I  must  have  known  it,  and  in  that  case  I  should  not  cer- 
tainly have  distressed  my  family  by  a  desponding  letter, 
when  I  had  not  had  an  opportunity  of  writing  for  seven 
months  before. 

Two  days  after  the  receipt  of  my  letter  my  wife  was 
awoke  very  early  in  the  morning  to  be  informed  of  our 
arrival  in  France.  The  courier  who  brought  this  intelli- 
gence was  the  bearer  of  a  second  letter  from  me,  which  I 
had  written  on  board  ship,  and  dated  from  Frejus.  In  this 
letter  I  mentioned  that  Bonaparte  would  pass  through 
Sens  and  dine  with  my  mother. 

In  fulfilment  of  my  directions  Madame  de  Bourrienne 
set  off  for  Paris  at  five  in  the  morning.  Having  passed 
the  first  post-house  she  met  a  berlin  containing  four  trav- 
ellers, among  whom  she  recognised  Louis  Bonaparte  go- 
ing to  meet  the  General  on  the  Lyons  road.  On  seeing 
Madame  de  Bourrienne  Louis  desired  the  postillion  to 
stop,  and  asked  her  whether  she  had  heard  from  me.  She 
informed  him  that  we  should  pass  through  Sens,  where  the 
General  wished  to  dine  with  my  mother,  who  had  made 
every  preparation  for  receiving  him.  Louis  then  contin- 
ued his  journey.  About  nine  o'clock  my  wife  met  another 
berlin,  in  which  were  Madame  Bonaparte  and  her  daugh- 
ter. As  they  were  asleep,  and  both  carriages  were  driv- 
ing at  a  very  rapid  rate,  Madame  de  Bourrienne  did  not 
stop  them.  Josephine  followed  the  route  taken  by  Louis. 
Both  missed  the  General,  who  changed  his  mind  at  Lyons, 
and  proceeded  by  way  of  Bourbonnais.  He  arrived  fifteen 
hours  after  my  wife  ;  and  those  who  had  taken  the  Bur- 
gundy road  proceeded  to  Lyons  uselessly. 

Determined  to  repair  in  all  haste  to  Paris,  Bonaparte 
had  left  Frejus  on  the  afternoon  of  the  day  of  our  landing. 
He  himself  had  despatched  the  courier  to  Sens  to  inform 
my  mother  of  his  intended  visit  to  her  ;  and  it  was  not 
until  he  got  to  Lyons  that  he  determined  to  take  the 


1799.  CONDITION  OF  THE  PROVINCES.  243 

Bourbonnais  road.  His  reason  for  doing  so  will  presently 
be  seen.  All  along  the  road,  at  Aix,  at  Lyons,  in  every 
town  and  village,  he  was  received,  as  at  Frejus,  with  the 
most  rapturous  demonstrations  of  joy.1  Only  those  who 
witnessed  his  triumphal  journey  can  form  any  notion  of 
it ;  and  it  required  no  great  discernment  to  foresee  some- 
thing like  the  18th  Brumaire. 

The  provinces,  a  prey  to  anarchy  and  civil  war,  were  con- 
tinually threatened  with  foreign  invasion.  Almost  all  the 
south  presented  the  melancholy  spectacle  of  one  vast  arena 
of  conflicting  factions.  The  nation  groaned  beneath  the 
yoke  of  tyrannical  laws  ;  despotism  was  systematically  es- 
tablished ;  the  law  of  hostages  struck  a  blow  at  personal 
liberty,  and  forced  loans  menaced  every  man's  property. 
The  generality  of  the  citizens  had  declared  themselves 
against  apentarchy  devoid  of  power,  justice,  and  morality, 
and  which  had  become  the  sport  of  faction  and  intrigue. 
Disorder  was  general ;  but  in  the  provinces  abuses  were 
felt  more  sensibly  than  elsewhere.  In  great  cities  it  was 
found  more  easy  to  elude  the  hand  of  despotism  and  op- 
pression. 

A  change  so  earnestly  wished  for  could  not  fail  to  be 
realised,  and  to  be  received  with  transport.  The  majority 
of  the  French  people  longed  to  be  relieved  from  the  situa- 
tion in  which  they  then  stood.  There  were  two  dangers 
to  cope  with — anarchy  and  the  Bourbons.  Every  one  felt 
the  urgent  and  indispensable  necessity  of  concentrating 
the  power  of  the  Government  in  a  single  hand  ;  at  the 
same  time  maintaining  those  institutions  which  the  spirit 
of  the  age  demanded,  and  which  France,  after  having  so 
dearly  purchased,  was  now  about  to  lose.  The  country 
looked  for  a  man  who  was  capable  of  restoring  her  to 

1  From  Frejus  to  Aix  a  crowd  of  men  kindly  escorted  us,  carrying  torches  along- 
side the  carriage  of  the  General,  not  so  much  to  show  their  enthusiasm  as  to  ensure 
our  safety  (Bourrienne).  These  brigands  became  so  bad  in  France  that  at  one  time 
soldiers  were  placed  in  the  imperials  of  all  the  diligences,  receiving  from  the  wiU 
the  curiously  anticipative  name  of  "  imperial  armies." 


244        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

tranquillity  ;  but  as  yet  no  such  man  had  appeared.  A 
soldier  of  fortune  presented  himself,  covered  with  glory  ; 
he  had  planted  the  standard  of  France  on  the  Capitol  and 
on  the  Pyramids.  The  whole  world  acknowledged  his  su- 
perior talent ;  his  character,  his  courage,  and  his  victories 
had  raised  him  to  the  very  highest  rank.  His  great  works, 
his  gallant  actions,  his  speeches,  and  his  proclamations 
ever  since  he  had  risen  to  eminence  left  no  doubt  of  his 
wish  to  secure  happiness  and  freedom  to  France,  his 
adopted  country.  At  that  critical  moment  the  necessity 
of  a  temporary  dictatorship,  which  sometimes  secures  the 
safety  of  a  state,  banished  all  reflections  on  the  conse- 
quences of  such  a  power,  and  nobody  seemed  to  think 
glory  incompatible  with  personal  liberty.  All  eyes  were 
therefore  directed  on  the  General,  whose  past  conduct 
guaranteed  his  capability  of  defending  the  Kepublic 
abroad,  and  liberty  at  home, — on  the  General  whom  his 
flatterers,  and  indeed  some  of  his  sincere  friends,  styled, 
"  the  hero  of  liberal  ideas,"  the  title  to  which  he  aspired. 

Under  every  point  of  view,  therefore,  he  was  naturally 
chosen  as  the  chief  of  a  generous  nation,  confiding  to  him 
her  destiny,  in  preference  to  a  troop  of  mean  and  fanatical 
hypocrites,  who,  under  the  names  of  republicanism  and 
liberty,  had  reduced  France  to  the  most  abject  slavery. 

Among  the  schemes  which  Bonaparte  was  incessantly 
revolving  in  his  mind  may  undoubtedly  be  ranked  the 
project  of  attaining  the  head  of  the  French  Government ; 
but  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  on  his  return 
from  Egypt  he  had  formed  any  fixed  plan.  There  was 
something  vague  in  his  ambitious  aspirations  ;  and  he  was, 
if  I  may  so  express  myself,  fond  of  building  those  im- 
aginary edifices  called  castles  in  the  air.  The  current  of 
events  was  in  accordance  with  his  wishes ;  and  it  may 
truly  be  said  that  the  whole  French  nation  smoothed  for 
Bonaparte  the  road  which  led  to  power.  Certainly  th« 
unanimous  plaudits  and  universal  joy  which  accompanied 


179».  ARRIVAL  IN  PARIS.  245 


him  along  a  journey  of  more  than  200  leagues  must  have 
induced  him  to  regard  as  a  national  mission  that  step 
which  was  at  first  prompted  merely  by  his  wish  of  med- 
dling with  the  affairs  of  the  Republic. 

This  spontaneous  burst  of  popular  feeling,  unordered 
and  unpaid  for,  loudly  proclaimed  the  grievances  of  the 
people,  and  their  hope  that  the  man  of  victory  would  be- 
come their  deliverer.  The  general  enthusiasm  excited  by 
the  return  of  the  conqueror  of  Egypt  delighted  him  to  a 
degree  which  I  cannot  express,  and  was,  as  he  has  often 
assured  me,  a  powerful  stimulus  in  urging  him  to  the 
object  to  which  the  wishes  of  France  seemed  to  direct 
him. 

Among  people  of  all  classes  and  opinions  an  18th 
Brumaire  was  desired  and  expected.  Many  royalists  even 
believed  that  a  change  would  prove  favourable  to  the  King. 
So  ready  are  we  to  persuade  ourselves  of  the  reality  of 
what  we  wish. 

As  soon  as  it  was  suspected  that  Bonaparte  would  accept 
the  power  offered  him,  an  outcry  was  raised  about  a  con- 
spiracy against  the  Republic,  and  measures  were  sought 
for  preserving  it.  But  necessity,  and  indeed,  it  must  be 
confessed,  the  general  feeling  of  the  people,  consigned  the 
execution  of  those  measures  to  him  who  was  to  subvert 
the  Republic.  On  his  return  to  Paris  Bonaparte  spoke 
and  acted  like  a  man  who  felt  his  own  power ;  he  cared 
neither  for  flattery,  dinners,  nor  balls, — his  mind  took  a 
higher  flight. 

We  arrived  in  Paris  on  the  24th  Vendemiaire  (the  16th 
of  October).  As  yet  he  knew  nothing  of  what  was  going 
on  ;  for  he  had  seen  neither  his  wife  nor  his  brothers, 
who  were  looking  for  him  on  the  Burgundy  road.  The 
news  of  our  landing  at  Frejus  had  reached  Paris  by  a 
telegraphic  despatch.  Madame  Bonaparte,  who  was  din- 
ing with  M  Gohier  when  that  despatch  was  communicated 
to  him,  as  president  of  the  Directory,  immediately  set  off 


246         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

to  meet  her  husband,  well  knowing  how  important  it  was 
that  her  first  interview  with  him  should  not  be  anticipated 
by  his  brothers. 

The  imprudent  communications  of  Junot  at  the  foun- 
tains of  Messoudiah  will  be  remembered  ;  but,  after  the 
first  ebullition  of  jealous  rage,  all  traces  of  that  feeling 
had  apparently  disappeared.  Bonaparte,  however,  was 
still  harassed  by  secret  suspicion,  and  the  painful  impres- 
sions produced  by  Junot  were  either  not  entirely  effaced 
or  were  revived  after  our  arrival  in  Paris.  We  reached 
the  capital  before  Josephine  returned.  The  recollection 
of  the  past,  the  ill-natured  reports  of  his  brothers,1  and 
the  exaggeration  of  facts  had  irritated  Napoleon  to  the 
very  highest  pitch,  and  he  received  Josephine  with  studied 
coldness,  and  with  an  air  of  the  most  cruel  indifference. 
He  had  no  communication  with  her  for  three  days,  during 
which  time  he  frequently  spoke  to  me  of  suspicions  which 
his  imagination  converted  into  certainty  ;  and  threats  of 
divorce  escaped  his  lips  with  no  less  vehemence  than  when 
we  were  on  the  confines  of  Syria.  I  took  upon  me  the 
office  of  conciliator,  which  I  had  before  discharged  with 
success.  I  represented  to  him  the  dangers  to  be  appre- 
hended from  the  publicity  and  scandal  of  such  an  affair  ; 
and  that  the  moment  when  his  grand  views  might  possibly 
be  realized  was  not  the  fit  time  to  entertain  France  and 
Europe  with  the  details  of  a  charge  of  adultery.  I  spoke 
to  him  of  Hortense  and  Eugene,  to  whom  he  was  much 
attached.  Reflection,  seconded  by  his  ardent  affection  for 
Josephine,  brought  about  a  complete  reconciliation. 
After  these  three  days  of  conjugal  misunderstanding 
their  happiness  was  never  afterwards  disturbed  by  a 
similar  cause.8 

1  Joseph  Bonaparte  remarks  on  this  that  Napoleon  met  Josephine  at  Paris 
before  his  brothers  arrived  there.  (Compare  <?Abrant&s,  vol.  i.  pp.  260-262,  and 
Jiemusat,  tome  i.  pp.  147,  148.) 

3  In  speaking  of  the  unexpected  arrival  of  Bonaparte  from  Egypt,  and  of  the 
meeting  between  him  and  Josephine,  Madame  Junot  says  : — 

"  On  the  10th  October  Josephine  set  off  to  meet  her  husband,  but  without  know- 


1799.  VISIT  TO  THE  DIRECTORY.  247 

On  the  day  after  his  arrival  Bonaparte  visited  the  Di- 
rectors.1 The  interview  was  cold.  On  the  24th  of  Octo- 
ber he  said  to  me,  "  I  dined  yesterday  at  Gohier's ;  Sieyes 
was  present,  and  I  pretended  not  to  see  him.  I  observed 
how  much  he  was  enraged  at  this  mark  of  disrespect." — 

ing  exactly  what  road  he  would  take.  She  thought  it  likely  he  would  come  by  way 
of  Burgundy,  and  therefore  Louis  and  she  set  off  for  Lyons. 

"  Madame  Bonaparte  was  a  prey  to  great  and  well-founded  uneasiness.  Whether 
she  was  guilty  or  only  imprudent,  ehe  was  strongly  accused  by  the  Bonapnrte  family, 
who  were  desirous  that  Napoleon  should  obtain  a  divorce.  The  elder  M.  de  Cau- 
laincourt  stated  to  us  his  apprehensions  on  this  point ;  but  whenever  the  subject 
was  introduced  my  mother  changed  the  conversation,  because,  knowing  as  she  did 
the  sentiments  of  the  Bonaparte  family,  she  could  not  reply  without  either  commit- 
ting them  or  having  recourse  to  falsehood.  She  knew,  moreover,  the  truth  of  many 
circumstances  which  M.  de  Oaulaincourt  seemed  to  doubt,  and  which  her  situation 
with  respect  to  Bonaparte  prevented  her  from  communicating  to  him. 

"  Madame  Bonaparte  committed  a  great  fault  in  neglecting  at  this  juncture  to  con- 
ciliate her  mother-in-law,  who  might  have  protected  her  against  those  who  sought 
her  ruin,  and  effected  it  nine  years  later ;  for  the  divorce  in  1809  was  brought  about 
by  the  joint  efforts  of  all  the  members  of  the  Bonaparte  family,  aided  by  some  of 
Napoleon's  most  confidential  servants,  whom  Josephine,  either  as  Madame  Bona- 
parte or  as  Empress,  had  done  nothing  to  make  her  friends. 

"  Bonaparte,  on  his  arrival  in  Paris,  found  his  house  deserted  ;  but  his  mother, 
sisters,  and  sisters-in-law,  and,  in  short,  every  member  of  his  family,  except  Louie, 
who  had  attended  Madame  Bonaparte  to  Lyons,  came  to  him  immediately.  The  im- 
pression made  upon  him  by  the  solitude  of  his  home  and  its  desertion  by  its  mistress 
was  profound  and  terrible,  and  nine  years  afterwards,  when  the  ties  between  him  and 
Josephine  were  severed  for  ever,  he  showed  that  it  was  not  effaced.  Prom  not  find- 
ing her  with  his  family  he  inferred  that  she  felt  herself  unworthy  of  their  presence, 
and  feared  to  meet  the  man  she  had  wronged.  He  considered  her  journey  to  Lyons 
as  a  mere  pretence. 

"  M.  de  Bourrienne  says  that  for  some  days  after  Josephine's  return  Bonaparte 
treated  her  with  extreme  coldness.  As  he  was  an  eye-witness,  why  does  he  not  state 
the  whole  truth,  and  say  that  on  her  return  Bonaparte  refused  to  see  her  and  did  not 
tee  her  f  It  was  to  the  earnest  entreaties  of  her  children  that  she  owed  the  recovery, 
not  of  her  husband's  love,  for  that  had  long  ceased,  but  of  that  tenderness  acquired 
by  habit,  and  that  intimate  intercourse  which  made  her  still  retain  the  rank  of  con- 
sort to  the  greatest  man  of  his  age.  Bonaparte  was  at  this  period  much  attached  to 
Eugene  Beauharnais,  who,  to  do  him  justice,  was  a  charming  youth.  He  knew  less 
of  Hortense  ;  but  her  youth  and  sweetness  of  temper,  and  the  protection  of  which, 
as  his  adopted  daughter,  she  besought  him  not  to  deprive  her,  proved  powerful  ad- 
vocates, and  overcame  his  resistance. 

"  In  this  delicate  negotiation  it  was  good  policy  not  to  bring  any  other  person  into 
play,  whatever  might  be  their  influence  with  Bonaparte,  and  Madame  Bonaparte  did 
not,  therefore,  have  recourse  either  to  Barras,  Bourrienne,  or  Berthier.  It  was  ex- 
pedient that  they  who  interceded  for  her  should  be  able  to  say  something  without 
the  possibility  of  a  reply.  Now  Bonaparte  could  not  with  any  degree  of  propriety 

1  The  Directors  at  this  time  were  Barras,  Sieyes,  Mouline,  Gohier,  and  Roger 
Ducos. 


248         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

"But  are  you  sure  he  is  against  you ?"  inquired  I.  "I 
know  nothing  yet ;  but  he  is  a  scheming  man,  and  I  don't 
like  him."  Even  at  that  time  Bonaparte  had  thoughts  of 
getting  himself  elected  a  member  of  the  Directory  in  the 
room  of  Sieyes. 

explain  to  such  children  as  Engine  or  Hortense  the  particulars  of  their  mother's  con- 
duct. He  was  therefore  constrained  to  silence,  and  had  no  argument  to  combat  the 
tears  of  two  innocent  creatures  at  his  feet  exclaiming,  '  Do  not  abandon  our  mother ; 
she  will  break  her  heart  1  And  ought  injustice  to  take  from  us,  poor  orphans,  whose 
natural  protector  the  scaffold  has  already  deprived  us  of,  the  support  of  one  whom 
Providence  has  sent  to  replace  him  1  " 

"  The  scene,  as  Bonaparte  has  since  stated,  was  long  and  painful,  and  the  two  chil- 
dren at  length  introduced  their  mother,  and  placed  her  in  his  arms.  The  unhappy 
woman  had  awaited  his  decision  at  the  door  of  a  small  back  staircase,  extended  at 
almost  full  length  upon  the  stairs,  suffering  the  acutest  pangs  of  mental  torture. 

"  Whatever  might  be  his  wife's  errors,  Bonaparte  appeared  entirely  to  forget  them, 
and  the  reconciliation  was  complete.  Of  all  the  members  of  the  family  Madame 
Leclerc  was  most  vexed  at  the  pardon  which  Napoleon  had  granted  to  his  wife.  Bo- 
naparte's mother  was  also  very  ill  pleased  ;  but  she  said  nothing.  Madame  Joseph 
Bonaparte,  who  was  always  very  amiable,  took  no  part  in  these  family  quarrels  ; 
therefor*  she  could  easily  determine  what  part  to  take  when  fortune  smiled  on  Jo- 
sephine. As  to  Madame  Bacciocchi,  she  gave  free  vent  to  her  ill-humour  and  dis- 
dain ;  the  consequence  was,  that  her  sister-in-law  could  never  endure  her.  Christine 
who  was  a  beautiful  creature,  followed  the  example  of  Madame  Joseph,  and  Caroline 
was  so  young  that  her  opinion  could  have  no  weight  in  such  an  affair.  As  to  Bona- 
parte'* brothers,  they  were  at  open  *«ar  with  Josephine." 


1799.  249 


CHAPTER  XXDI. 
1799. 

Moreau  and  Bernadotte — Bonaparte's  opinion  of  Bernadotfce — False  re- 
port— The  crown  of  Sweden  and  the  Constitution  of  the  year  III.— 
Intrigues  of  Bonaparte's  brothers — Angry  conversation  between  Bona- 
parte and  Bernadotte — Bonaparte's  version — Josephine's  version — An 
unexpected  visit — The  Manege  Club — Salicetti  and  Joseph  Bonaparte 
— Bonaparte  invites  himself  to  breakfast  with  Bernadotte — Country 
excursion — Bernadotte  dines  with  Bonaparte — The  plot  and  con- 
spiracy— Conduct  of  Lucien — Dinner  given  to  Bonaparte  by  the 
Council  of  the  Five  Hundred — Bonaparte's  wish  to  be  chosen  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Directory — His  reconciliation  with  Sieyes — Offer  made  by 
the  Directory  to  Bonaparte — He  is  falsely  accused  by  Barras. 

To  throw  a  clear  light  on  the  course  of  the  great  events 
which  will  presently  be  developed  it  is  necessary  to  state 
briefly  what  intrigues  had  been  hatched  and  what  ambi- 
tious hopes  had  risen  up  while  we  were  in  Egypt.  When 
in  Egypt  Bonaparte  was  entirely  deprived  of  any  means 
of  knowing  what  was  going  on  in  France  ;  and  in  our 
rapid  journey  from  Frejus  to  Paris  we  had  no  opportunity 
of  collecting  much  information.  Yet  it  was  very  impor- 
tant that  we  should  know  the  real  state  of  affairs,  and  the 
sentiments  of  those  whom  Bonaparte  had  counted  among 
his  rivals  in  glory,  and  whom  he  might  now  meet  among 
his  rivals  in  ambition. 

Moreau's  military  reputation  stood  very  high,  and  Ber- 
nadotte's  firmness  appeared  inflexible.  Generally  speak- 
ing, Bonaparte  might  have  reckoned  among  his  devoted 
partisans  the  companions  of  his  glory  in  Italy,  and  also 
those  whom  he  subsequently  denominated  "his  Egyp- 
tians." But  brave  men  had  distinguished  themselves  in 


250         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

the  army  of  the  Khine  ;  and  if  they  did  not  withhold  their 
admiration  from  the  conqueror  of  Italy,  they  felt  at  least 
more  personally  interested  in  the  admiration  which  they 
lavished  on  him  who  had  repaired  the  disaster  of  Scherer. 
Besides,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  a  republican  spirit 
prevailed,  almost  without  exception,  in  the  army,  and  that 
the  Directory  appeared  to  be  a  Government  invented  ex- 
pressly to  afford  patronage  to  intriguers.  All  this  planted 
difficulties  in  our  way,  and  rendered  it  indispensably  nec- 
essary that  we  should  know  our  ground.  We  had,  it  is 
true,  been  greeted  by  the  fullest  measure  of  popular  en- 
thusiasm on  our  arrival ;  but  this  was  not  enough.  We 
wanted  suffrages  of  a  more  solid  kind. 

During  the  campaign  of  Egypt  Bernadotte,  who  was  a 
zealous  republican,  had  been  War  Minister,1  but  he  had 
resigned  the  portfolio  to  Dubois-Crance  three  weeks  be- 
fore Bonaparte's  return  to  France.  Some  partisans  of  the 
old  Minister  were  endeavouring  to  get  him  recalled,  and 
it  was  very  important  to  Bonaparte's  interests  that  he 
should  prevent  the  success  of  this  design.  I  recollect  that 
on  the  second  day  of  our  arrival  Bonaparte  said  to  me,  "I 
have  learned  many  things  ;  but  we  shall  see  what  will 
happen.  Bernadotte  is  a  singular  man.  When  he  was 
War  Minister  Augereau,  Salicetti,  and  some  others  in- 
formed him  that  the  Constitution  was  in  danger,  and  that 
it  was  necessary  to  get  rid  of  Sieyes,  Barras,  and  Fouche, 
who  were  at  the  head  of  a  plot.  What  did  Bernadotte 
do?  Nothing.  He  asked  for  proofs.  None  could  be 
produced.  He  asked  for  powers.  Who  could  grant  them? 
Nobody.  He  should  have  taken  them  ;  but  he  would  not 
venture  on  that.  He  wavered.  He  said  he  could  not 
enter  into  the  schemes  which  were  proposed  to  him.  He 
only  promised  to  be  silent  on  condition  that  they  were  re- 

«  Bernadotte  was  Minister  of  War  from  2d  July  1799  to  14th  September  1799,  when, 
as  he  himself  wrote  to  the  Directory,  they  "  accepted  "  the  resignation  he  had  not 
offered. 


1799.  BERNADOTTE  AND  MOREAU.  251 

nounced.  Bernadotte  is  not  a  help  ;  he  is  an  obstacle.  I 
have  heard  from  good  authority  that  a  great  number  of 
influential  persons  wished  to  invest  him  with  extensive 
power  for  the  public  good  ;  but  he  was  obstinate,  and 
would  listen  to  nothing." 

After  a  brief  interval  of  silence,  during  which  Bonaparte 
rubbed  his  forehead  with  his  right  hand,  he  thus  resumed : 
"I  believe  I  shall  have  Bernadotte  and  Moreau against  me. 
But  I  do  not  fear  Moreau.  He  is  devoid  of  energy.  I 
know  he  would  prefer  military  to  political  power.  The 
promise  of  the  command  of  an  army  would  gain  him  over. 
But  Bernadotte  has  Moorish  blood  in  his  veins.  He  is 
bold  and  enterprising.  He  is  allied  to  my  brothers. '  He 
does  not  like  me,  and  I  am  almost  certain  that  he  will  op- 
pose me.  If  he  should  become  ambitious  he  will  venture 
anything.  And  yet,  you  recollect  in  what  a  lukewarm  way 
he  acted  on  the  18th  Fructidor,  when  I  sent  him  to  second 
Augereau.  This  devil  of  a  fellow  is  not  to  be  seduced.  He 
is  disinterested  and  clever.  But,  after  all,  we  have  but 
just  arrived,  and  know  not  what  may  happen." 

Bernadotte,  it  was  reported,  had  advised  that  Bonaparte 
should  be  brought  to  a  court-martial,  on  the  twofold 
charge  of  having  abandoned  his  army  and  violated  the 
quarantine  laws.  This  report  came  to  the  ears  of  Bona- 
parte ;  but  he  refused  to  believe  it  and  he  was  right. 
Bernadotte  thought  himself  bound  to  the  Constitution 
which  he  had  sworn  to  defend.  Hence  the  opposition  he 
manifested  to  the  measures  of  the  18th  Brumaire.  But 
he  cherished  no  personal  animosity  against  Bonaparte  as 

1  Joseph  Bonaparte  and  Bernadotte  had  married  sisters,  Marie-Julie  and  Eug6nio 
Bernardine-Desiroe  Clary.  The  feeling  of  Bourrienne  for  Bernadotte  makes  this 
passage  doubtful.  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  in  the  same  conversation  he  makes  Napo- 
leon describe  Bernadotte  as  not  venturing  to  act  without  powers  and  as  enterpris- 
ing. The  stern  republican  becoming  Prince  de  Monte  Corvo  and  King  of  Sweden,  in 
a  way  compatible  with  his  fidelity  to  the  Constitution  of  the  year  III.,  is  good. 
Lanfrey  attributes  Bernadotte's  refusal  to  join  more  to  rivalry  than  to  principle 
(Lanfrev,  tome  i.  p.  440).  But  in  any  case  Napoleon  did  not  dread  Bernadotte,  and 
was  soon  threatenimg  to  shoot  him ;  see  Lucien,  tome  ii.  p.  107. 


253         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

long  as  he  was  ignorant  of  his  ambitious  designs.  The 
extraordinary  and  complicated  nature  of  subsequent  events 
rendered  his  possession  of  the  crown  of  Sweden  in  no  way 
incompatible  with  his  fidelity  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
year  m. 

On  our  first  arrival  in  Paris,  though  I  was  almost  con- 
stantly with  the  General,  yet,  as  our  routine  of  occupa- 
tion was  not  yet  settled,  I  was  enabled  now  and  then  to 
snatch  an  hour  or  two  from  business.  This  leisure  time  I 
spent  in  the  society  of  my  family  and  a  few  friends,  and 
in  collecting  information  as  to  what  had  happened  during 
our  absence,  for  which  purpose  I  consulted  old  news- 
papers and  pamphlets.  I  was  not  surprised  to  learn  that 
Bonaparte's  brothers — that  is  to  say,  Joseph  and  Lucien — 
had  been  engaged  in  many  intrigues.  I  was  told  that 
Sieyes  had  for  a  moment  thought  of  calling  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick  to  the  head  of  the  Government ;  that  Barraa 
would  not  have  been  very  averse  to  favouring  the  return 
of  the  Bourbons  ;  and  that  Moulins,  Roger  Ducos,  and 
Gohier  alone  believed  or  affected  to  believe,  in  the  pos- 
sibility of  preserving  the  existing  form  of  government. 
From  what  I  heard  at  the  time  I  have  good  reasons  for 
believing  that  Joseph  and  Lucien  made  all  sorts  of  en- 
deavours to  inveigle  Bernadotte  into  their  brother's  party, 
and  in  the  hope  of  accomplishing  that  object  they  had 
assisted  in  getting  him  appointed  War  Minister.  How- 
ever, I  cannot  vouch  for  the  truth  of  this.  I  was  told  that 
Bernadotte  had  at  first  submitted  to  the  influence  of  Bona- 
parte's two  brothers  ;  but  that  their  urgent  interference 
in  their  client's  behalf  induced  him  to  shake  them  off, 
to  proceed  freely  in  the  exercise  of  his  duties,  and  to 
open  the  eyes  of  the  Directory  on  what  the  Republic 
might  have  to  apprehend  from  the  enterprising  character 
of  Bonaparte.  It  is  certain  that  what  I  have  to  relate  re- 
specting the  conduct  of  Bernadotte  to  Bonaparte  is  calcu- 
lated to  give  credit  to  these  assertions. 


1799.  DISPUTES   WITH  BERNADOTTE.  253 

All  the  generals  who  were  in  Paris,  with  the  exception 
of  Bernadotte,  had  visited  Bonaparte  during  the  first  three 
days  which  succeeded  his  arrival.  Bernadotte's  absence 
was  the  more  remarkable  because  he  had  served  under 
Bonaparte  in  Italy.  It  was  not  until  a  fortnight  had 
elapsed,  and  then  only  on  the  reiterated  entreaties  of 
Joseph  and  Madame  Joseph  Bonaparte  (his  sister-in-law), 
that  he  determined  to  go  and  see  his  old  General-in-Chief. 
I  was  not  present  at  their  interview,  being  at  that  moment 
occupied  in  the  little  cabinet  of  the  Rue  Chantereine. 
But  I  soon  discovered  that  their  conversation  had  been 
long  and  warm  ;  for  as  soon  as  it  was  ended  Bonaparte 
entered  the  cabinet  exceedingly  agitated,  and  said  to  me, 
"  Bourrienne,  how  do  you  think  Bernadotte  has  behaved  ? 
You  have  traversed  France  with  me — you  witnessed  the 
enthusiasm  which  my  return  excited — you  yourself  told 
me  that  you  saw  in  that  enthusiasm  the  desire  of  the 
French  people  to  be  relieved  from  the  disastrous  position 
in  which  our  reverses  have  placed  them.  Well !  would 
you  believe  it  ?  Bernadotte  boasts,  with  ridiculous  exag- 
geration, of  the  brilliant  and  victorious  situation  of  France ! 
He  talks  about  the  defeat  of  the  Eussians,  the  occupation 
of  Genoa,  the  innumerable  armies  that  are  rising  up 
everywhere.  In  short,  I  know  not  what  nonsense  he  has 
got  in  his  head." — "What  can  all  this  mean?"  said  L 
"Did  he  speak  about  Egypt?" — "  Oh,  yes!  Now  you  re- 
mind me.  He  actually  reproached  me  for  not  having 
brought  the  army  back  with  me  !  '  But,'  observed  I, 
'  have  you  not  just  told  me  that  you  are  absolutely  over- 
run with  troops  ;  that  all  your  frontiers  are  secure,  that 
immense  levies  are  going  on,  and  that  you  will  have  200,- 
000  infantry  ? — If  this  be  true,  what  do  you  want  with  a 
few  thousand  men  who  may  ensure  the  preservation  of 
Egypt  ? '  He  could  make  no  answer  to  this.  But  he  is 
quite  elated  by  the  honour  of  having  been  War  Minister ; 
and  he  told  me  boldly  that  he  looked  upon  the  army  of 


254         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

Egypt  as  lost.  Nay,  more.  He  made  insinuations.  He 
spoke  of  enemies  abroad  and  enemies  at  home  ;  and  as  he 
uttered  these  last  words  he  looked  significantly  at  me.  I 
too  gave  him  a  glance  !  But  stay  a  little.  The  pear  will 
soon  be  ripe !  You  know  Josephine's  grace  and  address. 
She  was  present.  The  scrutinising  glance  of  Bernadotte 
did  not  escape  her,  and  she  adroitly  turned  the  conversa- 
tion. Bernadotte  saw  from  my  countenance  that  I  had 
had  enough  of  it,  and  he  took  his  leave.  But  don't  let  me 
interrupt  you  further.  I  am  going  back  to  speak  to 
Josephine." 

I  must  confess  that  this  strange  story  made  me  very  im- 
patient to  find  myself  alone  with  Madame  Bonaparte,  for 
I  wished  to  hear  her  account  of  the  scene.  An  opportun- 
ity occurred  that  very  evening.  I  repeated  to  her  what  I 
had  heard  from  the  General,  and  all  that  she  told  me 
tended  to  confirm  its  accuracy.  She  added  that  Berna- 
dotte seemed  to  take  the  utmost  pains  to  exhibit  to  the 
General  a  flattering  picture  of  the  prosperity  of  France  ; 
and  she  reported  to  me,  as  follows,  that  part  of  the  con- 
versation which  was  peculiarly  calculated  to  irritate  Bona- 
parte : — "  '  I  do  not  despair  of  the  safety  of  the  Kepublic, 
which  I  am  certain  can  restrain  her  enemies  both  abroad 
and — at  home.'  As  Bernadotte  uttered  these  last  words," 
continued  Josephine,  "  his  glance  made  me  shudder.  One 
word  more  and  Bonaparte  could  have  commanded  himself 
no  longer  !  It  is  true,"  added  she,  "  that  it  was  in  some 
degree  his  own  fault,  for  it  was  he  who  turned  the  con- 
versation on  politics  ;  and  Bernadotte,  in  describing  the 
flourishing  condition  of  France,  was  only  replying  to  the 
General,  who  had  drawn  a  very  opposite  picture  of  the 
state  of  things.  You  know,  my  dear  Bourrienne,  that 
Bonaparte  is  not  always  very  prudent.  I  fear  he  has  said 
too  much  to  Bernadotte  about  the  necessity  of  changes  in 
the  Government."  Josephine  had  not  yet  recovered  from 
the  agitation  into  which  this  violent  scene  had  thrown  her. 


1799.  A  DIPLOMATIC    VISIT.  255 

After  I  took  leave  of  her  I  made  notes  of  what  she  had 
told  me. 

A  few  days  after,  when  Bonaparte,  Josephine,  Hortense, 
Eugene,  and  I  were  together  in  the  drawing-room,  Berna- 
dotte  unexpectedly  entered.  His  appearance,  after  what 
had  passed,  was  calculated  to  surprise  us.  He  was  ac- 
companied by  a  person  whom  he  requested  permission  to 
introduce  to  Bonaparte.  I  have  forgotten  his  name,  but 
he  was,  I  think,  secretary-general  while  Bernadotte  was  in 
office.  Bonaparte  betrayed  no  appearance  of  astonish- 
ment. He  received  Bernadotte  with  perfect  ease,  and  they 
soon  entered  into  conversation.  Bonaparte,  who  seemed 
to  acquire  confidence  from  the  presence  of  those  who  were 
about  him,  said  a  great  deal  about  the  agitation  which 
prevailed  among  the  republicans,  and  expressed  himself 
in  very  decided  terms  against  the  Manege  Club.1  I  sec- 
onded him  by  observing  that  M.  Moreau  de  Worms  of  my 
department,  who  was  a  member  of  that  club,  had  himself 
complained  to  me  of  the  violence  that  prevailed  in  it. 
"But,  General,"  said  Bernadotte,  "your  brothers  were  its 
most  active  originators.  Yet,"  added  he  in  a  tone  of 
firmness,  "  you  accuse  me  of  having  favoured  that  club,  and 
I  repel  the  charge.  It  cannot  be  otherwise  than  false. 
When  I  came  into  office  I  found  everything  in  the  greatest 
disorder.  I  had  no  leisure  to  think  about  any  club  to 
which  my  duties  did  not  call  me.  You  know  well  that 
your  friend  Salicetti,  and  that  your  brother,  who  is  in  your 
confidence,  are  both  leading  men  in  the  Manege  Club. 
To  the  instructions  of  /  know  not  whom  is  to  be  attributed 
the  violence  of  which  you  complain."  At  these  words, 
and  especially  the  tone  in  which  Bernadotte  uttered  / 
know  not  whom,  Bonaparte  could  no  longer  restrain  him- 

1  The  Manage  Club,  the  last  resort  of  the  Jacobins,  formed  in  1799,  and  closed 
seven  or  eight  months  afterwards.  Joseph  Bonaparte  (Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  251)  de- 
nies that  he  or  Lucien — for  whom  the  allusion  is  meant — were  members  of  this  club, 
and  he  disputes  this  conversation  ever  having  taken  place.  Lucien  (tome  i.  p.  819} 
treats  this  club  as  opposed  to  his  party. 


256         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

self.  "Well,  General,"  exclaimed  he  furiously,  "I  tell 
you  plainly,  I  would  rather  live  wild  in  the  woods  than  in 
a  state  of  society  which  affords  no  security."  Bernadotte 
then  said,  with  great  dignity  of  manner,  "  Good  God ! 
General,  what  security  would  you  have?"  From  the 
warmth  evinced  by  Bonaparte  I  saw  plainly  that  the  con- 
versation would  soon  be  converted  into  a  dispute,  and 
in  a  whisper  I  requested  Madame  Bonaparte  to  change 
the  conversation,  which  she  immediately  did  by  address- 
ing a  question  to  some  one  present.  Bernadotte,  observ- 
ing Madame  Bonaparte's  design,  checked  his  warmth. 
The  subject  of  conversation  was  changed,  and  it  be- 
came general.  Bernadotte  soon  took  up  his  hat  and  de- 
parted. 

One  morning,  when  I  entered  Bonaparte's  chamber — it 
was,  I  believe,  three  or  four  days  after  the  second  visit  of 
Bernadotte — he  said  : 

"  Well,  Bourrienne,  I  wager  you  will  not  guess  with 
whom  I  am  going  to  breakfast  this  morning  ?  " — "  Really, 

General,  I " — "With  Bernadotte ;  and  the  best  of 

the  joke  is,  that  I  have  invited  myself.  You  would  have 
seen  how  it  was  all  brought  about  if  you  had  been  with  us 
at  the  Theatre  Fran§ais,  yesterday  evening.  You  know  we 
are  going  to  visit  Joseph  to-day  at  Mortfontaine.  Well,  as 
we  were  coming  out  of  the  theatre  last  night,  finding  my- 
self side  by  side  with  Bernadotte  and  not  knowing  what 
to  talk  about,  I  asked  him  whether  he  was  to  be  of  our 
party  to-day  ?  He  replied  in  the  affirmative  ;  and  as  we 
were  passing  his  house  in  the  Hue  Cisalpine,1  I  told  him, 
without  any  ceremony,  that  I  should  be  happy  to  come  and 
take  a  cup  of  coffee  with  him  in  the  morning.  He  seemed 
pleased.  What  do  you  think  of  that,  Bourrienne?" — 
"  Why,  General,  I  hope  you  may  have  reason  on  your  part 
to  be  pleased  with  him." — "Never  fear,  never  fear.  I 

i  Joseph  Bonaparte  lays  great  stress  on  the  fact  that  Napoleon  would  not  have 
passed  this  house,  which  was  far  from  the  theatre  (Erreurs,  tome  i,  p.  251). 


1799.  A  DIPLOMATIC   VISIT.  257 

know  what  I  am  about  This  will  compromise  him  with 
Gohier.  Remember,  you  must  always  meet  your  enemies 
with  a  bold  face,  otherwise  they  think  they  are  feared,  and 
that  gives  them  confidence." 

Bonaparte  stepped  into  the  carriage  with  Josephine, 
who  was  always  ready  when  she  had  to  go  out  with  him, 
for  he  did  not  like  to  wait.  They  proceeded  first  to  Ber- 
nadotte's  to  breakfast,  and  from  thence  to  Mortfontaine. 
On  his  return  Bonaparte  told  me  very  little  about  what  had 
passed  during  the  day,  and  I  could  see  that  he  was  not  in 
the  best  of  humours.  I  afterwards  learned  that  Bonaparte 
had  conversed  a  good  deal  with  Bernadotte,  and  that  he 
had  made  every  effort  to  render  himself  agreeable,  which 
he  very  well  knew  how  to  do  when  he  chose  !  but  that,  in 
spite  of  all  his  conversational  talent,  and  supported  as  he 
was  by  the  presence  of  his  three  brothers,  and  Beg- 
nault  de  St.  Jean  d'Angely,1  he  could  not  withstand  the 
republican  firmness  of  Bernadotte.  However,  the  number 
of  his  partisans  daily  augmented  ;  for  all  had  not  the  un- 
compromising spirit  of  Bernadotte  ;  and  it  will  soon  be  seen 
that  Moreau  himself  undertook  charge  of  the  Directors 
who  were  made  prisoners  on  the  18th  Brumaire. 

Bernadotte's  shrewd  penetration  made  him  one  of  the 
first  to  see  clearly  into  Bonaparte's  designs.  He  was  well 
convinced  of  his  determination  to  overthrow  the  constitu- 
tion and  possess  himself  of  power.  He  saw  the  Directory 
divided  into  two  parties  ;  the  one  duped  by  the  promises 
and  assurances  of  Bonaparte,  and  the  other  conniving  with 
him  for  the  accomplishment  of  his  plans.  In  these  cir- 
cumstances Bernadotte  offered  his  services  to  all  persons 
connected  with  the  Government  who,  like  himself,  were 
averse  to  the  change  which  he  saw  good  reason  to  appre- 
hend. But  Bonaparte  was  not  the  man  to  be  outdone  in 

1  Etienne  Regnault  or  Regnaud  (de  St.  Jean  d'Angely)  became  Comte,  and  a 
Member  of  the  Council  of  State,  Secretaire  <fl£tatcle  la  Famille  fmperiale,  etc., 
but  was,  though  much  employed  and  showing  much  devotion,  never  given  office. 

VOL.  L— 17 


258         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

cunning  or  activity  ;  and  every  moment  swelled  the  ranks 
of  his  adherents. 

On  the  16th  Brumaire  I  dined  in  the  Hue  de  la  Victoire. 
Bernadotte  was  present,  and  I  believe  General  Jourdan 
also.  While  the  grand  conspiracy  was  hastening  to  its 
accomplishment  Madame  Bonaparte  and  I  had  contrived 
a  little  plot  of  a  more  innocent  kind.  We  let  no  one  into 
our  secret,  and  our  16th  Brumaire  was  crowned  with  com- 
plete success.  We  had  agreed  to  be  on  the  alert  to  pre- 
vent any  fresh  exchange  of  angry  words.  All  succeeded 
to  the  utmost  of  our  wishes.  The  conversation  lan- 
guished during  dinner  ;  but  it  was  not  dulness  that  we 
were  afraid  of.  It  turned  on  the  subject  of  war,  and  in 
that  vast  field  Bonaparte's  superiority  over  his  interlocu- 
tors was  undeniable. 

When  we  retired  to  the  drawing-rooms  a  great  number 
of  evening  visitors  poured  in,  and  the  conversation  then 
became  animated,  and  even  gay.  Bonaparte  was  in  high 
spirits.  He  said  to  some  one,  smiling,  and  pointing  to 
Bernadotte,  "  You  are  not  aware  that  the  General  yonder 
is  a  Chouan." — "A  Chouan  ?"  repeated  Bernadotte,  also 
in  a  tone  of  pleasantry.  "  Ah !  General  you  contradict 
yourself.  Only  the  other  day  you  taxed  me  with  favour- 
ing the  violence  of  the  friends  of  the  Republic,  and  now 
you  accuse  me  of  protecting  the  Chouans.1  You  should 
at  least  be  consistent"  A  few  moments  after,  availing 
himself  of  the  confusion  occasioned  by  the  throng  of  vis- 
itors, Bernadotte  slipped  off. 

As  a  mark  of  respect  to  Bonaparte  the  Council  of  the 
Five  Hundred  appointed  Lucien  its  president.  The  event 
proved  how  important  this  nomination  was  to  Napoleon. 
Up  to  the  19th  Brumaire,  and  especially  on  that  day, 
Lucien  evinced  a  degree  of  activity,  intelligence,  courage, 
and  presence  of  mind  which  are  rarely  found  united  in 

i  The  "  Chouans,"  so  called  from  their  use  of  the  cry  of  the  screech-owl  (cha» 
houan)  as  a  signal,  were  the  revolted  peasants  of  Brittany  and  of  Maine. 


1799.  PROMOTION  OF  LUGIEN.  259 

one  individual.  I  have  no  hesitation  in  stating  that  to  Lu- 
cien's  nomination  and  exertions  must  be  attributed  the 
success  of  the  19th  Brumaire. 

The  General  had  laid  down  a  plan  of  conduct  from 
which  he  never  deviated  during  the  twenty-three  days 
which  intervened  between  his  arrival  in  Paris  and  the 
18th  Brumaire.  He  refused  almost  all  private  invitations, 
in  order  to  avoid  indiscreet  questions,  unacceptable  offers, 
and  answers  which  might  compromise  him. 

It  was  not  without  some  degree  of  hesitation  that  he 
yielded  to  a  project  started  by  Lucien,  who,  by  all  sorts  of 
manoeuvring,  had  succeeded  in  prevailing  on  a  great  number 
of  his  colleagues  to  be  present  at  a  grand  subscription  din- 
ner to  be  given  to  Bonaparte  by  the  Council  of  the  Ancients. 

The  disorder  which  unavoidably  prevailed  in  a  party 
amounting  to  upwards  of  250  persons,  animated  by  a  di- 
versity of  opinions  and  sentiments  ;  the  anxiety  and  dis- 
trust arising  in  the  minds  of  those  who  were  not  in  the 
grand  plot,  rendered  this  meeting  one  of  the  most  dis- 
agreeable I  ever  witnessed.  It  was  all  restraint  and  dul- 
ness.  Bonaparte's  countenance  sufficiently  betrayed  his 
dissatisfaction  ;  besides,  the  success  of  his  schemes  de- 
manded his  presence  elsewhere.  Almost  as  soon  as  he  had 
finished  his  dinner  he  rose,  saying  to  Berthier  and  me,  "  7 
am  tired  :  let  us  be  gone."  He  went  round  to  the  differ- 
ent tables,  addressing  to  the  company  compliments  and 
trifling  remarks,  and  departed,  leaving  at  table  the  per- 
sons by  whom  he  had  been  invited. 

This  short  political  crisis  was  marked  by  nothing  more 
grand,  dignified,  or  noble  than  the  previous  revolutionary 
commotions.  All  these  plots  were  so  contemptible,  and 
were  accompanied  by  so  much  trickery,  falsehood,  and 
treachery,  that,  for  the  honour  of  human  nature,  it  is  desir- 
able to  cover  them  with  a  veil. 

General  Bonaparte's  thoughts  were  first  occupied  with 
the  idea  he  had  conceived  even  when  in  Italy,  namely,  to 


260      MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE. 


be  chosen  a  Director.  Nobody  dared  yet  to  accuse  him 
of  being  a  deserter  from  the  army  of  the  East.  The  only 
difficulty  was  to  obtain  a  dispensation  on  the  score  of  age. 
And  was  this  not  to  be  obtained  ?  No  sooner  was  he 
installed  in  his  humble  abode  in  the  Rue  de  la  Victoire 
than  he  was  assured  that,  on  the  retirement  of  Bewbell, 
the  majority  of  suffrages  would  have  devolved  on  him 
had  he  been  in  France,  and  had  not  the  fundamental  law 
required  the  age  of  forty  ;  but  that  not  even  his  warmest 
partisans  were  disposed  to  violate  the  yet  infant  Constitu- 
tion of  the  year  HX 

Bonaparte  soon  perceived  that  no  efforts  would  succeed  in 
overcoming  this  difficulity,  and  he  easily  resolved  to  possess 
himself  wholly  of  an  office  of  which  he  would  nominally  have 
had  only  a  fifth  part  had  he  been  a  member  of  the  Directory. 

As  soon  as  his  intentions  became  manifest  he  found  him- 
self surrounded  by  all  those  who  recognised  in  him  the 
man  they  had  long  looked  for.  These  persons,  who  were 
able  and  influential  in  their  own  circles,  endeavoured  to 
convert  into  friendship  the  animosity  which  existed  be- 
tween Sieyes  and  Bonaparte.  This  angry  feeling  had  been 
increased  by  a  remark  made  by  Sieyes,  and  reported  to 
Bonaparte.  He  had  said,  after  the  dinner  at  which  Bona- 
parte treated  him  so  disrespectfully,"  Do  you  see  how  that 
little  insolent  fellow  behaves  to  a  member  of  a  Government 
which  would  do  well  to  order  him  to  be  SHOT  ?  " 

But  all  was  changed  when  able  mediators  pointed  out 
to  Bonaparte  the  advantage  of  uniting  with  Sieyes  for  the 
purpose  of  overthrowing  a  Constitution  which  he  did  not 
like.  He  was  assured  how  vain  it  would  be  to  think  of 
superseding  him,  and  that  it  would  be  better  to  flatter  him 
with  the  hope  of  helping  to  subvert  the  constitution  and 
raising  up  a  new  one.  One  day  some  one  said  to  Bona- 
parte in  my  hearing,  "  Seek  for  support  among  the  party 
who  call  the  friends  of  the  Republic  Jacobins,  and  be  as- 
sured that  Sieyes  is  at  the  head  of  that  party." 


1799.  FALSELY  ACCUSED  BY  B ARRAS.  261 

On  the  25th  Vendemiaire  (17th  of  October)  the  Direc- 
tory summoned  General  Bonaparte  to  a  private  sitting. 
"  They  offered  me  the  choice  of  any  army  I  would  com- 
mand," said  he  to  me  the  next  morning.  "  I  would  not 
refuse,  but  I  asked  to  be  allowed  a  little  time  for  the  re- 
covery of  my  health  ;  and,  to  avoid  any  other  embarrassing 
offers,  I  withdrew.  I  shall  go  to  no  more  of  their  sittings." 
[He  attended  only  one  after  this.]  "  I  am  determined  to 
join  Sieyes'  party.  It  includes  a  greater  diversity  of  opin- 
ions than  that  of  the  profligate  Barras.  He  proclaims 
everywhere  that  he  is  the  author  of  my  fortune.  He  will 
never  be  content  to  play  an  inferior  part,  and  I  will  never 
bend  to  such  a  man.  He  cherishes  the  mad  ambition  of 
being  the  support  of  the  Republic.  What  would  he  do 
with  me  ?  Sieyes,  on  the  contrary,  has  no  political  ambi- 
tion." 

No  sooner  did  Sieyes  begin  to  grow  friendly  with  Bona- 
parte than  the  latter  learned  from  him  that  Barras  had 
said,  "  The  '  little  corporal '  has  made  his  fortune  in  Italy 
and  does  not  want  to  go  back  again."  Bonaparte  repaired, 
to  the  Directory  for  the  sole  purpose  of  contradicting  this 
allegation.  He  complained  to  the  Directors  of  its  false- 
hood, boldly  affirmed  that  the  fortune  he  was  supposed  to 
possess  had  no  existence,  and  that  even  if  he  had  made 
his  fortune  it  was  not,  at  all  events,  at  the  expense  of  the 
Republic.  "  You  know,"  said  he  to  me,  "  that  the  mines 
of  Hydria  have  furnished  the  greater  part  of  what  I  pos- 
sess."— "  Is  it  possible,  "  said  I,  "  that  Barras  could  have 
said  so,  when  you  know  so  well  of  all  the  peculations  of 
which  he  has  been  guilty  since  your  return  ?  " 

Bonaparte  had  confided  the  secret  of  his  plans  to  very 
few  persons — to  those  only  whose  assistance  he  wanted. 
The  rest  mechanically  followed  their  leaders  and  the  im- 
pulse which  was  given  to  them  ;  they  passively  awaited 
the  realisation  of  the  promises  they  had  received,  and  on 
the  faith  of  which  they  had  pledged  themselves. 


26*  1799. 


CHAPTER    XXTV. 
1799. 

Cambacer^s  and  Lebrun — Gohier  deceived — My  nocturnal  visit  to  Barras 
— The  command  of  the  army  given  to  Bonaparte — The  morning  of  the 
18th  Brumaire — Meeting  of  the  generals  at  Bonaparte's  house — Ber- 
nadotte's  firmness — Josephine's  interest  for  Madame  Gohier — Disap- 
pointment of  the  Directors — Review  in  the  gardens  of  the  Toileries 
— Bonaparte's  harangue — Proclamation  of  the  Ancients — Moreau, 
jailer  of  the  Luxembourg — My  conversation  with  La  Vallette — Bon- 
aparte at  St.  Cloud. 

THE  parts  of  the  great  drama  which  was  shortly  to  be  en- 
acted were  well  distributed.  During  the  three  days  pre- 
ceding the  18th  Brumaire  every  one  was  at  his  post.  Lu- 
cien,  with  equal  activity  and  intelligence,  forwarded  the 
conspiracy  in  the  two  Councils  ;  Si6yes  had  the  manage- 
ment of  the  Directory  ;  Real,1  under  the  instructions  of 
Fouche,3  negotiated  with  the  departments,  and  dexterously 
managed,  without  compromising  Fouch6,  to  ruin  those 
from  whom  that  Minister  had  received  his  power.  There 
was  no  time  to  lose  ;  and  Fouche  said  to  me  on  the  14th 
Brumaire,  "  Tell  your  General  to  be  speedy  ;  if  he  delays, 
he  is  lost." 

On  the  17th  Eegnault  de  St.  Jean  d'Angely  told  Bona- 

1  Pierre  Francois  Real  (1757-1834)  ;  public  accuser  before  the  revolutionary  crim- 
inal tribunal,  became,  under  Napoleon,  Conseiller  d'etat  and  Comte,  and  was 
charged  with  the  affairs  of  the  "haute  police." 

a  Joseph  Fouch6  (1754-1820) ;  Conventionalist ;  member  of  extreme  Jacobin  party  ; 
Minister  of  Police  under  the  Directory,  August  1799 ;  retained  by  Napoleon  in  that 
Ministry  till  1802,  and  again  from  1801  to  1810  ;  became  Due  d'Otrante  in  1809;  dis- 
graced in  1810,  and  sent  in  1813  as  governor  of  the  Illyrian  Provinces  ;  Minister  of 
Police  during  the  Cent  Jours ;  President  of  the  Provisional  Government,  1816 ;  and 
Iwr  a  short  time  Minister  of  Police  under  second  restoration. 


1799.       INTRIGUES  OF  THE  \1TH  BRUMAIRE.         263 

parte  that  the  overtures  made  to  Cambaceres  and  Lebrun 
had  not  been  received  in  a  very  decided  way.  "I  will 
have  no  tergiversation,"  replied  Bonaparte  with  warmth. 
"  Let  them  not  flatter  themselves  that  I  stand  in  need  of 
them.  They  must  decide  to-day  ;  to-morrow  will  be  too 
late.  I  feel  myself  strong  enough  now  to  stand  alone." 

Cambaceres  '  and  Lebrun  *  were  almost  utter  strangers 
to  the  intrigues  which  preceded  the  18th  Brumaire. 
Bonaparte  had  cast  his  eyes  on  the  Minister  of  Justice  to 
be  one  of  his  colleagues  when  he  should  be  at  liberty  to 
name  them,  because  his  previous  conduct  had  pledged  him 
as  a  partisan  of  the  Revolution.  To  him  Bonaparte  added 
Lebrun,  to  counterbalance  the  first  choice.  Lebrun  was 
distinguished  for  honourable  conduct  and  moderate  prin- 
ciples. By  selecting  these  two  men  Bonaparte  hoped  to 
please  every  one  ;  besides,  neither  of  them  were  able  to 
contend  against  his  fixed  determination  and  ambitious 
views. 

What  petty  intrigues  marked  the  17th  Brumaire  !  On 
that  day  I  dined  with  Bonaparte  ;  and  after  dinner  he 
said,  "I  have  promised  to  dine  to-morrow  with  Gohier; 
but,  as  you  may  readily  suppose,  I  do  not  intend  going. 
However,  I  am  very  sorry  for  his  obstinacy.  By  way  of 
restoring  his  confidence  Josephine  is  going  to  invite  him 
to  breakfast  with  us  to-morrow.  It  will  be  impossible  for 
him  to  suspect  anything.  I  saw  Barras  this  morning,  and 
left' him  much  disturbed.  He  asked  me  to  return  and  visit 
him  to-night.  I  promised  to  do  so,  but  I  shall  not  go. 
To-morrow  all  will  be  over.  There  is  but  little  time  ;  he 

1  Cnmbac6res  ( J.  J.  Regis  de)  (1758-1824),  Conventionalist ;  Minister  of  Justice 
under  Directory,  1799 ;  Second  Consul,  25th  December  1799 ;  Arch -Chancellor  of  the 
Empire,  1804 ;  Due  de  Parma,  1806 ;  Minister  of  Justice  during  the  Cent  Jours  ; 
took  great  part  in  all  the  legal  and  administrative  projects  of  the  Consulate  and 
Empire. 

s  Charles  Francois  Lebrun  (1737-1824),  Deputy  to  the  National  Assembly,  and 
member  of  the  Council  of  the  Five  Hundred  ;  Third  Consul,  25th  December  1799 ; 
Arch-Treasurer  of  the  Empire,  1804 ;  Due  de  Plaisance,  1806  ;  Governor-General  of 
Holland,  1805 ;  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Holland,  1810  to  1813 ;  chiefly  engaged  in 
financial  measures. 


264         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

expects  me  at  eleven  o'clock  to-night.  You  shall  there- 
fore take  my  carriage,  go  there,  send  in  my  name,  and 
then  enter  yourself.  Tell  him  that  a  severe  headache 
confines  me  to  my  bed,  but  that  I  will  be  with  him  with- 
out fail  to-morrow.  Bid  him  not  be  alarmed,  for  all  will 
soon  be  right  again.  Elude  his  questions  as  much  as 
possible ;  do  not  stay  long,  and  come  to  me  on  your  re- 
turn." 

At  precisely  eleven  o'clock  I  reached  the  residence  of 
Barras,  in  General  Bonaparte's  carriage.  Solitude  and 
silence  prevailed  in  all  the  apartments  through  which  I 
passed  to  Barras'  cabinet.  Bonaparte  was  announced,  and 
when  Barras  saw  me  enter  instead  of  him,  he  manifested 
the  greatest  astonishment  and  appeared  much  cast  down. 
It  was  easy  to  perceive  that  he  looked  on  himself  as  a  lost 
man.  I  executed  my  commission,  and  stayed  only  a  short 
time.  I  rose  to  take  my  leave,  and  he  said,  while  showing 
me  out,  "I  see  that  Bonaparte  is  deceiving  me  :  he  will 
not  come  again.  He  has  settled  everything ;  yet  to  me  he 
owes  all."  I  repeated  that  he  would  certainly  come  to- 
morrow, but  he  shook  his  head  in  a  way  which  plainly 
denoted  that  he  did  not  believe  me.  When  I  gave  Bona- 
parte an  account  of  my  visit  he  appeared  much  pleased. 
He  told  me  that  Joseph  was  going  to  call  that  evening  on 
Bernadotte,  and  to  ask  him  to  come  to-morrow.  I  replied 
that,  from  all  I  knew,  he  would  be  of  no  use  to  him.  "  I 
believe  so  too,"  said  he  ;  "  but  he  can  no  longer  injure  me, 
and  that  is  enough.  Well,  good-night ;  be  here  at  seven 
in  the  morning."  It  was  then  one  o'clock. 

I  was  with  him  a  little  before  seven  o'clock  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  18th  Brumaire,  and  on  my  arrival  I  found  a 
great  number  of  generals  and  officers  assembled.  I  en- 
tered Bonaparte's  chamber,  and  found  him  already  up — a 
thing  rather  unusual  with  him.  At  this  moment  he  was 
as  calm  as  on  the  approach  of  a  battle.  In  a  few  moments 
Joseph  and  Bernadotte  arrived.  Joseph  had  not  found 


1799.  COMMAND  OF  ARMY  GIVEN  TO  BONAPARTE.  265 

him  at  home  on  the  preceding  evening,  and  had  called  for 
him  that  morning.  I  was  surprised  to  see  Bernadotte  in 
plain  clothes,  and  I  stepped  up  to  him  and  said  in  a  low 
voice,  "  General,  every  one  here,  except  you  and  I,  is  in 
uniform." — "Why  should  I  be  in  uniform?"  said  he.  As 
he  uttered  these  words  Bonaparte,  struck  with  the  same 
surprise  as  myself,  stopped  short  while  speaking  to  several 
persons  around  him,  and  turning  quickly  towards  Berna- 
dotte said,  "How  is  this?  you  are  not  in  uniform!" — "I 
never  am  on  a  morning  when  I  am  not  on  duty,"  replied 
Bernadotte. — "You  will  be  on  duty  presently." — "I  have 
not  heard  a  word  of  it :  I  should  have  received  my  orders 
sooner."1 

Bonaparte  then  led  Bernadotte  into  an  adjoining  room. 
Their  conversation  was  not  long,  for  there  was  no  time  to 
spare. 

On  the  other  hand,  by  the  influence  of  the  principal 
conspirators  the  removal  of  the  legislative  body  to  St. 
Cloud  was  determined  on  the  morning  of  the  18th  Bru- 
maire,  and  the  command  of  the  army  was  given  to  Bona- 
parte. 

All  this  time  Barras  was  no  doubt  waiting  for  Bona- 
parte, and  Madame  Bonaparte  was  expecting  Gohier  to 
breakfast.  At  Bonaparte's  were  assembled  all  the  generals 
who  were  devoted  to  him.  I  never  saw  so  great  a  number 
before  in  the  Rue  de  la  Victoire.  They  were  all,  except 
Bernadotte,  in  full  uniform  ;  and  there  were,  besides,  half 
a  dozen  persons  there  initiated  in  the  secrets  of  the  day. 
The  little  hotel  of  the  conqueror  of  Italy  was  much  too 
small  for  such  an  assemblage,  and  several  persons  were 
standing  in  the  court-yard.  Bonaparte  was  acquainted 

1  All  this  account  Is  denied  by  Joseph  Bonaparte,  who  says  (Erreurs,  tome  i.  p. 
252)  that  Bernadotte  did  not  see  Napoleon  nor  enter  his  bouse  on  the  18th  Brumaire, 
and  appeals  to  Bernadotte  himself,  then  alive.  Thiers  (tome  v.  p.  494)  and  Lanfrey 
(tome  i.  p.  451)  follow  Bourrienne.  A  letter  of  Bernadotte  to  Joseph  (Luclen,  tomo 
i.  pp.  362,  363)  seems  to  show  that  Bernadotte,  believing  he  could  resist,  had  yielded 
to  Joseph's  advice  ;  see  also  his  reference  to  his  youth  at  that  time  (Lttcien,  tome  i!. 
p.  393). 


266         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

with  the  decree  of  the  Council  of  the  Ancients,  and  only 
waited  for  its  being  brought  to  him  before  he  should 
mount  his  horse.  That  decree  was  adopted  in  the  Council 
of  the  Ancients  by  what  may  be  called  a  false  majority, 
for  the  members  of  the  Council  were  summoned  at  differ- 
ent hours,  and  it  was  so  contrived  that  sixty  or  eighty  of 
them,  whom  Lucien  and  his  friends  had  not  been  able  to 
gain  over,  should  not  receive  their  notices  in  time. 

As  soon  as  the  message  from  the  Council  of  the  Ancients 
arrived  Bonaparte  requested  all  the  officers  at  his  house 
to  follow  him.  At  that  announcement  a  few  who  were  in 
ignorance  of  what  was  going  on  did  not  follow — at  least  I 
saw  two  groups  separately  leave  the  hotel.  Bernadotte 
said  to  me,  "I  shall  stay  with  you."  I  perceived  there 
was  a  good  deal  of  suspicion  in  his  manner.  Bonaparte, 
before  going  down  the  stairs  which  led  from  the  small 
round  dining-room  into  the  courtyard,  returned  quickly 
to  bid  Bernadotte  follow  him.  He  would  not,  and  Bona- 
parte then  said  to  me,  while  hurrying  off,  "Gohier  is  not 
come — so  much  the  worse  for  him,"  and  leaped  on  his 
horse.  Scarcely  was  he  off  when  Bernadotte  left  me. 
Josephine  and  I  being  now  left  alone,  she  acquainted  me 
with  her  anxiety.  I  assured  her  that  everything  had  been 
so  well  prepared  that  success  was  certain.  She  felt  much 
interest  about  Gohier  on  account  of  her  friendship  for  his 
wife.  She  asked  me  whether  I  was  well  acquainted  with 
Gohier.  "You  know,  Madame,"  replied  I,  "that  we  have 
been  only  twenty  days  in  Paris,  and  that  during  that  time 
I  have  only  gone  out  to  sleep  in  the  Rue  Martel.  I  have 
seen  M.  Gohier  several  times,  when  he  came  to  visit  the 
General,  and  have  talked  to  him  about  the  situation  of  our 
affairs  in  Switzerland,  Holland,  France,  and  other  political 
matters,  but  I  never  exchanged  a  word  with  him  as  to 
what  is  now  going  on.  This  is  the  whole  extent  of  my 
acquaintance  with  him." 

"  I  am  sorry  for  it,"  resumed  Josephine,  "  because   I 


1799.  THE  1STH  BRUMAIRE  267 

should  have  asked  you  to  write  to  him,  and  beg  him  to 
make  no  stir,  but  imitate  Sie"y6s  and  Boger,  who  will  vol- 
untarily retire,  and  not  to  join  Barras,  who  is  probably  at 
this  very  moment  forced  to  do  so.  Bonaparte  has  told 
me  that  if  Gohier  voluntarily  resigns,  he  will  do  every- 
thing for  him."  I  believe  Josephine  communicated  di- 
rectly with  the  President  of  the  Directory  through  a 
friend  of  Madame  Gohier's. 

Gohier  and  Moulins,  no  longer  depending  on  Sieyes 
and  Eoger  Ducos,  waited  for  their  colleague,  Barras,  in 
the  hall  of  the  Directory,  to  adopt  some  measure  on  the 
decree  for  removing  the  Councils  to  St.  Cloud.  But  they 
were  disappointed ;  for  Barras,  whose  eyes  had  been 
opened  by  my  visit  on  the  preceding  night,  did  not  join 
them.  He  had  been  invisible  to  his  colleagues  from  the 
moment  that  Bruix  and  M.  de  Talleyrand  had  informed 
him  of  the  reality  of  what  he  already  suspected,  and  in- 
sisted on  his  retirement. 

On  the  18th  Brumaire  a  great  number  of  military, 
amounting  to  about  10,000  men,  were  assembled  in  the 
gardens  of  the  Tuileries,  and  were  reviewed  by  Bonaparte, 
accompanied  by  Generals  Beurnonville,  Moreau,  and  Mac- 
donald.  Bonaparte  read  to  them  the  decree  just  issued  by 
the  commission  of  inspectors  of  the  Council  of  the  An- 
cients, by  which  the  legislative  body  was  removed  to  St. 
Cloud,  and  by  which  he  himself  was  entrusted  with  the 
execution  of  that  decree,  and  appointed  to  the  command 
of  all  the  military  force  in  Paris,  and  afterwards  delivered 
an  address  to  the  troops. 

Whilst  Bonaparte  was  haranguing  the  soldiers,  the 
Council  of  the  Ancients  published  an  address  to  the 
French  people,  in  which  it  was  declared  that  the  seat  of 
the  legislative  body  was  changed,  in  order  to  put  down 
the  factions,  whose  object  was  to  control  the  national  rep- 
resentation. 

While  all  this  was  passing  abroad  I  was  at  the  General's 


268         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

house  in  the  Rue  de  la  Victoire ;  which  I  never  left  during 
the  whole  day.  Madame  Bonaparte  and  I  were  not  with- 
out anxiety  in  Bonaparte's  absence.  I  learned  from  Jose- 
phine that  Joseph's  wife  had  received  a  visit  from  Adju- 
tant-General Eapatel,  who  had  been  sent  by  Bonaparte 
and  Moreau  to  bring  her  husband  to  the  Tuileries.  Joseph 
was  from  home  at  the  time,  and  so  the  message  was  use- 
less. This  circumstance,  however,  awakened  hopes  which 
we  had  scarcely  dared  to  entertain.  Moreau  was  then  in 
accordance  with  Bonaparte,  for  Rapatel  was  sent  in  the 
name  of  both  Generals.  This  alliance,  so  long  despaired 
of,  appeared  to  augur  favourably.  It  was  one  of  Bona- 
parte's happy  strokes.  Moreau,  who  was  a  slave  to  military 
discipline,  regarded  his  successful  rival  only  as  a  chief 
nominated  by  the  Council  of  the  Ancients.  He  received 
his  orders  and  obeyed  them.  Bonaparte  appointed  him 
commander  of  the  guard  of  the  Luxembourg,  where  the 
Directors  were  under  confinement.  He  accepted  the  com- 
mand, and  no  circumstance  could  have  contributed  more 
effectually  to  the  accomplishment  of  Bonaparte's  views  and 
to  the  triumph  of  his  ambition. 

At  length  Bonaparte,  whom  we  had  impatiently  ex- 
pected, returned.  Almost  everything  had  gone  well  with 
him,  for  he  had  had  only  to  do  with  soldiers.  In  the 
evening  he  said  to  me,  "  I  am  sure  that  the  committee  of 
inspectors  of  the  hall  are  at  this  very  moment  engaged  in 
settling  what  is  to  be  done  at  St.  Cloud  to-morrow.  It  is 
better  to  let  them  decide  the  matter,  for  by  that  means 
their  vanity  is  flattered.  I  will  obey  orders  which  I  have 
myself  concerted."  What  Bonaparte  was  speaking  of  had 
been  arranged  nearly  two  or  three  days  previously.  The 
committee  of  inspectors  was  under  the  influence  of  the 
principal  conspirators. 

In  the  evening  of  this  anxious  day,  which  was  destined 
to  be  succeeded  by  a  stormy  morrow,  Bonaparte,  pleased 
with  having  gained  over  Moreau,  spoke  to  me  of  Berna- 


1799.        «' BERNADOTTE  13  A  BAR  OP  IRON."          269 

dotte's  visit  in  the  morning.  "  I  saw,"  said  he,  "  that  you 
were  as  much  astonished  as  I  at  Bernadotte's  behaviour. 
A  general  out  of  uniform  !  He  might  as  well  have  come 
in  slippers.  Do  you  know  what  passed  when  I  took  him 
aside  ?  I  told  him  all  ;  I  thought  that  the  best  way.  I 
assured  him  that  his  Directory  was  hated,  and  his  Consti- 
tution worn  out ;  that  it  was  necessary  to  turn  them  all 
off,  and  give  another  impulse  to  the  government.  '  Go 
and  put  on  your  uniform/  said  I :  'I  cannot  wait  for  you 
long.  You  will  find  me  at  the  Tuileries,  with  the  rest  of 
our  comrades.  Do  not  depend  on  Moreau,  Beurnonville, 
or  the  generals  of  your  party.  When  you  know  them 
better  you  will  find  that  they  promise  much  but  perform 
little.  Do  not  trust  them.'  Bemadotte  then  said  that  he 
would  not  take  part  in  what  he  called  a  rebellion.  A 
rebellion  !  Bourrienne,  only  think  of  that !  A  set  of  im- 
beciles, who  from  morning  to  night  do  nothing  but  debate 
in  their  kennels !  But  all  was  in  vain.  I  could  not  move 
Bernadotte.  He  is  a  bar  of  iron.  I  asked  him  to  give  me 
his  word  that  he  would  do  nothing  against  me  ;  what  do 
you  think  was  his  answer  ? " — "  Something  unpleasant,  no 
doubt." — "  Unpleasant !  that  is  too  mild  a  word.  He 
said,  '  I  will  remain  quiet  as  a  citizen  ;  but  if  the  Direc- 
tory order  me  to  act,  I  will  march  against  all  disturbers.' 
But  I  can  laugh  at  all  that  now.  My  measures  are  taken, 
and  he  will  have  no  command.  However,  I  set  him  at 
ease  as  to  what  would  take  place.  I  flattered  him  with  a 
picture  of  private  life,  the  pleasures  of  the  country,  and 
the  charms  of  Malmaison  ;  and  I  left  him  with  his  head 
full  of  pastoral  dreams.  In  a  word,  I  am  very  well  satisfied 
with  my  day's  work.  Good-night,  Bourrienne  ;  we  shall 
see  what  will  turn  up  to-morrow." 

On  the  19th  I  went  to  St.  Cloud  with  my  friend  La 
Vallette.1     As  we  passed  the  Place  Louis  XV.,  now  Louis 

1  Marie  Chamans,  Comte  de  La  Vallette  (1769-1830),  aide  de  camp  to  Napoleon 
from  1796  ;  married,  1798,  Louise  Emilia  de  Beauharnuia,  uiece  o£  Josephine ;  Min- 


270        MEMOIKS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.        1799. 

XVI.,  he  asked  me  what  was  doing,  and  what  my  opinion 
was  as  to  the  coming  events  ?  Without  entering  into  any 
detail  I  replied,  "  My  friend,  either  we  shall  sleep  to-mor- 
row at  the  Luxembourg,  or  there  will  be  an  end  of  us." 
Who  could  tell  which  of  the  two  things  would  happen ! 
Success  legalised  a  bold  enterprise,  which  the  slightest 
accident  might  have  changed  into  a  crime. 

The  sitting  of  the  Ancients,  under  the  presidency  of 
Lemercier,  commenced  at  one  o'clock.  A  warm  discussion 
took  place  upon  the  situation  of  affairs,  the  resignation 
of  the  members  of  the  Directory,  and  the  immediate  elec- 
tion of  others.  Great  heat  and  agitation  prevailed  dur- 
ing the  debate.  Intelligence  was  every  minute  carried  to 
Bonaparte  of  what  was  going  forward,  and  he  determined 
to  enter  the  hall  and  take  part  in  the  discussion.  He 
entered  in  a  hasty  and  angry  way,  which  did  not  give  me 
a  favourable  foreboding  of  what  he  was  about  to  say.  We 
passed  through  a  narrow  passage  to  the  centre  of  the  hall ; 
our  backs  were  turned  to  the  door.  Bonaparte  had  the 
President  to  his  right.  He  could  not  see  him  full  in  the 
face.  I  was  close  to  the  General  on  his  right.  Berthier 
was  at  his  left. 

All  the  speeches  which  have  been  subsequently  passed 
off  as  having  been  delivered  by  Bonaparte  on  this  oc- 
casion differ  from  each  other  ;  as  well  they  may,  for  he 
delivered  none  to  the  Ancients,  unless  his  confused  con- 
versation with  the  President,  which  was  alike  devoid  of 
dignity  and  sense,  is  to  be  called  a  speech.  He  talked  of 
his  "brothers in  arms"  and  the  "frankness  of  a  soldier." 
The  questions  of  the  President  followed  each  other  rapid- 
ly :  they  were  clear  ;  but  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  any- 
thing more  confused  or  worse  delivered  than  the  ambig- 
uous and  perplexed  replies  of  Bonaparte.  He  talked 
without  end  of  "volcanoes,  secret  agitations,  victories,  a 

ister  of  Posts  from  1800  to  1814,  and  during  the  Cent  Joun  ;  condemned  to  death  by 
the  Bourbons  in  1815,  but  escaped. 


1799.  INCOHERENT  ACCUSATIONS.  271 

violated  constitution !  "  He  blamed  the  proceedings  of 
the  18th  Fructidor,  of  which  he  was  the  first  promoter 
and  the  most  powerful  supporter.  He  pretended  to  be 
ignorant  of  everything  until  the  Council  of  Ancients  had 
called  him  to  the  aid  of  his  country.  Then  came  "  Caesar 
— Cromwell — tyrant !  "  and  he  several  times  repeated,  "  I 
have  nothing  more  to  say  to  you  ! "  though,  in  fact,  he 
had  said  nothing.  He  alleged  that  he  had  been  called  to 
assume  the  supreme  authority,  on  his  return  from  Italy, 
by  the  desire  of  the  nation,  and  afterwards  by  his  com- 
rades in  arms.  Next  followed  the  words  "liberty — equal- 
ity !  "  though  it  was  evident  he  had  not  come  to  St.  Cloud 
for  the  sake  of  either.  No  sooner  did  he  utter  these 
words  than  a  member  of  the  Ancients,  named,  I  think, 
Linglet,  interrupting  him,  exclaimed,  "  You  forget  the 
Constitution !  "  His  countenance  immediately  lighted  up  ; 
yet  nothing  could  be  distinguished  but "  The  18th  Fructi- 
dor— the  30th  Prairial — hypocrites — intriguers — I  will  dis- 
close all !  —  I  will  resign  my  power,  when  the  danger 
which  threatens  the  Republic  shall  have  passed  away  !  " 

Bonaparte,  believing  all  his  assertions  to  be  admitted 
as  proved,  assumed  a  little  confidence,  and  accused  the 
two  directors  Barras  and  Moulins  "  of  having  proposed  to 
put  him  at  the  head  of  a  party  whose  object  was  to  op- 
pose all  men  professing  liberal  ideas." 

At  these  words,  the  falsehood  of  which  was  odious,  a 
great  tumult  arose  in  the  hall.  A  general  committee  was 
loudly  called  for  to  hear  the  disclosures.  "  No,  no  !  "  ex- 
claimed others,  "  no  general  committee !  Conspirators 
have  been  denounced  :  it  is  right  that  France  should 
know  all !  " 

Bonaparte  was  then  required  to  enter  into  the  particu- 
lars of  his  accusation  against  Barras  and  Moulins,  and  of 
the  proposals  which  had  been  made  to  him  :  "  You  must 
no  longer  conceal  anything." 

Embarrassed  by  these  interruptions  and  interrogatories 


272         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

Bonaparte  believed  that  he  was  completely  lost.  Instead 
of  giving  an  explanation  of  what  he  had  said,  he  began  to 
make  fresh  accusations  ;  and  against  whom  ?  The  Coun- 
cil of  the  Five  Hundred,  who,  he  said,  wished  for  "  scaf- 
folds, revolutionary  committees,  and  a  complete  overthrow 
of  everything." 

Violent  murmurs  arose,  and  his  language  became  more 
and  more  incoherent  and  inconsequent.  He  addressed 
himself  at  one  moment  to  the  representatives  of  the  peo- 
ple, who  were  quite  overcome  by  astonishment ;  at  an- 
other to  the  military  in  the  courtyard,  who  could  not  hear 
him.  Then,  by  an  unaccountable  transition,  he  spoke  of 
"  the  thunderbolts  of  war  !  "  and  added,  that  he  was  "  at- 
tended by  the  God  of  war  and  the  God  of  fortune." 

The  President,  with  great  calmness,  told  him  that  he 
saw  nothing,  absolutely  nothing,  upon  which  the  Council 
could  deliberate  ;  that  there  was  vagueness  in  all  he  had 
said.  "  Explain  yourself  ;  reveal  the  plot  which  you  say 
you  were  urged  to  join." 

Bonaparte  repeated  again  the  same  things.  But  only 
those  who  were  present  can  form  any  idea  of  his  manner. 
There  was  not  the  slightest  connection  in  what  he  stam- 
mered out.  Bonaparte  was  then  no  orator.  It  may  well 
be  supposed  that  he  was  more  accustomed  to  the  din  of 
war  than  to  the  discussions  of  the  tribunes.  He  was  more 
at  home  before  a  battery  than  before  a  President's  chair. 

Perceiving  the  bad  effect  which  this  unconnected  bab- 
bling produced  on  the  assembly,  as  Avell  as  the  embarrass- 
ment of  Bonaparte,  I  said,  in  a  low  voice,  pulling  him 
gently  by  the  skirt  of  his  coat,  "  Withdraw,  General ;  you 
know  not  what  you  are  saying."  I  made  signs  to  Berthier, 
who  was  on  his  left,  to  second  me  in  persuading  him  to 
leave  the  hall ;  and  all  at  once,  after  having  stammered 
out  a  few  more  words,  he  turned  round  exclaiming,  "  Let 
those  who  love  me  follow  me  !  "  The  sentinels  at  the  door 
offered  no  opposition  to  his  passing.  The  person  who 


1799.  INCOHERENT  ACCUSATIONS.  27? 

went  before  him  quietly  drew  aside  the  tapestry  which 
concealed  the  door,  and  General  Bonaparte  leaped  upon 
his  horse,  which  stood  in  the  court-yard.  It  is  hard  to  say 
what  would  have  happened  if,  on  seeing  the  General  re- 
tire, the  President  had  said,  "  Grenadiers,  let  no  one 
pass  ! "  Instead  of  sleeping  next  day  at  the  Luxembourg 
he  would,  I  am  convinced,  have  ended  his  career  on  the 
Place  de  la  Revolution  1 
VOL.  I.— 18 


274  1799 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

1799. 

The  two  Councils — Ban-as'  letter — Bonaparte  at  the  Council  of  the  Five 
Hundred — False  reports — Tumultuous  sitting — Lucien's  speech — He 
resigns  the  Presidency  of  the  Council  of  the  Five  Hundred — He  is 
carried  out  by  grenadiers— He  harangues  the  troops — A  dramatic 
scene— Murat  and  his  soldiers  drive  out  the  Five  Hundred —Council 
of  Thirty — Consular  commission — Decree — Return  to  Paris — Conver- 
sation with  Bonaparte  and  Josephine  respecting  Gohier  and  Berna- 
dotte — The  directors  Gohier  and  Moulins  imprisoned. 

THE  scene  which  occurred  at  the  sitting  of  the  Council  of 
the  Ancients  was  very  different  from  that  which  passed 
outside.  Bonaparte  had  scarcely  reached  the  courtyard 
and  mounted  his  horse  when  cries  of  "  Vive  Bonaparte  !  " 
resounded  on  all  sides.  But  this  was  only  a  sunbeam  be- 
tween two  storms.  He  had  yet  to  brave  the  Council  of  the 
Five  Hundred,  which  was  far  more  excited  than  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  Ancients.  Everything  tended  to  create  a  dread- 
ful uncertainty ;  but  it  was  too  late  to  draw  back.  We 
had  already  staked  too  heavily.  The  game  was  desperate, 
and  everything  was  to  be  ventured.  In  a  few  hours  all 
would  be  determined. 

Our  apprehensions  were  not  without  foundation.  In 
the  Council  of  the  Five  Hundred  agitation  was  at  its 
height.  The  most  serious  alarm  marked  its  deliberations. 
It  had  been  determined  to  announce  to  the  Directory  the 
installation  of  the  Councils,  and  to  inquire  of  the  Council 
of  the  Ancients  their  reasons  for  resolving  upon  an  ex- 
traordinary convocation.  But  the  Directory  no  longer  ex- 
isted. Sieyes  and  Roger  Ducos  had  joined  Bonaparte's 


1799.    BONAPARTE  AND  THE  FIVE  HUNDRED.      275 

party.  Gohier  and  Moulins  were  prisoners  in  the  Luxem- 
bourg, and  in  the  custody  of  General  Moreau  ;  and  at  the 
very  moment  when  the  Council  of  the  Five  Hundred  had 
drawn  up  a  message  to  the  Directory,  the  Council  of  the 
Ancients  transmitted  to  them  the  following  letter,  received 
from  Barras.  This  letter,  which  was  addressed  to  the 
Council  of  the  Ancients,  was  immediately  read  by  Lucien 
Bonaparte,  who  was  President  of  the  Council  of  the  Five 
Hundred. 

CITIZEN  PRESIDENT — Having  entered  into  public  affairs  solely 
from  my  love  of  liberty,  I  consented  to  share  the  first  magistracy  of 
the  State  only  that  I  might  be  able  to  defend  it  in  danger ;  to  pro- 
tect against  their  enemies  the  patriots  compromised  in  its  cause  ; 
and  to  ensure  to  the  defenders  of  their  country  that  attention  to 
their  interests  which  no  one  was  more  calculated  to  feel  than  a  citi- 
zen, long  the  witness  of  their  heroic  virtues,  and  always  sensible  to 
their  wants. 

The  glory  which  accompanies  the  return  of  the  illustrious  war- 
rior to  whom  I  had  the  honour  of  opening  the  path  of  glory,  the 
striking  marks  of  confidence  given  him  by  the  legislative  body,  and 
the  decree  of  the  National  Convention,  convince  me  that,  to  what- 
ever post  he  may  henceforth  be  called,  the  dangers  to  liberty  will 
be  averted,  and  the  interests  of  the  army  ensured. 

I  cheerfully  return  to  the  rank  of  a  private  citizen  :  happy,  after 
so  many  storms,  to  resign,  unimpaired,  and  even  more  glorious  than 
ever,  the  destiny  of  the  Republic,  which  has  been,  in  part,  com- 
mitted to  my  care.  (Signed)  BARRAS. 

This  letter  occasioned  a  great  sensation  in  the  Council 
of  the  Five  Hundred.  A  second  reading  was  called  for, 
and  a  question  was  started,  whether  the  retirement  was 
legal,  or  was  the  result  of  collusion,  and  of  the  influence 
of  Bonaparte's  agents  ;  whether  to  believe  Barras,  who  de- 
clared the  dangers  of  liberty  averted,  or  the  decree  for  the 
removal  of  the  legislative  corps,  which  was  passed  and  exe- 
cuted under  the  pretext  of  the  existence  of  imminent  peril  ? 
At  that  moment  Bonaparte  appeared,  followed  by  a  party 
of  grenadiers,  who  remained  at  the  entrance  of  the  hall. 


276         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

I  did  not  accompany  him  to  the  Council  of  the  Five 
Hundred.  He  had  directed  me  to  send  off  an  express  to 
ease  the  apprehensions  of  Josephine,  and  to  assure  her 
that  everything  would  go  well.  It  was  some  time  before 
I  joined  him  again. 

However,  without  speaking  as  positively  as  if  I  had 
myself  been  an  eye-witness  of  the  scene,  I  do  not  hesitate 
to  declare  that  all  that  has  been  said  about  assaults  and 
poniards  is  pure  invention.  I  rely  on  what  was  told  me, 
on  the  very  night,  by  persons  well  worthy  of  credit,  and 
who  were  witnessess  of  all  that  passed. 

As  to  what  passed  at  the  sitting,  the  accounts,  given 
both  at  the  time  and  since,  have  varied  according  to 
opinions.  Some  have  alleged  that  unanimous  cries  of  in- 
dignation were  excited  by  the  appearance  of  the  military. 
From  all  parts  of  the  hall  resounded,  "The  sanctuary  of 
the  laws  is  violated.  Down  with  the  tyrant! — down  with 
Cromwell ! — down  with  the  Dictator !  "  Bonaparte  stam- 
mered out  a  few  words,  as  he  had  done  before  the  Council 
of  the  Ancients,  but  his  voice  was  immediately  drowned 
by  cries  of  "Vive  la  Kepublique  ! "  Vive  la  Constitution  ! " 
"Outlaw  the  Dictator !"  The  grenadiers  are  then  said  to 
have  rushed  forward,  exclaiming,  "  Let  us  save  our  Gen- 
eral ! "  at  which  indignation  reached  its  height,  and  cries, 
even  more  violent  than  ever,  were  raised  ; — that  Bonaparte, 
falling  insensible  into  the  arms  of  the  grenadiers,  said, 
"  They  mean  to  assassinate  me  ! "  All  that  regards  the  ex- 
clamations and  threats  I  believe  to  be  correct ;  but  I  rank 
with  the  story  of  the  poniards  the  assertion  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Five  Hundred  being  provided  with  firearms, 
and  the  grenadiers  rushing  into  the  hall ;  because  Bona- 
parte never  mentioned  a  word  of  anything  of  the  sort  to 
me,  either  on  the  way  home,  or  when  I  was  with  him  in  his 
chamber.  Neither  did  he  say  anything  on  the  subject  to 
his  wife,  who  had  been  extremely  agitated  by  the  different 
reports  which  reached  her. 


1799.     TUMULTUOUS  SITTING  OF  THE  COUNCIL.    277 

After  Bonaparte  left  the  Council  of  the  Five  Hundred 
the  deliberations  were  continued  with  great  violence.  The 
excitement  caused  by  the  appearance  of  Bonaparte  was 
nothing  like  subsided  when  propositions  of  the  most 
furious  nature  were  made.  The  President,  Lucien,  did  all 
in  his  power  to  restore  tranquillity.  As  soon  as  he  could 
make  himself  heard  he  said,  "The  scene  which  has  just 
taken  place  in  the  Council  proves  what  are  the  sentiments 
of  all ;  sentiments  which  I  declare  are  also  mine.  It  was, 
however,  natural  to  believe  that  the  General  had  no  other 
object  than  to  render  an  account  of  the  situation  of  affairs, 
and  of  something  interesting  to  the  public.  But  I  think 
none  of  you  can  suppose  him  capable  of  projects  hostile 
to  liberty." 

Each  sentence  of  Lucien's  address  was  interrupted  by 
cries  of  "Bonaparte  has  tarnished  his  glory !  He  is  a  dis- 
grace to  the  Republic ! " 

Lucien1  made  fresh  efforts  to  be  heard,  and  wished  to 
be  allowed  to  address  the  assembly  as  a  member  of  the 
Council,  and  for  that  purpose  resigned  the  Presidentship 
to  ChasaL  He  begged  that  the  General  might  be  introduced 
again  and  heard  with  calmness.  But  this  proposition  was 
furiously  opposed.  Exclamations  of  "  Outlaw  Bonaparte  ! 
outlaw  him  ! "  rang  through  the  assembly,  and  were  the 
only  reply  given  to  the  President.  Lucien,  who  had  reas- 
sumed  the  President's  chair,  left  it  a  second  time,  that  he 
might  not  be  constrained  to  put  the  question  of  outlawry 
demanded  against  his  brother.  Braving  the  displeasure 
of  the  assembly,  he  mounted  the  tribune,  resigned  the 

1  The  next  younger  brother  of  Napoleon,  President  of  the  Council  of  the  Fire 
Hundred  in  1799  ;  Minister  of  the  Interior,  1st  December  1799  to  1801  ;  Ambassador 
in  Spain,  1801  to  December  1801  ;  left  France  in  disgrace  in  1804  ;  retired  to  Papal 
States ;  Prisoner  in  Malta  and  England,  1810  to  1814  ;  created  by  Pope  in  1814 
Prince  de  Caniuo  and  Due  de  Masignano  ;  married  firstly,  1794,  Christine  Boyer, 
•who  died  1800  ;  married  secondly,  1802  or  1803,  a  Madame  Jouberthon.  Of  his 
part  in  the  18th  Brnmaire  Napoleon  said  to  him  in  1807,  "  I  well  know  that  you  were 
•useful  to  me  on  the  18th  Brumaire,  but  it  is  not  BO  clear  to  me  that  you  saved  me 
theu  •'  (lung's  Lucien,  tome  iii.  p.  89). 


278         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

Presidentship,  renounced  his  seat  as  a  deputy,  and  threw 
aside  his  robes. 

Just  as  Lucien  left  the  Council  I  entered.  Bonaparte, 
who  was  well  informed  of  all  that  was  passing,1  had  sent 
in  soldiers  to  the  assistance  of  his  brother ;  they  carried 
him  off  from  the  midst  of  the  Council,  and  Bonaparte 
thought  it  a  matter  of  no  little  importance  to  have  with 
him  the  President  of  an  assembly  which  he  treated  as  re- 
bellious. Lucien  was  reinstalled  in  office  ;  but  he  waa 
now  to  discharge  his  duties,  not  in  the  President's  chair, 
but  on  horseback,  and  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  troops 
ready  to  undertake  anything.  Roused  by  the  danger  to 
which  both  his  brother  and  himself  were  exposed  he  de- 
livered on  horseback  the  following  words,  which  can  never 
be  too  often  remembered,  as  showing  what  a  man  then 
dared  to  say,  who  never  was  anything  except  from  the  re- 
flection of  his  brother's  glory  : — 

CITIZENS  !  SOLDIERS  ! — The  President  of  the  Council  of  the  Five 
Hundred  declares  to  you  that  the  majority  of  that  Council  is  at  this 
moment  held  in  terror  by  a  few  representatives  of  the  people,  who 
are  armed  with  stilettoes,  and  who  surround  the  tribune,  threaten- 
ing their  colleagues  with  death,  and  maintaining  most  atrocious  dis- 
cussions. 

I  declare  to  you  that  these  brigands,  who  are  doubtless  in  the  pay 
of  England,  have  risen  in  rebellion  against  the  Council  of  the 
Ancients,  and  have  dared  to  talk  of  outlawing  the  General,  who  is 
charged  with  the  execution  of  its  decree,  as  if  the  word  "  outlaw" 
was  still  to  be  regarded  as  the  death-warrant  of  persons  most  be- 
loved by  their  country. 

I  declare  to  you  that  these  madmen  have  outlawed  themselves  by 
their  attempts  upon  the  liberty  of  the  Council.  In  the  name  of 
that  people,  which  for  so  many  years  have  been  the  sport  of  terror- 
ism, I  consign  to  you  the  charge  of  rescuing  the  majority  of  theii 

1  Lucien  distinctly  states  that  he  himself,  noting  within  his  right  as  President,  had 
demanded  an  escort  of  the  grenadiers  of  the  Councils  as  soon  as  he  saw  his  with- 
drawal might  be  opposed.  Thus  the  first  entry  of  the  soldiers  with  Napoleon  would 
be  illegal.  The  second,  to  withdraw  Lucien,  was  nominally  legal  (see  lung's  Lucien, 
tome  1.  pp.  318-323). 


1799.         LTJCIEN  APPEALS  TO   THE  TROOPS.  279 

representatives ;  so  that,  delivered  from  stilettoes  by  bayonets,  they 
may  deliberate  on  the  fate  of  the  Republic. 

General,  and  you,  soldiers,  and  you,  citizens,  you  will  not  ac- 
knowledge, as  legislators  of  France,  any  but  those  who  rally  round 
me.  As  for  those  who  remain  in  the  orangery,  let  force  expel 
them.  They  are  not  the  representatives  of  the  people,  but  the  re- 
presentatives of  the  poniard.  Let  that  be  their  title,  and  let  it 
follow  them  everywhere  ;  and  whenever  they  dare  show  themselves 
to  the  people,  let  every  finger  point  at  them,  and  every  tongue  de- 
signate them  by  the  well-merited  title  of  representatives  of  the 
poniard ! 

Vive  la  Republique  I 

Notwithstanding  the  cries  of  "  Vive  Bonaparte  !  "  which 
followed  this  harangue,  the  troops  still  hesitated.  It  was 
evident  that  they  were  not  fully  prepared  to  turn  their 
swords  against  the  national  representatives.  Lucien  then 
drew  his  sword,  exclaiming,  "  I  swear  that  I  will  stab  my 
own  brother  to  the  heart  if  he  ever  attempt  anything 
against  the  liberty  of  Frenchmen."  This  dramatic  action 
was  perfectly  successful ;  hesitation  vanished ;  and  at  a 
signal  given  by  Bonaparte,  Murat,  at  the  head  of  his 
grenadiers,  rushed  into  the  hall,  and  drove  out  the  repre- 
sentatives. Everyone  yielded  to  the  reasoning  of  bay- 
onets, and  thus  terminated  the  employment  of  the  armed 
force  on  that  memorable  day. 

At  ten  o'clock  at  night  the  palace  of  Si  Cloud,  where 
so  many  tumultuous  scenes  had  occurred,  was  perfectly 
tranquil.  All  the  deputies  were  still  there,  pacing  the 
hall,  the  corridors,  and  the  courts.  Most  of  them  had  an 
air  of  consternation  ;  others  affected  to  have  foreseen  the 
event,  and  to  appear  satisfied  with  it ;  but  all  wished  to 
return  to  Paris,  which  they  could  not  do  until  a  new  order 
revoked  the  order  for  the  removal  of  the  Councils  to  St 
Cloud. 

At  eleven  o'clock  Bonaparte,  who  had  eaten  nothing  all 
day,  but  who  was  almost  insensible  to  physical  wants  in 
moments  of  great  agitation,  said  to  me,  "  We  must  go 


280         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

and  write,  Bourrienne  ;  I  intend  this  very  night  to  address 
a  proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of  Paris.  To-morrow 
morning  I  shall  be  all  the  conversation  of  the  capital." 
He  then  dictated  to  me  the  following  proclamation,  which 
proves,  no  less  than  some  of  his  reports  from  Egypt,  how 
much  Bonaparte  excelled  in  the  art  of  twisting  the  truth 
to  his  own  advantage  : — 

To  THE  PEOPLE. 

19tfl  Brumaire,  11  o'clock,  p.m. 

Frenchmen  ! — On  my  return  to  France  I  found  division  reigning 
amongst  all  the  authorities.  They  agreed  only  on  this  single  point, 
that  the  Constitution  was  half  destroyed,  and  was  unable  to  pro- 
tect liberty  1 

Each  party  in  turn  came  to  me,  confided  to  me  their  designs,  im- 
parted their  secrets,  and  requested  my  support.  I  refused  to  be  the 
man  of  a  party. 

The  Council  of  the  Ancients  appealed  to  me.  I  answered  their 
appeal.  A  plan  of  general  restoration  had  been  concerted  by  men 
whom  the  nation  has  been  accustomed  to  regard  as  the  defenders 
of  liberty,  equality,  and  property.  This  plan  required  calm  and 
free  deliberation,  exempt  from  all  influence  and  all  fear.  The 
Ancients,  therefore,  resolved  upon  the  removal  of  the  legislative 
bodies  to  St.  Cloud.  They  placed  at  my  disposal  the  force  necessary 
to  secure  their  independence.  I  was  bound,  in  duty  to  my  fellow- 
citizens,  to  the  soldiers  perishing  in  our  armies,  and  to  the  national 
glory,  acquired  at  the  cost  of  so  much  blood,  to  accept  the  com- 
mand. 

The  Councils  assembled  at  St.  Cloud.  Republican  troops  guar- 
anteed their  safety  from  without,  but  assassins  created  terror  with- 
in. Many  members  of  the  Council  of  the  Five  Hundred,  armed 
with  stilettoes  and  pistols,  spread  menaces  of  death  around  them. 

The  plans  which  ought  to  have  been  developed  were  withheld. 
The  majority  of  the  Council  was  rendered  inefficient ;  the  boldest 
orators  were  disconcerted,  and  the  inutility  of  submitting  any  salu- 
tary proposition  was  quite  evident. 

I  proceeded,  filled  with  indignation  and  grief,  to  the  Council  of 
the  Ancients.  I  besought  them  to  carry  their  noble  designs  into 
execution.  I  directed  their  attention  to  the  evils  of  the  nation, 
which  were  their  motives  for  conceiving  those  designs.  They  con* 
curred  in  giving  me  new  proofs  of  their  uniform  goodwill. 


1799.    BONAPARTE'S  ADDRESS  TO  THS  PEOPLE.      281 

I  presented  myself  before  the  Council  of  the  Five  Hundred, 
alone,  xmarmed,  my  head  uncovered,  just  as  the  Ancients  had  re- 
ceived and  applauded  me.  My  object  was  to  restore  to  the  majority 
the  expression  of  its  will,  and  to  secure  to  it  its  power. 

The  stilettoes  which  had  menaced  the  deputies  were  instantly 
raised  against  their  deliverer.  Twenty  assassins  rushed  upon  me 
and  aimed  at  my  breast.  The  grenadiers  of  the  legislative  body, 
whom  I  had  left  at  the  door  of  the  hall,  ran  forward,  and  placed 
themselves  between  me  and  the  assassins.  One  of  these  brave 
grenadiers  (Thome)1  had  his  clothes  pierced  by  a  stiletto.  They 
bore  me  off. 

At  the  same  moment  cries  of  "  Outlaw  him  !  "  were  raised  against 
the  defender  of  the  law.  It  was  the  horrid  cry  of  assassins  against 
the  power  destined  to  repress  them. 

They  crowded  round  the  President,  uttering  threats.  With  arms 
in  their  hands  they  commanded  him  to  declare  "the  outlawry."  I 
was  informed  of  this.  I  ordered  him  to  be  rescued  from  their  fury, 
and  six  grenadiers  of  the  legislative  body  brought  him  out.  Imme- 
diately afterwards  some  grenadiers  of  the  legislative  body  charged 
into  the  hall  and  cleared  it. 

The  factious,  intimidated,  dispersed  and  fled.  The  majority, 
freed  from  their  assaults,  returned  freely  and  peaceably  into  the 
hall,  listened  to  the  propositions  made  for  the  public  safety,  de- 
liberated, and  drew  up  the  salutary  resolution  which  will  become 
the  new  and  provisional  law  of  the  Republic. 

Frenchmen,  you  doubtless  recognise  in  this  conduct  the  zeal  of  a 
soldier  of  liberty,  of  a  citizen  devoted  to  the  Republic.  Conserva- 
tive, tutelary,  and  liberal  ideas  resumed  their  authority  upon  the 
dispersion  of  the  factious,  who  domineered  in  the  Councils,  and 
who,  in  rendering  themselves  the  most  odious  of  men,  did  not  cease 
to  be  the  most  contemptible. 

(Signed)        BONAPARTE,  General,  etc. 

The  day  had  been  passed  in  destroying  a  Government ; 
it  was  necessary  to  devote  the  night  to  framing  a  new 
one.  Talleyrand,  Roederer,  and  Sieyes  were  at  St.  Cloud. 
The  Council  of  the  Ancients  assembled,  and  Lucien  set 
himself  about  finding  some  members  of  the  Five  Hun- 

1  Thomii  merely  had  a  small  part  of  his  coat  torn  by  a  deputy,  who  took  him  by 
the  collar.  This  constituted  the  whole  of  the  attempted  assassinations  of  the  19th 
Brumaire.—  jBourrienne. 


282         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

dred  on  whom  he  could  reckon.  He  succeeded  in  getting 
together  only  thirty,  who,  with  their  President,  repre- 
sented the  numerous  assembly  of  which  they  formed  part. 
This  ghost  of  representation  was  essential,  for  Bonaparte, 
notwithstanding  his  violation  of  all  law  on  the  preceding 
day,  wished  to  make  it  appear  that  he  was  acting  legally. 
The  Council  of  the  Ancients  had,  however,  already  decided 
that  a  provisional  executive  commission  should  be  ap- 
pointed, composed  of  three  members,  and  was  about  to 
name  the  members  of  the  commission — a  measure  which 
should  have  originated  with  the  Five  Hundred — when 
Lucien  came  to  acquaint  Bonaparte  that  his  chamber  in- 
trouvable  was  assembled. 

This  chamber,  which  called  itself  the  Council  of  the 
Five  Hundred,  though  that  Council  was  now  nothing  but 
a  Council  of  Thirty,  hastily  passed  a  decree,  the  first 
article  of  which  was  as  follows  : — 

The  Directory  exists  no  longer ;  and  the  individuals  hereafter: 
named  are  no  longer  members  of  the  national  representation,  on 
account  of  the  excesses  and  illegal  acts  which  they  have  constantly 
committed,  and  more  particularly  the  greatest  part  of  them,  in  the 
sitting  of  this  morning. 

Then  follow  the  names  of  sixty-one  members  expelled. 

By  other  articles  of  the  same  decree  the  Council  in- 
stituted a  provisional  commission,  similar  to  that  which 
the  Ancients  had  proposed  to  appoint,  resolved  that  the 
said  commission  should  consist  of  three  members,  who 
should  assume  the  title  of  Consuls  ;  and  nominated  as 
Consuls  Sieyes,  Roger  Ducos,  and  Bonaparte.  The  other 
provisions  of  the  nocturnal  decree  of  St.  Cloud  had  for 
their  object  merely  the  carrying  into  effect  those  already 
described.  This  nocturnal  sitting  was  very  calm,  and  in- 
deed it  would  have  been  strange  had  it  been  otherwise, 
for  no  opposition  could  be  feared  from  the  members  of 
the  Five  Hundred,  who  were  prepared  to  concur  with 


1796.  BONAPARTE  MADE  CONSUL.  283 

Lucien.  All  knew  beforehand  what  they  would  have  to 
do.  Everything  was  concluded  by  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning  ;  and  the  palace  of  St.  Cloud,  which  had  been 
so  agitated  since  the  previous  evening,  resumed  in  the 
morning  its  wonted  stillness,  and  presented  the  appear- 
ance of  a  vast  solitude. 

All  the  hurrying  about,  the  brief  notes  which  I  had  to 
write  to  many  friends,  and  the  conversations  in  which  I 
was  compelled  to  take  part,  prevented  me  from  dining  be- 
fore one  o'clock  in  the  morning.  It  was  not  till  then  that 
Bonaparte,  having  gone  to  take  the  oath  as  Consul  before 
the  Five  Hundred,  afforded  me  an  opportunity  of  taking 
some  refreshment  with  Admiral  Bruix  and  some  other 
officers. 

At  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  I  accompanied  Bona- 
parte, in  his  carriage  to  Paris.  He  was  extremely  fatigued 
after  so  many  trials  and  fatigues.  A  new  future  was 
opened  before  him.  He  was  completely  absorbed  in 
thought,  and  did  not  utter  a  single  word  during  the  jour- 
ney. But  when  he  arrived  at  his  house  in  the  Rue  de  la 
Victoire,  he  had  no  sooner  entered  his  chamber  and 
wished  good  morning  to  Josephine,  who  was  in  bed,  and 
in  a  state  of  the  greatest  anxiety  on  account  of  his  absence, 
than  he  said  before  her,  "  Bourrienne,  I  said  many  ridicu- 
lous things?" — "Not  so  very  bad,  General." — "I  like  bet- 
ter to  speak  to  soldiers  than  to  lawyers.  Those  fellows 
disconcerted  me.  I  have  not  been  used  to  public  assem- 
blies ;  but  that  will  come  in  time." 

We  then  began,  all  three,  to  converse.  Madame  Bona- 
parte became  calm,  and  Bonaparte  resumed  his  wonted 
confidence.  The  events  of  the  day  naturally  formed  the 
subject  of  our  conversation.  Josephine,  who  was  much 
attached  to  the  Gohier  family,  mentioned  the  name  of  that 
Director  in  a  tone  of  kindness.  "  What  would  you  have, 
my  dear  ?  "  said  Bonaparte  to  her.  "  It  is  not  my  fault. 
H«  is  a  respectable  man,  but  a  simpleton.  He  does  not 


284         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

understand  me ! — I  ought,  perhaps,  to  have  him  trans- 
ported. He  wrote  against  me  to  the  Council  of  the  An- 
cients ;  but  I  have  his  letter,  and  they  know  nothing 
about  it.  Poor  man  !  he  expected  me  to  dinner  yester- 
day. And  this  man  thinks  himself  a  statesman  !— Speak 
no  more  of  him." 

During  our  discourse  the  name  of  Bernadotte  was  also 
mentioned.  "Have  you  seen  him,  Bourrienne?"  said 
Bonaparte  tome. — "No,  General." — "Neither  have  I.  I 
have  not  heard  him  spoken  of.  Would  you  imagine  it  ? 
I  had  intelligence  to-day  of  many  intrigues  in  which  he  is 
concerned.  Would  you  believe  it?  he  wished  nothing 
less  than  to  be  appointed  my  colleague  in  authority.  He 
talked  of  mounting  his  horse  and  marching  with  the 
troops  that  might  be  placed  under  his  command.  He 
wished,  he  said,  to  maintain  the  Constitution  :  nay, 
more  ;  I  am  assured  that  he  had  the  audacity  to  add  that, 
if  it  were  necessary  to  outlaw  me,  the  Government  might 
come  to  him  and  he  would  find  soldiers  capable  of  carry- 
ing the  decree  into  execution." — "All  this,  General,  should 
give  you  an  idea  how  inflexible  his  principles  are." — "  Yes, 
I  am  well  aware  of  it ;  there  is  something  in  that :  he  is 
honest.  But  for  his  obstinacy,  my  brothers  would  have 
brought  him  over.  They  are  related  to  him.  His  wife, 
who  is  Joseph's  sister-in-law,  has  ascendency  over  him. 
As  for  me,  have  I  not,  I  ask  you,  made  sufficient  advances 
to  him  ?  You  have  witnessed  them.  Moreau,  who  has  a 
higher  military  reputation  than  he,  came  over  to  me  at 
once.  However,  I  repent  of  having  cajoled  Bernadotte. 
I  am  thinking  of  separating  him  from  all  his  coteriea 
without  any  one  being  able  to  find  fault  with  the  pro- 
ceeding. I  cannot  revenge  myself  in  any  other  manner. 
Joseph  likes  him.  I  should  have  everybody  against  me. 
These  family  considerations  are  follies !  Good-night, 
Bourrienne. — By  the  way,  we  will  sleep  in  the  Luxembourg 
to-morrow." 


1799.  CASTILIAN  ETIQUETTE.  285 

I  then  left  the  General,  whom,  henceforth,  I  will  call 
the  First  Consul,  after  having  remained  with  him  con- 
stantly during  nearly  twenty-four  hours,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  time  when  he  was  at  the  Council  of  the  Five 
Hundred.  I  retired  to  my  lodging,  in  the  Kue  Martel,  at 
five  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

It  is  certain  that  if  Gohier  had  come  to  breakfast  on  the 
morning  of  the  18th  Brumaire,  according  to  Madame 
Bonaparte's  invitation,  he  would  have  been  one  of  the 
members  of  the  Government.  But  Gohier  acted  the  part 
of  the  stern  republican.  He  placed  himself,  according  to 
the  common  phrase  of  the  time,  astride  of  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  year  ILL  ;  and  as  his  steed  made  a  sad  stumble, 
he  fell  with  it. 

It  was  a  singular  circumstance  which  prevented  the  two 
Directors  Gohier  and  Moulins  from  defending  their  be- 
loved Constitution.  It  was  from  their  respect  for  the  Con- 
stitution that  they  allowed  it  to  perish,  because  they  would 
have  been  obliged  to  violate  the  article  which  did  not 
allow  less  than  three  Directors  to  deliberate  together. 
Thus  a  king  of  Castile  was  burned  to  death,  because  there 
did  not  happen  to  be  in  his  apartment  men  of  such  rank 
as  etiquette  would  permit  to  touch  the  person  of  th« 
monarch. 


286  1798L 


CHAPTER  XXVL 
1799. 

General  approbation  of  the  18th  Brumaire — Distress  of  the  treasury — M. 
Collet's  generosity — Bonaparte's  ingratitude — Gohier  set  at  liberty — • 
Constitution  of  the  year  VIII. — The  Senate,  Tribunate,  and  Council 
of  State — Notes  required  on  the  character  of  candidates — Bonaparte's 
love  of  integrity  and  talent — Influence  of  habit  over  him — His  hatred 
of  the  Tribunate — Provisional  concessions — The  first  Consular  Min- 
istry—  Mediocrity  of  La  Place — Proscription  lists — Cambacerea' 
report — M.  Moreau  de  Worms — Character  of  Sie'y^s — Bonaparte  at  the 
Luxembourg — Distribution  of  the  day  and  visits — Lebrun's  opposi- 
tion— Bonaparte's  singing — His  boyish  tricks — Resumption  of  the 
titles  "  Madame  "  and  "  Monseigneur  " — The  men  of  the  Revolution 
and  the  partisans  of  the  Bourbons — Bonaparte's  fears — Confidential 
notes  on  candidates  for  office  and  the  assemblies. 

IT  cannot  be  denied  that  France  hailed,  almost  with  unani- 
mous voice,  Bonaparte's  accession  to  the  Consulship  as  a 
blessing  of  Providence.  I  do  not  speak  now  of  the  ulterior 
consequences  of  that  event ;  I  speak  only  of  the  fact  itself, 
and  its  first  results,  such  as  the  repeal  of  the  law  of  host- 
ages, and  the  compulsory  loan  of  a  hundred  millions. 
Doubtless  the  legality  of  the  acts  of  the  18th  Brumaire 
may  be  disputed ;  but  who  will  venture  to  say  that  the 
immediate  result  of  that  day  ought  not  to  be  regarded  as 
a  great  blessing  to  France?  Whoever  denies  this  can 
have  no  idea  of  the  wretched  state  of  every  branch  of  the 
administration  at  that  deplorable  epoch.  A  few  persons 
blamed  the  18th  Brumaire ;  but  no  one  regretted  the 
Directory,  with  the  exception,  perhaps,  of  the  five  Direc- 
tors themselves.  But  we  will  say  no  more  of  the  Direc- 
torial Government.  What  an  administration  !  In  what  a 


1799.  IN  THE  LUXEMBOURG.  287 

state  were  the  finances  of  France  !  Would  it  be  believed  ? 
on  the  second  day  of  the  Consulate,  when  Bonaparte 
wished  to  send  a  courier  to  General  Championet,  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  army  of  Italy,  the  treasury  had  not 
1200  francs  disposable  to  give  to  the  courier ! 

It  may  be  supposed  that  in  the  first  moments  of  a  new 
Government  money  would  be  wanted.  M.  Collot,  who 
had  served  under  Bonaparte  in  Italy,  and  whose  conduct 
and  administration  deserved  nothing  but  praise,  was  one 
of  the  first  who  came  to  the  Consul's  assistance.  In  this 
instance  M.  Collot  was  as  zealous  as  disinterested.  He 
gave  the  Consul  500,000  francs  in  gold,  for  which  service 
he  was  badly  rewarded.  Bonaparte  afterwards  behaved 
to  M.  Collot  as  though  he  was  anxious  to  punish  him  for 
being  rich.  This  sum,  which  at  the  time  made  so  fine  an 
appearance  in  the  Consular  treasury,  was  not  repaid  for  a 
long  time  after,  and  then  without  interest.1  This  was 
not,  indeed,  the  only  instance  in  which  M.  Collot  had 
cause  to  complain  of  Bonaparte,  who  was  never  inclined 
to  acknowledge  his  important  services,  nor  even  to  render 
justice  to  his  conduct. 

On  the  morning  of  the  20th  Brumaire  Bonaparte  sent 
his  brother  Louis  to  inform  the  Director  Gohier  that  he  was 
free.  This  haste  in  relieving  Gohier  was  not  without  a 
reason,  for  Bonaparte  was  anxious  to  install  himself  in 
the  Luxembourg,  and  we  went  there  that  same  evening. 

Everything  was  to  be  created.  Bonaparte  had  with 
him  almost  the  whole  of  the  army,  and  on  the  soldiers  he 
could  rely.  But  the  military  force  was  no  longer  sufficient 
for  him.  "Wishing  to  possess  a  great  civil  power  estab- 
lished by  legal  forms,  he  immediately  set  about  the  com- 
position of  a  Senate  and  Tribunate ;  a  Council  of  State  and 
a  new  legislative  body,  and,  finally,  a  new  Constitution.3 

1  Joseph  Bonaparte  states,  however,  that  this  sum  was  lent  by  M.  Collot  with  an 
express  declaration  that  he  did  not  wish  to  receive  interest  (Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  254). 

8  The  Constitution  of  the  year  VIII.  was  presented  on  the  13th  of  December  1799 
(22d  Frimaire,  year  VIII.),  and  accepted  by  the  people  on  the  7th  of  1'ebruary  1 MQ 


288        MEMOIRS  Of  NAPOLEON  SONAPARTE.       1799. 

As  Bonaparte  had  not  time  to  make  himself  acquainted 
•with  the  persons  by  whom  he  was  about  to  be  surrounded* 
he  requested  from  the  most  distinguished  men  of  the 
period,  well  acquainted  with  France  and  the  Revolution, 
notes  respecting  the  individuals  worthy  and  capable  of 
entering  the  Senate,  the  Tribunate,  and  the  Council  of 
State.  From  the  manner  in  which  all  these  notes  were 
drawn  up  it  was  evident  that  the  writers  of  them  studied 
to  make  their  recommendation  correspond  with  what  they 
conceived  to  be  Bonaparte's  views,  and  that  they  imag- 
ined he  participated  in  the  opinions  which  were  at  that 
time  popular.  Accordingly  they  stated,  as  grounds  for 
preferring  particular  candidates,  their  patriotism,  their  re- 
publicanism, and  their  having  had  seats  in  preceding 
assemblies. 

Of  all  qualities,  that  which  most  influenced  the  choice 
of  the  First  Consul  was  inflexible  integrity  ;  and  it  is  but 
just  to  say  that  in  this  particular  he  was  rarely  deceived. 
He  sought  earnestly  for  talent ;  and  although  he  did  not 
like  the  men  of  the  Revolution,  he  was  convinced  that  he 
could  not  do  without  them.  He  had  conceived  an  ex- 
treme aversion  for  mediocrity,  and  generally  rejected  a 
man  of  that  character  when  recommended  to  him  ;  but  if 
he  had  known  such  a  man  long,  he  yielded  to  the  influ- 
ence of  habit,  dreading  nothing  so  much  as  change,  or,  as 
he  was  accustomed  to  say  himself,  new  faces.1 

Bonaparte  then   proceeded   to  organise  a  complaisant 

(18th  Pluviose,  year  VIII.)-  It  established  a  Consular  Government,  composed  of 
Bonaparte,  First  Consul,  appointed  for  ten  years ;  Cambacer6s,  Second  Consul,  also 
for  ten  years;  and  Lebrun,  Third  Consul,  appointed  for  five  years.  It  established 
a  conservative  Senate,  a  legislative  body  of  800  members,  and  a  Tribunate  com- 
posed of  100  members.  The  establishment  of  the  Council  of  State  took  place  on  the 
24th  of  December  1799.  The  installation  of  the  new  legislative  body  and  the  Trib- 
unate was  fixed  for  the  1st  of  January  1800. — Bourrienne.  Lanfrey  (tome  i.  p.  329) 
Bees  this  Constitution  foreshadowed  in  that  proposed  by  Napoleon  in  1797  for  the 
Cisalpine  Republic. 

1  Napoleon  loved  only  men  with  strong  passions  and  great  weaknesses  ;  he 
judged  the  most  opposite  qualities  in  men  by  these  defects  (MetternicA,  tome  iii. 
p.  689). 


1799.  FIRST  CONSULAR  MINISTRY.  289 

Senate,  a  mute  legislative  body,  and  a  Tribunate  which 
was  to  have  the  semblance  of  being  independent,  by  the 
aid  of  some  fine  speeches  and  high-sounding  phrases. 
He  easily  appointed  the  Senators,  but  it  was  different 
with  the  Tribunate.  He  hesitated  long  before  he  fixed 
upon  the  candidates  for  that  body,  which  inspired  him 
with  an  anticipatory  fear.  However,  on  arriving  at  power 
he  dared  not  oppose  himself  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
moment,  and  he  consented  for  a  time  to  delude  the  am- 
bitious dupes  who  kept  up  a  buzz  of  fine  sentiments 
of  liberty  around  him.  He  saw  that  circumstances  were 
not  yet  favourable  for  refusing  a  share  in  the  Constitution 
to  this  third  portion  of  power,  destined  apparently  to 
advocate  the  interests  of  the  people  before  the  legislative 
bod}r.  But  in  yielding  to  necessity,  the  mere  idea  of  the 
Tribunate  filled  him  with  the  utmost  uneasiness  ;  and, 
in  a  word,  Bonaparte  could  not  endure  the  public  dis- 
cussions on  law  projects.1 

Bonaparte  composed  the  first  Consular  Ministry  as 
follows:  Berthier  was  Minister  of  War;  Gaudin,  formerly 
employed  in  the  administration  of  the  Post  Office,  was 
appointed  Minister  of  Finance ;  Cambaceres  remained 
Minister  of  Justice  ;  Forfait  was  Minister  of  Marine  ;  La 
Place  of  the  Interior  ;  Fouche  of  Police ;  and  Reinhard 
of  Foreign  Affairs.* 

1  The  Tribunate  under  this  Constitution  of  the 'year  VIII.  was  the  only  body 
allowed  to  debate  in  public  on  proposed  laws,  the  legislative  body  simply  hearing  in 
silence  the  orators  sent  by  the  Council  of  State  and  by  the  Tribunate  to  state  reasons 
for  or  against  propositions,  and  then  voting  in  silence.  Its  orators  were  constantly 
giving  umbrage  to  Napoleon.  It  was  at  first  purified,  early  in  1802,  by  the  Senate 
naming  the  members  to  go  out  in  rotation,  then  reduced  to  from  100  to  50  members 
later  in  1802,  and  suppressed  in  1807  ;  its  disappearance  being  regarded  by  Napo- 
leon as  his  last  break  with  the  Revolution. 

*  Berthier  remained  Minister  of  War  till  1807  ;  Gaudin,  later  Due  de  Gaeta,  held 
the  name  office  till  the  end  of  Napoleon's  reign  ;  Cambaceres  was  soon  replaced  by 
Abrial ;  Forfait  was  replaced  by  Decr6s  ;  Fouch6  held  the  Police  till  1802,  when  the 
Ministry  was  suppressed  ;  and  again  from  its  re-establishment  in  1804  till  1810.  He 
became  Due  d'Otrante. 

In  giving  to  Abrial  the  portfolio  of  the  Ministry  of  Justice,  Bonaparte  said  to  him, 
"  Citizen  Abrial,  I  do  not  know  you,  but  I  am  told  you  are  the  honestest  man  in  the 
magistracy,  and  that  is  why  I  name  you  Minister  of  Justice." — Bourriennt. 

VOL.  I.— 19 


290         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

Reinhard  and  La  Place  were  soon  replaced,  the  former 
by  the  able  M.  Talleyrand,  the  latter  by  Lucien  Bona- 
parte.1 It  may  be  said  that  Lucien  merely  passed  through 
the  Ministry  on  his  way  to  a  lucrative  embassy  in  Spain. 
As  to  La  Place,  Bonaparte  always  entertained  a  high 
opinion  of  his  talents.  His  appointment  to  the  Ministry 
of  the  Interior  was  a  compliment  paid  to  science ;  but  it 
was  not  long  before  the  First  Consul  repented  of  his 
choice.  La  Place,  so  happily  calculated  for  science,  dis- 
played the  most  inconceivable  mediocrity  in  administra- 
tion. He  was  incompetent  to  the  most  trifling  matters  ; 
as  if  his  mind,  formed  to  embrace  the  system  of  the  world, 
and  to  interpret  the  laws  of  Newton  and  Kepler,  could  not 
descend  to  the  level  of  subjects  of  detail,  or  apply  itself  to 
the  duties  of  the  department  with  which  he  was  entrusted 
for  a  short,  but  yet,  with  regard  to  him,  too  long  a  time. 

On  the  26th  Brumaire  (17th  November  1799)  the  Con- 
suls issued  a  decree,  in  which  they  stated  that,  conform- 
ably with  Article  HI.  of  the  law  of  the  19th  of  the  same 
month,  which  especially  charged  them  with  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  public  tranquillity,  they  decreed  that  thirty- 
eight  individuals,  who  were  named,  should  quit  the  con- 
tinental territory  of  the  Republic,  and  for  that  purpose 
should  proceed  to  Rochefort,  to  be  afterwards  conducted 
to,  and  detained  in,  the  department  of  French  Guiana. 
They  likewise  decreed  that  twenty-three  other  individuals, 
who  were  named,  should  proceed  to  the  commune  of  Ro- 
chelle,  in  the  department  of  the  lower  Charente,  in  order 
to  be  afterwards  fixed  and  detained  in  such  part  of  that 
department  as  should  be  pointed  out  by  the  Minister  of 
General  Police.  I  was  fortunate  enough  to  keep  my  friend 
M.  Moreau  de  Worms,  deputy  from  the  Yonne,  out  of  the 

1  When  I  quitted  the  service  of  the  First  Consul  Talleyrand  was  still  at  the  head 
of  the  Foreign  Department.  I  have  frequently  been  present  at  this  great  statesman's 
conferences  with  Napoleon,  and  I  can  declare  that  I  never  saw  him  flatter  his 
dreams  of  ambition  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  he  always  endeavoured  to  make  him  sen- 
sible of  his  true  interests. — Bourrienne. 


1799.      BONAPARTE  BECOMES  FIRST  CONSUL.         291 

list  of  exiles.  This  proscription  produced  a  mischievous 
effect.  It  bore  a  character  of  wanton  severity  quite  incon- 
sistent with  the  assurances  of  mildness  and  moderation 
given  at  St.  Cloud  on  the  19th  Brumaire.  Cambaceres 
afterwards  made  a  report,  in  which  he  represented  that  it 
was  unnecessary  for  the  maintenance  of  tranquillity  to  sub- 
ject the  proscribed  to  banishment,  considering  it  sufficient 
to  place  them  under  the  supervision  of  the  superior  police. 
Upon  receiving  the  report  the  Consuls  issued  a  decree,  in 
which  they  directed  all  the  individuals  included  in  the  pro- 
scription to  retire  respectively  into  the  different  communes 
which  should  be  fixed  upon  by  the  Minister  of  Justice, 
and  to  remain  there  until  further  orders. 

At  the  period  of  the  issuing  of  these  decrees  Sieyes  was 
still  one  of  the  Consuls,  conjointly  with  Bonaparte  and 
Roger  Ducos ;  and  although  Bonaparte  had,  from  the  first 
moment,  possessed  the  whole  power  of  the  government, 
a  sort  of  apparent  equality  was,  nevertheless,  observed 
amongst  them.  It  was  not  until  the  25th  of  December 
that  Bonaparte  assumed  the  title  of  First  Consul,  Cam- 
baceres and  Lebrun  being  then  joined  in  the  office  with 
him.  He  had  fixed  his  eyes  on  them  previously  to  the 
18th  Brumaire,  and  he  had  no  cause  to  reproach  them 
with  giving  him  much  embarrassment  in  his  rapid  pro- 
gress towards  the  imperial  throne. 

I  have  stated  that  I  was  so  fortunate  as  to  rescue  M. 
Moreau  de  Worms  from  the  list  of  proscription.  Some 
days  after  Siuyes  entered  Bonaparte2s  cabinet  and  said  to 
him,  "Well,  this  M.  Moreau  de  Worms,  whom  M.  Bour- 
rienne  induced  you  to  save  from  banishment,  is  acting 
very  finely  !  I  told  you  how  it  would  be  !  I  have  received 
from  Sens,  his  native  place,  a  letter  which  informs  me  that 
Moreau  is  in  that  town,  where  he  has  assembled  the  peo- 
ple in  the  market-place,  and  indulged  in  the  most  violent 
declamations  against  the  18th  Brumaire." — "  Can  you  rely 
upon  your  agent  ?  "  asked  Bonaparte.  "  Perfectly.  I  can 


292         MEMOIRS  Off  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

answer  for  the  truth  of  his  communication."  Bonaparte 
showed  me  the  bulletin  of  Sieyes'  agent,  and  reproached 
me  bitterly.  "  What  would  you  say,  General,"  I  observed, 
"  if  I  should  present  this  same  M.  Moreau  de  Worms,  who 
is  declaiming  at  Sens  against  the  18th  Brumaire,  to  you 
within  an  hour  ?  " — "  I  defy  you  to  do  it." — "  I  have  made 
myself  responsible  for  him,  and  I  know  what  I  am  about. 
He  is  violent  in  his  politics  ;  but  he  is  a  man  of  honour, 
incapable  of  failing  in  his  word." — "Well,  we  shall  see. 
Go  and  find  him."  I  was  very  sure  of  doing  what  I  had 
promised,  for  within  an  hour  before  I  had  seen  M.  Moreau 
de  Worms.  He  had  been  concealed  since  the  19th  Bru- 
maire, and  had  not  quitted  Paris.  Nothing  was  easier  than 
to  find  him,  and  in  three-quarters  of  an  hour  he  was  at  the 
Luxembourg.  I  presented  him  to  Bonaparte,  who  con- 
versed with  him  a  long  time  concerning  the  18th  Bru- 
maire. When  M.  Moreau  departed  Bonaparte  said  to  me, 
"You  are  right.  That  fool  Sieyes  is  as  inventive  as  a 
Cassandra.  This  proves  that  one  should  not  be  too  ready 
to  believe  the  reports  of  the  wretches  whom  we  are  obliged 
to  employ  in  the  police."  Afterwards  he  added,  "Bour- 
rienne,  Moreau  is  a  nice  fellow  :  I  am  satisfied  with  him  ; 
I  will  do  something  for  him."  It  was  not  long  before  M. 
Moreau  experienced  the  effect  of  the  Consul's  good  opin- 
ion. Some  days  after,  whilst  framing  the  council  of  prizes, 
he,  at  my  mere  suggestion,  appointed  M.  Moreau  one  of 
the  members,  with  a  salary  of  10,000  francs.  On  what 
extraordinary  circumstances  the  fortunes  of  men  frequently 
depend !  As  to  Sieyes,  in  the  intercourse,  not  very  fre- 
quent certainly,  which  I  had  with  him,  he  appeared  to  be 
far  beneath  the  reputation  which  he  then  enjoyed. '  He 

1  M.  da  Talleyrand,  who  is  so  capable  of  estimating  men,  and  whose  admirable 
sayings  well  deserve  to  occnpy  a  place  in  history,  had  long  entertained  a  similar 
opinion  of  Si&yda.  One  day,  when  he  was  conversing  with  the  Seconci  Consul  con- 
cerning Si6y6s,  Cambac6r6s  said  to  him.  "  Sieyes,  however,  is  a  very  profound  man." 
— ''Profound?"  said  Talleyrand.  "Yes,  he  is  a  cavity,  a  perfect  cavity,  as  you 
would  say."— Sourrienne,  _ 


1799.  LIFE  AT  THE  LUXEMBOURG.  293 

reposed  a  blind  confidence  in  a  multitude  of  agents,  whom 
he  sent  into  all  parts  of  France.  When  it  happened,  on 
other  occasions,  that  I  proved  to  him,  by  evidence  as  suffic- 
ient as  that  in  the  case  of  M.  Moreau,  the  falseness  of  the 
reports  he  had  received,  he  replied,  with  a  confidence  truly 
ridiculous,  "  I  can  rely  on  my  men. "  Sieyes  had  written 
in  his  countenance,  "  Give  me  money  ! "  I  recollect  that 
I  one  day  alluded  to  this  expression  in  the  anxious  face  of 
Sieyes  to  the  First  Consul.  "You  are  right,"  observed  he 
to  me,  smiling ;  "  when  money  is  in  question,  Sieyes  is 
quite  a  matter-of-fact  man.  He  sends  his  ideology  to  the 
right  about  and  thus  becomes  easily  manageable.  He 
readily  abandons  his  constitutional  dreams  for  a  good 
round  sum,  and  that  is  very  convenient." ' 

Bonaparte  occupied,  at  the  Little  Luxembourg,  the 
apartments  on  the  ground  floor  which  lie  to  the  right  on 
entering  from  the  Rue  de  Vaugirard.  His  cabinet  was 
close  to  a  private  staircase,  which  conducted  me  to  the 
first  floor,  where  Josephine  dwelt.  My  apartment  was 
above. 

After  breakfast,  which  was  served  at  ten  o'clock,  Bona- 
parte would  converse  for  a  few  moments  with  his  usual 
guests,  that  is  to  say,  his  aides  de  camp,  the  persons  he 
invited,  and  myself,  who  never  left  him.  He  was  also 
visited  very  often  by  Defermont,  Kegnault  (of  the  town  of 
St.  Jean  d'Angely),  Boulay  (de  la  Meurthe),  Monge,  and 
Berlier,  who  were,  with  his  brothers,  Joseph  and  Lucien, 
those  whom  he  most  delighted  to  see  ;  he  conversed  famil- 
iarly with  them.  Cambaceres  generally  came  at  mid-day, 
and  stayed  some  time  with  him,  often  a  whole  hour. 
Lebrun  visited  but  seldom.  Notwithstanding  his  eleva- 
tion, his  character  remained  unaltered ;  and  Bonaparte 

1  Everybody  knows,  in  fact,  that  Sieyes  refused  to  resign  his  consular  dignities 
unless  he  received  in  exchange  a  beautiful  farm  situated  in  the  park  of  Versailles, 
and  worth  about  15,000  livres  a  year.  The  good  abb6  consoled  himself  for  no  longer 
forming  a  third  of  the  republican  sovereignty  by  making  himself  at  home  in  th« 
ancient  domain  of  the  Kings  of  France. — Bourrlenne. 


294         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1799. 

considered  him  too  moderate,  because  be  always  opposed 
his  ambitious  views  and  his  plans  to  usurp  power.  When 
Bonaparte  left  the  breakfast-table  it  was  seldom  that  he 
did  not  add,  after  bidding  Josephine  and  her  daughter 
Hortense  good-day,  "  Come,  Bourrienne,  come,  let  us  to 
work." 

After  the  morning  audiences  I  stayed  with  Bonaparte 
all  the  day,  either  reading  to  him,  or  writing  to  his  dicta- 
tion. Three  or  four  times  in  the  week  he  would  go  to 
the  Council.  On  his  way  to  the  hall  of  deliberation  he 
was  obliged  to  cross  the  courtyard  of  the  Little  Luxem- 
bourg and  ascend  the  grand  staircase.  This  always  vexed 
him,  and  the  more  so  as  the  weather  was  very  bad  at  the 
time.  This  annoyance  continued  until  the  25th  of  De- 
cember, and  it  was  with  much  satisfaction  that  he  saw 
himself  quit  of  it.  After  leaving  the  Council  he  used  to 
enter  his  cabinet  singing,  and  God  knows  how  wretchedly 
he  sung !  He  examined  whatever  work  he  had  ordered 
to  be  done,  signed  documents,  stretched  himself  in  his 
arm-chair,  and  read  the  letters  of  the  preceding  day  and 
the  publications  of  the  morning.  When  there  was  no 
Council  he  remained  in  his  cabinet,  conversed  with  me, 
always  sang,  and  cut,  according  to  custom,  the  arm  of  his 
chair,  giving  himself  sometimes  quite  the  air  of  a  great 
boy.  Then,  all  at  once  starting  up,  he  would  describe  a 
plan  for  the  erection  of  a  monument,  or  dictate  some  of 
those  extraordinary  productions  which  astonished  and 
dismayed  the  world.  He  often  became  again  the  same 
man  who,  under  the  walls  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  had  dreamed 
of  an  empire  worthy  his  ambition. 

At  five  o'clock  dinner  was  served  up.  When  that  was 
over  the  First  Consul  went  upstairs  to  Josephine's  apart- 
ments, where  he  commonly  received  the  visits  of  the 
Ministers.  He  was  always  pleased  to  see  among  the  num- 
ber the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  especially  since  the 
portfolio  of  that  department  had  been  entrusted  to  the 


4799.  LIFE  AT  THE  LUXEMBOURG.  295 

hands  of  M.  de  Talleyrand.  At  midnight,  and  often 
sooner,  he  gave  the  signal  for  retiring  by  saying  in  a  hasty 
manner,  "Allans  nous  coucher." 

It  was  at  the  Luxembourg,  in  the  salons  of  which  the 
adorable  Josephine  so  well  performed  the  honours,  that  the 
word  Madame  came  again  into  use.  This  first  return  to- 
wards the  old  French  politeness  was  startling  to  some  sus- 
ceptible Kepublicans ;  but  things  were  soon  carried  farther 
at  the  Tuileries  by  the  introduction  of  Votre  Altesse  on 
occasions  of  state  ceremony,  and  Monseigneur  in  the 
family  circle. 

If,  on  the  one  hand,  Bonaparte  did  not  like  the  men  of 
the  Revolution,  on  the  other  he  dreaded  still  more  the 
partisans  of  the  Bourbons.  Ou  the  mere  mention  of 
the  name  of  those  princes  he  experienced  a  kind  of  inward 
alarm ;  and  he  often  spoke  of  the  necessity  of  raising  a 
wall  of  brass  between  France  and  them.  To  this  feeling, 
no  doubt,  must  be  attributed  certain  nominations,  and 
the  spirit  of  some  recommendations  contained  in  the 
notes  with  which  he  was  supplied  on  the  characters  of 
candidates,  and  which  for  ready  reference  were  arranged 
alphabetically.  Some  of  the  notes  just  mentioned  were  in 
the  handwriting  of  Regnault  de  St.  Jean  d'Angely,  and 
some  in  Lucien  Bonaparte's.1 

1  Among  them  was  the  following,  under  the  title  of  "General  Observations": — 
"  In  choosing  among  the  men  who  were  members  of  the  Constituent  Assembly  it  ia 
necessary  to  be  on  guard  against  the  Orleans'  party,  which  is  not  altogether  a 
chimera,  and  may  one  day  or  other  prove  dangerous. 

"There  is  no  doubt  that  the  partisans  of  that  family  are  intriguing  secretly; 
and  among  many  other  proofs  of  this  fact  the  following  is  a  striking  one  :  the  jour- 
nal called  the  Aristarque,  which  undisgnisedly  supports  royalism,  is  conducted  by  a 
man  of  the  name  of  Voidel,  one  of  the  hottest  patriots  of  the  Eevolution.  He  was 
for  several  months  president  of  the  committee  of  inquiry  which  caused  the  Marquis 
de  Favras  to  be  arrested  and  hanged,  and  gave  so  much  uneasiness  to  the  Court. 
There  was  no  one  in  the  Constituent  Assembly  more  hateful  to  the  Court  than 
Votdel,  as  much  on  account  of  his  violence  as  for  his  connection  with  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  whose  advocate  and  counsel  he  was.  When  the  Duke  of  Orleans  was  ar- 
rested, Voidel,  braving  the  fury  of  the  revolutionary  tribunals,  had  the  courage  to 
defend  him,  and  placarded  all  the  walls  of  Paris  with  an  apology  for  the  Duke  and 
his  two  sons.  This  man,  writing  now  in  favour  of  royalism,  can  have  no  other  object 
than  to  advance  a  member  of  the  Orleans  family  to  the  throne." — Buurrtenne. 


296         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  First  Consul's  administra- 
tion, though  he  always  consulted  the  notes  he  had  collected, 
he  yet  received  with  attention  the  recommendations  of 
persons  with  whom  he  was  well  acquainted  ;  but  it  was 
not  safe  for  them  to  recommend  a  rogue  or  a  fool.  The 
men  whom  he  most  disliked  were  those  whom  he  called 
babblers,  who  are  continually  prating  of  everything  and  on 
everything.  He  often  said,  "  I  want  more  head  and  less 
tongue."  What  he  thought  of  the  regicides  will  be  seen 
farther  on,  but  at  first  the  more  a  man  had  given  a  gage 
to  the  Revolution,  the  more  he  considered  him  as  offering 
a  guarantee  against  the  return  of  the  former  order  of 
things.  Besides,  Bonaparte  was  not  the  man  to  attend 
to  any  consideration  when  once  his  policy  was  con- 
cerned. 

As  I  have  said  a  few  pages  back,  on  taking  ^the  govern- 
ment into  his  own  hands  Bonaparte  knew  so  little  of  the 
Revolution  and  of  the  men  engaged  in  civil  employments 
that  it  was  indispensably  necessary  for  him  to  collect  in- 
formation from  every  quarter  respecting  men  and  things. 
But  when  the  conflicting  passions  of  the  moment  became 
more  calm  and  the  spirit  of  party  more  prudent,  and  when 
order  had  been,  by  his  severe  investigations,  introduced 
where  hitherto  unbridled  confusion  had  reigned,  he  be- 
came gradually  more  scrupulous  in  granting  places, 
whether  arising  from  newly-created  offices,  or  from  those 
changes  which  the  different  departments  often  experi- 
enced. He  then  said  to  me,  "  Bourrienne,  I  give  up  your 
department  to  you.  Name  whom  you  please  for  the  ap- 
pointments ;  but  remember  you  must  be  responsible  to 
me." 

What  a  list  would  that  be  which  should  contain  the 
names  of  all  the  prefects,  sub-prefects,  receivers-general, 
and  other  civil  officers  to  whom  I  gave  places !  I  have 
kept  no  memoranda  of  their  names  ;  and  indeed,  what 
advantage  would  there  have  been  in  doing  so?  It  was 


1799.     PLACES  UNDER  THE  NEW  GOVERNMENT.      291 

impossible  for  me  to  have  a  personal  knowledge  of  all  the 
fortunate  candidates  ;  but  I  relied  on  recommendations 
in  which  I  had  confidence. 

I  have  little  to  complain  of  in  those  I  obliged ;  though 
it  is  true  that,  since  my  separation  from  Bonaparte,  I  have 
seen  many  of  them  take  the  opposite  side  of  the  street  in 
which  I  was  walking,  and  by  that  delicate  attention  save 
me  the  trouble  of  raising  my  hat 


296  1799- 


CHAPTER 

1799-1800. 

Difficulties  of  a  new  Government — State  of  Europe — Bonaparte's  wish 
for  peace — M.  de  Talleyrand  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs — Negotia- 
tions with  England  and  Austria — Their  failure — Bonaparte's  views  on 
the  East — His  sacrifices  to  policy — General  Bonaparte  denounced  to 
the  First  Consul — KleT>er's  letter  to  the  Directory — Accounts  of  the 
Egyptian  expedition  published  in  the  Moniteur — Proclamation  to  the 
army  of  the  East — Favour  and  disgrace  of  certain  individuals  ac- 
counted for. 

WHEN  a  new  Government  rises  on  the  ruins  of  one  that 
has  been  overthrown,  its  best  chance  of  conciliating  the 
favour  of  the  nation,  if  that  nation  be  at  war,  is  to  hold 
out  the  prospect  of  peace  ;  for  peace  is  always  dear  to  a 
people.  Bonaparte  was  well  aware  of  this  ;  and  if  in  his 
heart  he  wished  otherwise,  he  knew  how  important  it  was 
to  seem  to  desire  peace.  Accordingly,  immediately  after 
his  installation  at  the  Luxembourg  he  notified  to  all  the 
foreign  powers  his  acccession  to  the  Consulate,  and,  for 
the  same  purpose,  addressed  letters  to  all  the  diplomatic 
agents  of  the  French  Government  abroad. 

The  day  after  he  got  rid  of  his  first  two  colleagues, 
Sieyes  and  Roger  Ducos,  he  prepared  to  open  negotia- 
tions with  the  Cabinet  of  London.  At  that  time  we  were 
at  war  with  almost  the  whole  of  Europe.  We  had  also 
lost  Italy.  The  Emperor  of  Germany  was  ruled  by  his 
Ministers,  who  in  their  turn  were  governed  by  England. 
It  was  no  easy  matter  to  manage  equally  the  organisation 
of  the  Consular  Government  and  the  no  less  important  af- 
fairs abroad  ;  and  it  was  very  important  to  the  interests 


1800.     FIBBT  CONSUL   TO   GEORGE  THE  THIRD.     299 

of  the  First  Consul  to  intimate  to  foreign  powers,  -while 
at  the  same  time  he  assured  himself  against  the  return  of 
the  Bourbons,  that  the  system  which  he  proposed  to  adopt 
was  a  system  of  order  and  regeneration,  unlike  either  the 
demagogic  violence  of  the  Convention  or  the  imbecile  arti- 
fice of  the  Directory.  In  fulfilment  of  this  object  Bona- 
parte directed  M.  de  Talleyrand,  the  new  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  to  make  the  first  friendly  overtures  to 
the  English  Cabinet.  A  correspondence  ensued,  which 
was  published  at  the  time,  and  which  showed  at  once  the 
conciliatory  policy  of  Bonaparte  and  the  arrogant  policy 
of  England.1 

1  We  give  here  the  opening  letters  of  this  remarkable  correspondence. 

PABIS,  le  5  Nivdse,  an.  VIII.  (26tfi  December  1799). 

"French  Republic. 
"  Sovereignty  of  the  People— Liberty — Equality. 

"  BONAPARTE.  FIRST  CONSUL  OF  THE  REPUBLIC,  TO  His  MAJESTY  THB 
KINO  OF  GBEAT  BBITAIN  AND  IRELAND. 

"  Called  by  the  wishes  of  the  French  nation  to  occupy  the  First  Magistracy  of  the 
Eepubiic,  I  have  thought  proper,  in  commencing  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  this 
office,  to  communicate  the  event  directly  to  your  Majesty. 

"  Must  the  war  which  for  eight  years  has  ravaged  the  four  quarters  of  the  world 
be  eternal  ?  Is  there  no  room  for  accommodation  ?  How  can  the  two  most  en- 
lightened nations  in  Europe,  stronger  and  more  powerful  than  is  necessary  for  their 
safety  and  independence,  sacrifice  commercial  advantages,  internal  prosperity,  and 
domestic  happiness  to  vain  ideas  of  grandeur?  Whence  is  it  that  they  do  not  feel 
peace  to  be  the  first  of  wants  as  well  as  the  first  of  glories  ? 

"  These  sentiments  cannot  be  new  to  the  heart  of  your  Majesty,  who  rules  over  a 
free  nation  with  no  other  view  than  to  render  it  happy. 

"  Tour  Majesty  will  see  in  this  overture  only  my  sincere  desire  to  contribute 
effectually,  for  the  second  time,  to  a  general  pacification  by  a  prompt  step  taken  in 
confidence,  and  freed  from  those  forms  which,  however  necessary  to  disguise  the 
apprehensions  of  feeble  States,  only  serve  to  discover  in  those  that  are  powerful  a 
mutual  wish  to  deceive. 

"  France  and  England  may,  by  the  abuse  of  their  strength,  long  defer  the  period 
of  its  utter  exhaustion,  unhappily  for  all  nations.  But  I  will  venture  to  say  that 
the  fate  of  all  civilised  nations  is  concerned  in  the  termination  of  a  war  the  flames 
of  which  are  raging  throughout  the  whole  world. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc., 

"  (Signed)  BONAPABTE." 

"  LORD  GBBNVILLE  IN  REPLY  TO  THE  MINISTBB  OF  POBEIGN  RELATIONS 
AT  PABIS. 

"  DOWNING  STREET,  4tfi  January  1800. 
"  Sir — I  have  received  and  laid  before  the  King  the  two  letters  which  you  have 


300         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799^ 

The  exchange  of  notes  which  took  place  was  attended 
by  no  immediate  result.  However,  the  First  Consul  had 
partly  attained  his  object:  if  the  British  Government 
would  not  enter  into  negotiations  for  peace,  there  was  at 
least  reason  to  presume  that  subsequent  overtures  of  the 
Consular  Government  might  be  listened  to.  The  corre- 
spondence had  at  all  events  afforded  Bonaparte  the  oppor- 
tunity of  declaring  his  principles,  and  above  all,  it  had 
enabled  him  to  ascertain  that  the  return  of  the  Bourbons 
to  France  [mentioned  in  the  official  reply  of  Lord  Gren- 
ville]  would  not  be  a  sine  qua  non  condition  for  the  res- 
toration of  peace  between  the  two  powers. 

Since  M.  de  Talleyrand  had  been  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs  the  business  of  that  department  had  proceeded 
with  great  activity.  It  was  an  important  advantage  to 
Bonaparte  to  find  a  nobleman  of  the  old  regime  among  the 
republicans.  The  choice  of  M.  de  Talleyrand  was  in  some 
sort  an  act  of  courtesy  to  the  foreign  Courts.  It  was  a 
delicate  attention  to  the  diplomacy  of  Europe  to  introduce 
to  its  members,  for  the  purpose  of  treating  with  them,  a 
man  whose  rank  was  at  least  equal  to  their  own,  and  who 
was  universally  distinguished  for  a  polished  elegance  of 
manner  combined  with  solid  good  qualities  and  real 
talents. 

It  was  not  only  with  England  that  Bonaparte  and  his 
Minister  endeavoured  to  open  negotiations  ;  the  Consular 
Cabinet  also  offered  peace  to  the  House  of  Austria  ;  but 
not  at  the  same  time.  The  object  of  this  offer  was  to 

transmitted  to  me  ;  and  his  Majesty,  seeing  no  reason  to  depart  from  those  forms 
which  have  long  been  established  in  Europe  for  transacting  business  with  Foreign 
States,  has  commanded  me  to  return,  in  his  name,  the  official  answer  which  I  send 
you  herewith  enclosed. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  high  consideration,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  humble 
servant, 

"  (Signed)  GBENVILI.I:." 

The  official  letter  of  Lord  Orenville  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  ana  Talley- 
rand's reply  to  it,  wW  be  found  in  the  edition  0/1836,  but  are  too  lengthy  to  repro- 
duce here. 


TALLEYRAND. 


1800.        BONAPABTE'S   VIEWS  ON  THE  EAST.          301 

sow  discord  between  the  two  powers.  Speaking  to  me 
one  day  of  his  earnest  wish  to  obtain  peace  Bonaparte 
said,  "  You  see,  Bourrienne,  I  have  two  great  enemies  to 
cope  with.  I  will  conclude  peace  with  the  one  I  find  most 
easy  to  deal  with.  That  will  enable  me  immediately  to 
assail  the  other.  I  frankly  confess  that  I  should  like  best 
to  be  at  peace  with  England.  Nothing  would  then  be 
more  easy  than  to  crush  Austria.  She  has  no  money  ex- 
cept what  she  gets  through  England." 

For  a  long  time  all  negotiations  proved  abortive.  None 
of  the  European  powers  would  acknowledge  the  new 
Government,  of  which  Bonaparte  was  the  head ;  and  the 
battle  of  Marengo  was  required  before  the  peace  of 
Amiens  could  be  obtained. 

Though  the  affairs  of  the  new  Government  afforded 
abundant  occupation  to  Bonaparte,  he  yet  found  leisure 
to  direct  attention  to  the  East — to  that  land  of  despotism 
whence,  judging  from  his  subsequent  conduct,  it  might 
be  presumed  he  derived  his  first  principles  of  government. 
On  becoming  the  head  of  the  State  he  wished  to  turn 
Egypt,  which  he  had  conquered  as  a  general,  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  his  policy  as  Consul.  If  Bonaparte  triumphed 
over  a  feeling  of  dislike  in  consigning  the  command  of 
the  army  to  Kleber,  it  was  because  he  knew  Kleber  to  be 
more  capable  than  any  other  of  executing  the  plans  he 
had  formed  ;  and  Bonaparte  was  not  the  man  to  sacrifice 
the  interests  of  policy  to  personal  resentment.  It  is  cer- 
tainly true  that  he  then  put  into  practice  that  charming 
phrase  of  Moliere's — "  I  pardon  you,  but  you  shall  pay 
me  for  this  ! " 

With  respect  to  all  whom  he  had  left  in  Egypt  Bona- 
parte stood  in  a  very  singular  situation.  On  becoming 
Chief  of  the  Government  he  was  not  only  the  depositary 
of  all  communications  made  to  the  Directory  ;  but  letters 
sent  to  one  address  were  delivered  to  another,  and  the 
First  Consul  received  the  complaints  made  agaiait  the 


302         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1799- 

General  who  had  so  abruptly  quitted  Egypt.  In  almost 
all  the  letters  that  were  delivered  to  us  he  was  the  object 
of  serious  accusation.  According  to  some  he  had  not 
avowed  his  departure  until  the  very  day  of  his  embarka- 
tion ;  and  he  had  deceived  everybody  by  means  of  false 
and  dissembling  proclamations.  Others  canvassed  his 
conduct  while  in  Egypt :  the  army  which  had  triumphed 
under  his  command  he  had  abandoned  when  reduced  to 
two-thirds  of  its  original  force  and  a  prey  to  all  the 
horrors  of  sickness  and  want.  It  must  be  confessed  that 
these  complaints  and  accusations  were  but  too  well 
founded,  and  one  can  never  cease  wondering  at  the  chain 
of  fortunate  circumstances  which  so  rapidly  raised  Bona- 
parte to  the  Consular  seat.  In  the  natural  order  of 
things,  and  in  fulfilment  of  the  design  which  he  him- 
self had  formed,  he  should  have  disembarked  at  Toulon, 
where  the  quarantine  laws  would  no  doubt  have  been  ob- 
served ;  instead  of  which,  the  fear  of  the  English  and  the 
uncertainty  of  the  pilots  caused  him  to  go  to  Frejus,  where 
the  quarantine  laws  were  violated  by  the  very  persons 
most  interested  in  respecting  them.  Let  us  suppose  that 
Bonaparte  had  baen  forced  to  perform  quarantine  at 
Toulon.  What  would  have  ensued  ?  The  charges  against 
him  would  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Directory, 
and  he  would  probably  have  been  suspended,  and  put 
upon  his  trial. 

Among  the  letters  which  fell  into  Bonaparte's  hands, 
by  reason  of  the  abrupt  change  of  government,  was  an 
official  despatch  (of  the  4th  Vendemiaire,  year  VIII. )  from 
General  Kleber  at  Cairo  to  the  Executive  Directory,  in 
which  that  general  spoke  in  very  stringent  terms  of  the 
sudden  departure  of  Bonaparte  and  of  the  state  in  which 
the  army  in  Egypt  had  been  left.  General  Kleber  further 
accused  him  of  having  evaded,  by  his  flight,  the  difficulties 
which  he  thus  transferred  to  his  successor's  shoulders, 
and  also  of  leaving  the  army  "  without  a  sou  in  the  chest," 


1800.  LETTERS  FROM  THE  EAST.  303 

with  pay  in  arrear,  and  very  little  supply  of  munitions  or 
clothing. 

The  other  letters  from  Egypt  were  not  less  accusatory 
than  Kleber's ;  and  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  charges  of 
BO  precise  a  nature,  brought  by  the  general  who  had  now 
become  commander-in-chief  against  his  predecessor, 
would  have  had  great  weight,  especially  backed  as  they 
were  by  similar  complaints  from  other  quarters.  A  trial 
would  have  been  inevitable ;  and  then,  no  18th  Brumaire, 
no  Consulate,  no  Empire,  no  conquest  of  Europe — but 
also,  it  may  be  added,  no  St.  Helena.  None  of  these 
events  would  have  ensued  had  not  the  English  squadron, 
when  it  appeared  off  Corsica,  obliged  the  Muiron  to  scud 
about  at  hazard,  and  to  touch  at  the  first  land  she  could 
reach. 

The  Egyptian  expedition  filled  too  important  a  place  in 
the  life  of  Bonaparte  for  him  to  neglect  frequently  re- 
viving in  the  public  mind  the  recollection  of  his  conquests 
in  the  East.  It  was  not  to  be  forgotten  that  the  head  of 
the  Republic  was  the  first  of  her  generals.  While 
Moreau  received  the  command  of  the  armies  of  the 
Rhine,  while  Massena,  as  a  reward  for  the  victory  of 
Zurich,  was  made  Commander-in-Chief  in  Italy,  and 
while  Brune  was  at  the  head  of  the  army  of  Batavia, 
Bonaparte,  whose  soul  was  in  the  camps,  consoled  him- 
self for  his  temporary  inactivity  by  a  retrospective  glance 
on  his  past  triumphs.  He  was  unwilling  that  Fame 
should  for  a  moment  cease  to  blazon  his  name.  Accord- 
ingly, as  soon  as  he  was  established  at  the  head  of  the 
Government,  he  caused  accounts  of  his  Egyptian  expedi- 
tion to  be  from  time  to  time  published  in  the  Moniteur. 
He  frequently  expressed  his  satisfaction  that  the  accusa- 
tory correspondence,  and,  above  all,  Kleber's  letter,  had 
fallen  into  his  own  hands.1  Such  was  Bonaparte's  perfect 

1  Joseph  Bonaparte  (Erreurt,  tome  i.  p.  255)  remarks  on  this  passage  :  "  Having 
communicated  this  letter  to  ui«,  the  Consul,  laughing  at  my  indignation,  laid,  •  If 


304        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE. 


self-command  that  immediately  after  perusing  that  letter 
he  dictated  to  me  the  following  proclamation,  addressed 
to  the  army  of  the  East  :  — 

SOLDIERS  I  —  The  Consuls  of  the  French  Republic  frequently 
direct  their  attention  to  the  army  of  the  East. 

France  acknowledges  all  the  influence  of  your  conquests  on  th« 
restoration  of  her  trade  and  the  civilisation  of  the  world. 

The  eyes  of  all  Europe  are  upon  you,  and  in  thought  I  am  often 
with  you. 

In  whatever  situation  the  chances  of  war  may  place  you,  prove 
yourselves  still  the  soldiers  of  Bivoli  and  Ahoukir  —  you  will  be  in- 
vincible. 

Place  in  Kleber  the  boundless  confidence  which  you  reposed  in 
me.  He  deserves  it. 

Soldiers,  think  of  the  day  when  you  will  return  victorious  to  the 
sacred  territory  of  France.  That  will  be  a  glorious  day  for  the 
whole  nation. 

Nothing  can  more  forcibly  show  the  character  of  Bona- 
parte than  the  above  allusion  to  Kleber,  after  he  had  seen 
the  way  in  which  Kleber  spoke  of  him  to  the  Directory. 
Could  it  ever  have  been  imagined  that  the  correspondence 
of  the  army,  to  whom  he  addressed  this  proclamation, 
teemed  with  accusations  against  him?  Though  the  major- 
ity of  these  accusations  were  strictly  just,  yet  it  is  but  fair 
to  state  that  the  letters  from  Egypt  contained  some 
calumnies.  In  answer  to  the  well-founded  portion  of  the 
charges  Bonaparte  said  little  ;  but  he  seemed  to  feel  deep- 
ly the  falsehoods  that  were  stated  against  him,  one  of 
which  was,  that  he  had  carried  away  millions  from  Egypt. 
I  cannot  conceive  what  could  have  given  rise  to  this  false 
and  impudent  assertion.  So  far  from  having  touched 
the  army  chest,  Bonaparte  had  not  even  received  all  his 
own  pay.  Before  he  constituted  himself  the  Government 
the  Government  was  his  debtor. 

Kleber  were  here,  I  would  appoint  him  Governor  of  Paris,  and  he  would  do  good 
service.'  "  But  Bee  also  Miot's  account  of  the  reception  of  the  newi  of  the  death  of 
KlAber,  when  he  says  Napoleon  (as  reported  by  Joseph,  it  ii  true)  looked  oa  it  at  a 
fresh  favour  of  fortune  (Jfiot,  tome  i.  p.  290). 


1800.      INDIVIDUAL  FAVOURS  AND  DISGRACES.     305 

Though  he  knew  well  all  that  was  to  be  expected  from 
the  Egyptian  expedition,  yet  those  who  lauded  that  affair 
were  regarded  with  a  favourable  eye  by  Bonaparte.  The 
correspondence  which  had  fallen  into  his  hands  was  to  him 
of  the  highest  importance  in  enabling  him  to  ascertain  the 
opinions  which  particular  individuals  entertained  of  him. 
It  was  the  source  of  favours  and  disgraces  which  those 
who  were  not  in  the  secret  could  not  account  for.  It 
serves  to  explain  why  many  men  of  mediocrity  were  ele- 
vated to  the  highest  dignities  and  honours,  while  other 
men  of  real  merit  fell  into  disgrace  or  were  utterly 
neglected.1 

1  Bonaparte's  praise  of  General  Kleber,  after  that  general's  attack  upon  him  t« 
the  Directory  alluded  to  orer  leaf,  which  may  be  due  only  t«  the  policy  of  the 
moment,  should,  however,  be  borne  in  mind. 

VOL.  I.— 20 


S06  .  1800. 


CHAPTER 
1800. 


Great  and  common  men—  Portrait  of  Bonaparte—  The  varied  expression  of 
his  countenance  —  His  convulsive  shrug  —  Presentiment  of  his  cor- 
pulency —  Partiality  for  bathing  —  His  temperance  —  His  alleged  capa- 
bility of  dispensing  with  sleep  —  Good  and  bad  news  —  Shaving,  and 
reading  the  journals  —  Morning  business  —  Breakfast  —  Coffee  and  snuff 
—  Bonaparte's  idea  of  his  own  situation  —  His  ill  opinion  of  mankind  —  • 
His  dislike  of  a  tete-d-tete  —  His  hatred  of  the  Revolutionists  —  Ladies 
in  white  —  Anecdotes  —  Bonaparte's  tokens  of  kindness,  and  his  droll 
compliments  —  His  fits  of  ill  humour  —  Sound  of  bells  —  Gardens  of 
Malmaison  —  His  opinion  of  medicine  —  His  memory  —  His  poetic  in- 
sensibility —  His  want  of  gallantry  —  Cards  and  conversation  —  The 
dress-coat  and  black  cravat—Bonaparte's  payments—  His  religious 
ideas  —  His  obstinacy. 

IN  perusing  the  history  of  the  distinguished  characters  of 
past  ages,  how  often  do  we  regret  that  the  historian  should 
have  portrayed  the  hero  rather  than  the  man  !  We  wish 
to  know  even  the  most  trivial  habits  of  those  whom  great 
talents  and  vast  reputation  have  elevated  above  their 
fellow  -creatures.  Is  this  the  effect  of  mere  curiosity,  or 
rather  is  it  not  an  involuntary  feeling  of  vanity  which 
prompts  us  to  console  ourselves  for  the  superiority  of 
great  men  by  reflecting  on  their  faults,  their  weaknesses, 
their  absurdities  ;  in  short,  all  the  points  of  resemblance 
between  them  and  common  men  ?  For  the  satisfaction  of 
those  who  are  curious  in  details  of  this  sort,  I  will  here 
endeavour  to  paint  Bonaparte,  as  I  saw  him,  in  person  and 
in  mind,  to  describe  what  were  his  tastes  and  habits,  and 
even  his  whims  and  caprices. 

Bonaparte  was  now  ia  the  prime  of  life,  and  about  thirty. 


1800.  PORTRAIT  OF  BONAPARTE.  307 

The  person  of  Bonaparte  has  served  as  a  model  for  the 
most  skilful  painters  and  sculptors ;  many  able  French 
artists  have  successfully  delineated  his  features,  and  yet  it 
may  be  said  that  no  perfectly  faithful  portrait  of  him  exists. 
His  finely-shaped  head,  his  superb  forehead,  his  pale 
countenance,  and  his  usual  meditative  look,  have  been 
transferred  to  the  canvas  ;  but  the  versatility  of  his  ex- 
pression was  beyond  the  reach  of  imitation.  All  the 
various  workings  of  his  mind  were  instantaneously  de- 
picted in  his  countenance  ;  and  his  glance  changed  from 
mild  to  severe,  and  from  angry  to  good-humoured,  almost 
with  the  rapidity  of  lightning.  It  may  truly  be  said  that 
he  had  a  particular  look  for  every  thought  that  arose  in 
his  mind. 

Bonaparte  had  beautiful  hands,  and  he  was  very  proud 
of  them  ;  while  conversing  he  would  often  look  at  them 
with  an  air  of  self-complacency.  He  also  fancied  he  had 
fine  teeth,  but  his  pretension  to  that  advantage  was  not  so 
well  founded  as  his  vanity  on  the  score  of  his  hands. 

When  walking,  either  alone  or  in  company  with  any  one, 
in  his  apartments  or  in  his  gardens,  he  had  the  habit  of 
stooping  a  little,  and  crossing  his  hands  behind  his  back. 
He  frequently  gave  an  involuntary  shrug  of  his  right 
shoulder,  which  was  accompanied  by  a  movement  of  his 
mouth  from  left  to  right.  This  habit  was  always  most  re- 
markable when  his  mind  was  absorbed  in  the  considera- 
tion of  any  profound  subject.  It  was  often  while  walking 
that  he  dictated  to  me  his  most  important  notes.1  He 

1  Napoleon  always  walked  while  dictating.  He  sometimes  began  while  seated, 
but  at  the  first  word  he  rose.  He  began  walking  in  the  room  where  he  was,  and 
walked  up  and  down  it.  This  promenade  lasted  all  the  time  he  was  dictating.  A» 
he  entered  into  his  subject  he  experienced  a  sort  of  "  tic,"  Consisting  in  a  movement 
of  his  right  arm,  which  he  twisted,  while  pulling  with  his  hand  the  lining  of  the  cuff 
of  his  coat.  Still,  his  delivery  was  not  quickened  by  this  movement,  his  step  was 
also  alow  and  measured. 

Expressions  came  without  effort  to  render  his  thoughts.  If  they  were  sometimes 
incorrect,  this  very  incorrectness  added  to  their  energy,  and  always  marvellously 
depicted  to  the  mind  what  he  wished  to  say.  .  .  .  Napoleon  seldom  wrote  him- 
•elf .  Writing  was  a  fatigue  for  him.  His  hand  could  not  follow  the  rapidity  of  his 


308         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

could  endure  great  fatigue,  not  only  on  horseback  but  on 
foot ;  he  would  sometimes  walk  for  five  or  six  hours  in 
succession  without  being  aware  of  it. 

When  walking  with  any  person  whom  he  treated  with 
familiarity  he  would  link  his  arm  into  that  of  his  com- 
panion, and  lean  on  it. 

He  used  often  to  say  to  me,  "You  see,  Bourrienne, 
how  temperate,  and  how  thin  I  am  ;  but,  in  spite  of  that, 
I  cannot  help  thinking  that  at  forty  I  shall  become  a  great 
eater,  and  get  very  fat.  I  foresee  that  my  constitution 
will  undergo  a  change.  I  take  a  great  deal  of  exercise  ; 
but  yet  I  feel  assured  that  my  presentiment  will  be  ful- 
filled." This  idea  gave  him  great  uneasiness,  and  as  I 
observed  nothing  which  seemed  to  warrant  his  appre- 
hensions, I  omitted  no  opportunity  of  assuring  him  that 
they  were  groundless.  But  he  would  not  listen  to  me,  and 
all  the  time  I  was  about  him,  he  was  haunted  by  this  pre- 
sentiment, which,  in  the  end,  was  but  too  well  verified. 

His  partiality  for  the  bath  he  mistook  for  a  necessity. 
He  would  usually  remain  in  the  bath  two  hours,  during 
which  time  I  used  to  read  to  him  extracts  from  the  journals 
and  pamphlets  of  the  day,  for  he  was  anxious  to  hear  and 
know  all  that  was  going  on.  While  in  the  bath  he  was 
continually  turning  on  the  warm  water  to  raise  the  temper- 
ature, 30  that  I  was  sometimes  enveloped  in  such  a  dense 

conception.  His  writing  was  an  assemblage  of  indecipherable  characters  without 
connection.  Half  of  the  letters  of  each  word  were  deficient.  He  could  not  read  it 
over  himself  or  would  not  take  the  trouble  to  do  so.  If  any  explanation  were  asked 
of  him,  he  retook  his  draft,  which  he  tore  or  threw  into  the  fire,  while  he  dictated 
afresh,  giving  the  same  ideas,  but  with  different  expressions  and  words.  His  spelling 
was  incorrect,  though  he  knew  well  enough  to  point  out  errors  in  the  writings  of 
others.  ...  In  figures,  where  there  is  absolute  and  positive  exactness,  Napoleon 
also  committed  errors.  It  is,  however,  right  to  say  that  these  errors  were  not  always 
committed  undesignedly.  For  instance,  he  always  increased  the  total  of  the  number 
of  men  composing  his  battalioni,  regiments,  and  divisions.  Whatever  representa- 
tions were  made  to  him  he  repulsed  the  evidence,  and  obstinately  persisted  in  hii 
voluntary  error  in  calculation.  His  writing  was  illegible,  and  he  detested  any  writings 
which  were  difficult  to  read.  His  notes,  or  the  few  lines  he  happened  to  write,  and 
which  did  not  require  any  effort  of  the  mind,  were  generally  exempt  from  faults  of 
spelling,  except  in  certain  words  which  were  always  wrong.  For  instance,  h«  wroto 
"  cabinet "  as  "  0abinet  "  (Afeneaal,  tome  iii.  p.  118-121). 


1800.  PARTIALITY  FOR  BATHING.  309 


vapour  that  I  could  not  see  to  read,  and  was  obliged  to 
open  the  door.1 

Bonaparte  was  exceedingly  temperate,  and  averse  to  all 
excess.  He  knew  the  absurd  stories  that  were  circulated 
about  him,  and  he  was  sometimes  vexed  at  them.  It  has 
been  repeated,  over  and  over  again,  that  he  was  subject  to 
attacks  of  epilepsy  ;  but  during  the  eleven  years  that  I  was 
almost  constantly  with  him  I  never  observed  any  symptom 
which  in  the  least  degree  denoted  that  malady.  His  health 
was  good  and  his  constitution  sound.  If  his  enemies,  by 
way  of  reproach,  have  attributed  to  him  a  serious  peri- 
odical disease,  his  flatterers,  probably  under  the  idea  that 
sleep  is  incompatible  with  greatness,  have  evinced  an  equal 
disregard  of  truth  in  speaking  of  his  night-watching. 
Bonaparte  made  others  watch,  but  he  himself  slept,  and 
slept  well.  His  orders  were  that  I  should  call  him  every 
morning  at  seven.  I  was  therefore  the  first  to  enter  his 
chamber  ;  but  very  frequently  when  I  awoke  him  he  would 
turn  himself,  and  say,  "  Ah,  Bourrienne !  let  me  lie  a  little 
longer."  When  there  was  no  very  pressing  business  I  did 
not  disturb  him  again  till  eight  o'clock.  He  in  general 
slept  seven  hours  out  of  the  twenty-four,  besides  taking  a 
short  nap  in  the  afternoon." 

1  At  St.  Helena  he  is  said  to  have  continued  in  the  bath  three  hours  at  *  time. 
May  not  his  immoderate  use  of  baths  of  very  high  temperature  hare  contributed  t» 
produce  the  premature  corpulency  which  he  so  greatly  dreaded  ?  I  recollect  having 
several  times  hinted  such  a  possibility  to  him.—  Bourrienne. 

1  Bonaparte  rose  at  uncertain  hours,  but  ordinarily  at  seven  o'clock.  When  he 
awoke  in  the  night  he  sometimes  began  to  work,  or  he  bathed,  or  ate.  His  awaken- 
ing was  generally  melancholy,  and  appeared  painful.  Not  infrequently  he  had 
convulsive  spasms  in  the  stomach,  which  made  him  vomit.  Sometimes  he  seemed 
much  disquieted  by  such  attacks,  as  if  he  dreaded  having  been  poisoned,  and  then 
there  was  great  difficulty  to  prevent  him  increasing  this  tendency  by  trying  all  he 
could  to  excite  the  vomiting.  I  have  this  detail  from  Corvisart,  his  chief  physician 
(Remusat,  tome  ii.  p.  335). 

Napoleon  knew  that  I  (Meneval)  did  not  possess  the  precious  faculty  enjoyed  by 
him  of  sleeping  at  will,  and  that  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  sleep  during  the  day. 
After  any  work  which  had  occupied  part  of  the  night  he  recommended  me  to  take  a 
bath,  and  often  he  himself  gave  orders  for  preparing  one  for  me.  Sometimes  he 
passed  entire  days  without  working,  and  still  he  did  not  leave  his  palace  or  even  his 
•abinet.  He  seemed  puzzled  how  to  employ  his  time  on  such  days  of  an  idleness 


310         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

Among  the  private  instructions  which  Bonaparte  gave 
me,  one  was  very  curious.  "  During  the  night,"  said  he, 
"  enter  my  chamber  as  seldom  as  possible.  Do  not  awake 
me  when  you  have  any  good  news  to  communicate :  with 
that  there  is  no  hurry.  But  when  you  bring  bad  news, 
rouse  me  instantly  ;  for  then  there  is  not  a  moment  to  be 
lost." 

This  was  a  wise  regulation,  and  Bonaparte  found  his 
advantage  in  it. 

As  soon  as  he  rose  his  valet  de  chambre  shaved  him  and 
dressed  his  hair.  While  he  was  being  shaved  I  read  to 
him  the  newspapers,  beginning  always  with  the  Moniteur.1 
He  paid  little  attention  to  any  but  the  German  and  Eng- 
lish papers.  "  Pass  over  all  that,"  he  would  say,  while  I 
was  perusing  the  French  papers;  "I  know  it  already. 
They  say  only  what  they  think  will  please  me."  I  was 
often  surprised  that  his  valet  did  not  cut  him  while  I  was 

which  was  only  apparent,  for  if  the  body  were  inactive  his  mind  was  not.  He  would 
pass  an  hour  with  the  Empress,  then  return,  sit  on  his  sofa  and  sleep,  or  appear  to 
sleep,  for  some  moments.  He  would  then  sit  on  a  corner  of  my  desk,  or  on  the  arm 
of  my  chair,  sometimes  on  my  knees,  he  would  put  his  arm  round  my  neck,  and 
amuse  himself  by  gently  pulling  my  ear.  or  striking  me  on  the  shoulder  or  cheek. 
He  talked  disjointedly  of  himself,  his  fancies,  his  organisation,  of  me,  or  of  any  plan 
he  had  in  his  head.  He  liked  to  jest  on  one,  but  never  in  a  rough  or  disagreeable 
manner,  but,  on  the  contrary,  laughingly  and  with  real  kindness.  .  .  .  He  read 
aloud,  then  he  closed  the  book  and  walked  up  and  down,  (Claiming.  .  .  .  The 
passages  he  repeated  with  the  most  pleasure  were 

"  J'ai  servi,  commando,  vaincu,  quarante  annees." 
"  Du  monde  entre  mes  mains  j'ai  vu  les  destinees." 
"  Et  j'ai  toujours  connu  qu'en  chaque  6venement." 
"  Le  destin  des  fitats  dependait  d'un  moment."  .  .  . 

When  he  was  tired  of  reading  poetry  he  would  sing  with  a  strong  but  false  voice 
(Menceal,  tome  iii.  pp.  134-126), 

1  Often  enough  I  took  the  morning  papers  to  the  Emperor,  and  while  he  finished 
dressing  I  read  to  him  the  articles  he  pointed  out  to  me,  or  those  I  believed  likely 
to  attract  his  attention.  They  almost  always  caused  him  to  make  some  observa- 
tions. His  chief  physician,  Corvisart,  or  his  surgeon-in-ordinary  Ivan,  sometimes 
were  present  at  his  toilet.  The  Emperor  liked  challenging  Corvisart  about  medical 
matters,  and  he  always  did  so  by  sallies  and  bitter  remarks  against  doctors.  Cor- 
visart, while  acknowledging  the  uncertainty  of  medicine,  defended  its  utility  with 
arguments  strong  enough  to  often  stop  the  sarcasms  of  his  antagonist  on  his  very 
lips  (Meneval,  tome  i.  pp.  143, 144). 


1800.        BONAPARTE'S  TASTES  AND  HABITS.  811 

reading  ;  for  whenever  he  heard  anything  interesting  ho 
turned  quickly  round  towards  me.1 

When  Bonaparte  had  finished  his  toilet,  which  he  did 
with  great  attention,  for  he  was  scrupulously  neat  in  his 
person,  we  went  down  to  his  cabinet.  There  he  signed 
the  orders  on  important  petitions  which  had  been  analysed 
by  me  on  the  preceding  evening.  On  reception  and  pa- 
rade days  he  was  particularly  exact  in  signing  these  orders, 
because  I  used  to  remind  him  that  he  would  be  likely  to 
see  most  of  the  petitioners,  and  that  they  would  ask  him 
for  answers.  To  spare  him  this  annoyance  I  used  often 
to  acquaint  them  beforehand  of  what  had  been  granted  or 
refused,  and  what  had  been  the  decision  of  the  First  Con- 
sul. He  next  perused  the  letters  which  I  had  opened  and 
laid  on  his  table,  ranging  them  according  to  their  impor- 
tance. He  directed  me  to  answer  them  in  his  name  ;  he 
occasionally  wrote  the  answers  himself,  but  not  often. 

At  ten  o'clock  the  maitre  d'hdtel  entered,  and  announced 
breakfast,  saying,  "  The  General  is  served."  *  We  went 
to  breakfast,  and  the  repast  was  exceedingly  simple.  He 
ate  almost  every  morning  some  chicken,  dressed  with  oil 
and  onions.  This  dish  was  then,  I  believe,  called  poulet  d 
la  Provenpale;  but  our  restaurateurs  have  since  conferred 
upon  it  the  more  ambitious  name  of  poulet  d  la  Marengo.3 

*  >  It  was  Constant's  task  to  shave  Bonaparte,  and  he  thus  speaks  of  the  difficulties 
he  experienced  in  the  discharge  of  this  duty : 

"While  I  was  shaving  him  he  would  often  converse,  read  the  journals,  move 
restlessly  in  his  chair,  or  turn  round  suddenly,  so  that  I  was  obliged  to  observe  the 
utmost  caution  in  order  to  avoid  cutting  him.  Luckily  that  misfortune  never 
occurred  to  me.  When  by  chance  he  was  not  engaged  in  conversation  or  reading, 
he  would  sit  as  motionless  as  a  statue,  and  I  could  not  get  him  to  raise,  lower,  or 
incline  his  head  to  facilitate  my  operation.  He  had  a  singular  whim  of  having  only 
one  side  of  his  face  soaped  and  shaved  at  once ;  and  he  would  not  allow  me  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  other  side  until  the  first  was  finished  "  (Mimoires  de  Constant). 

Constant  adds  that  Bonaparte  could  not  shave  himself  until  he  instructed  him  in 
the  mode  of  holding  and  applying  the  razor ;  but  that,  owing  to  his  natural  impa- 
tience and  hastiness  of  manner,  he  never  attempted  the  operation  without  severely 
cutting  himself. 

3  This,  of  course,  refers  to  the  time  when  we  were  at  the  Luxembourg- — Sour- 
rienne. 

3  Napoleon  was  irregular  in  his  meals,  and  ate  fast  and  ill ;  but  there  again  was 


812         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

Bonaparte  drank  little  wine,  always  either  claret  or 
Burgundy,  and  the  latter  by  preference.  After  breakfast, 
as  well  as  after  dinner,  he  took  a  cup  of  strong  coffee. '  I 
never  saw  him  take  any  between  his  meals,  and  I  cannot 
imagine  what  could  have  given  rise  to  the  assertion  of  his 
being  particularly  fond  of  coffee.  When  he  worked  late 
at  night  he  never  ordered  coffee,  but  chocolate,  of  which 
he  made  me  take  a  cup  with  him.  But  this  only  hap- 
pened when  our  business  was  prolonged  till  two  or  three 
in  the  morning.* 

to  be  traced  that  absolute  will  which  he  carried  into  everything  which  he  did.  The 
moment  appetite  was  felt  it  was  necessary  that  it  should  be  satisfied,  and  his  estab- 
lishment was  so  arranged  that  in  all  places,  and  at  all  hours,  chicken,  cutlets,  and 
coffee  might  be  forthcoming  at  a  word  (Brillat  Savartn,  tome  i.  p.  262). 

The  habit  of  eating  fast  and  carelessly  is  supposed  to  have  paralysed  Napoleon  on 
two  of  the  most  critical  occasions  of  his  life— the  battles  of  Borodino  and  Leipzig. 
On  each  of  these  occasions  he  is  known  to  have  been  suffering  from  indigestion. 
On  the  third  day  of  Dresden,  too  (as  the  German  novelist  Hoffman,  who  was  in  the 
town,  asserts),  the  Emperor's  energies  were  impaired  by  the  effects  of  a  shoulder  of 
mutton  stuffed  with  onions.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Napoleon's  irregularity  as 
to  meals  injured  his  health  and  shortened  his  life. 

The  general  order  to  his  household  to  have  cutlets  and  roast  chicken  ready  at  all 
hours,  night  and  day,  was  observed  to  the  letter  by  his  maitre  <fh6tel,  Dunand, 
who  had  been  a  celebrated  cook.  In  his  more  dignified  capacity  he  contrived  to 
fall  in  with  the  humours  of  his  Imperial  master,  and  by  so  doing  to  be  of  essential 
use  at  critical  emergencies  when  an  hour  of  prolonged  flurry  or  irritation  might 
have  cost  a  province  or  a  throne.  On  one  occasion,  when  matters  had  gone  wrong 
in  some  quarter,  Napoleon  returned  from  the  Conseil  d'etat  in  one  of  his  worst 
tempers  and  most  discontented  moods.  A  dejeuner  <J  la  fourchette  comprising  his 
favourite  dishes  was  served  up,  and  Napoleon,  who  had  fasted  since  daybreak,  took 
his  seat.  But  he  had  hardly  swallowed  a  mouthful  when  apparently  some  Inoppor- 
tune thought  or  recollection  stung  his  brain  to  madness ;  receding  from  the  table 
without  rising  from  his  chair  he  uplifted  his  foot  and  crash  went  the  dejeuner  to  the 
ground,  while  the  Etnperor,  springing  up,  paced  the  room  with  rapid  and  perturbed 
strides,  indicative  of  frenzied  rage.  Dunand  looked  on  without  moving  a  muscle, 
and  quietly  gave  the  fitting  orders  to  his  staff.  Quick  as  thought  the  wreck  was 
cleared  away,  an  exact  duplicate  of  the  dejeuner  appeared  as  if  by  magic,  and  itn 
presence  was  quietly  announced  by  the  customary  "  Sa  Jfajeste  est  tervie."  Napo- 
leon felt  the  delicacy  and  appreciated  the  tact  of  this  mode  of  service.  "  JUerci  bien, 
man  cfter  Dunand  !  "  and  one  of  his  inimitable  smiles,  showed  that  the  hurricane 
had  blown  over  (Hay  ward's  Art  of  Dining,  p.  62). 

1  M.  Brillat  de  Savarin,  whose  memory  is  dear  to  all  gourmands,  had  established, 
as  a  gastronomic  principle,  that  "  he  who  does  not  take  coffee  after  each  meal  is 
assuredly  not  a  man  of  taste." — Bourrienne. 

a  Meneval  says  of  the  night  work  of  the  Emperor:  "I  would  find  him  in  hia 
white  dressing-gown,  with  a  Madras  handkerchief  on  his  head,  walking  up  and 
down  his  cabinet,  with  his  hands  crossed  behind  his  back,  or  else  dipping  in  his 
muff-box,  less  from  liking  than  from  preoccupation,  fox  he  only  smelt  the  snuff, 


x800.         BONAPARTE'S  TASTES  AND  HABIT&          318 

All  that  has  been  said  about  Bonaparte's  immoderate 
use  of  snuff  has  no  more  foundation  in  truth  than  his  pre- 
tended partiality  for  coffee.  It  is  true  that  at  an  early 
period  of  his  life  he  began  to  take  snuff,  but  it  was  very 
sparingly,  and  always  out  of  a  box  ;  and  if  he  bore  any  re- 
semblance to  Frederick  the  Great,  it  was  not  by  filling 
his  waistcoat-pockets  with  snuff,  for  I  must  again  observe 
he  carried  his  notions  of  personal  neatness  to  a  fastidious 
degree.1 

Bonaparte  had  two  ruling  passions,  glory  and  war.  He 
was  never  more  gay  than  in  the  camp,  and  never  more 
morose  than  in  the  inactivity  of  peace.  Plans  for  the 
construction  of  public  monuments  also  pleased  his  imag- 
ination, and  filled  up  the  void  caused  by  the  want  of  active 
occupation.  He  was  aware  that  monuments  form  part 
of  the  history  of  nations,  of  whose  civilisation  they  bear 
evidence  for  ages  after  those  who  created  them  have  dis- 

and  his  handkerchiefs  of  white  cambric  were  not  soiled  by  it.  His  ideas  developed 
under  his  dictation  with  an  abundance  and  a  clearness  that  showed  his  attention  was 
much  drawn  to  the  object  of  his  work.  They  leapt  from  his  head  aa  Minerva,  all 
armed,  from  the  head  of  Jupiter.  When  the  work  was  ended,  and  sometimes  in 
the  middle  of  it,  he  had  ices  or  sherbet  brought.  He  asked  me  which  I  preferred, 
and  his  care  went  so  far  as  to  advise  me  which  he  thought  best  for  my  health. 
After  this  he  returned  to  bed,  if  it  were  only  for  an  hour,  and  fell  asleep  again  as  if 
he  had  not  been  interrupted.  .  .  .  When  the  Emperor  rose  in  the  night  without 
any  object  except  to  occupy  his  sleepless  hours,  he  forbad  my  being  awakened 
before  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Then  I  found  my  desk  covered  with  reports 
and  papers  annotated  by  him"  (Meneval,  tome  i.  pp.  134-136). 

1  It  has  been  alleged  that  liis  Majesty  took  an  inordinate  deal  of  snuff,  and  that 
in  order  to  take  it  with  the  greater  facility  he  carrier!  it  in  his  waistcoat-pockets, 
which  for  that  purpose  were  lined  with  leather.  This  is  altogether  untrue.  The 
fact  is,  the  Emperor  never  took  snuff  except  from  a  snuff-box,  and  though  he  used  a 
great  deal,  he  actually  took  but  very  little.  He  would  frequently  hold  the  snuff-box 
to  his  nose  merely  to  smell  the  snuff ;  at  other  times  he  would  take  a  pinch,  and 
after  smelling  it  for  a  moment,  he  would  throw  it  away.  Thus  it  frequently  hap- 
pened that  the  spot  where  he  was  sitting  or  standing  was  strewed  with  snuff ;  but 
his  handkerchiefs,  which  were  of  the  finest  cambric,  were  scarcely  ever  soiled. 
Napoleon  had  a  great  collection  of  snuff-boxes  ;  but  those  which  he  preferred  were 
of  dark  tortoiseshel),  lined  with  gold,  and  ornamented  with  cameos  or  antique 
medals  in  gold  or  silver.  Their  form  was  a  narrow  oval,  with  hinged  lids.  He 
did  not  like  round  boxes,  because  it  was  necessary  to  employ  both  hands  to  open 
them,  and  in  this  operation  he  not  unfreqnently  let  the  box  or  the  lid  fall.  His 
snuff  wan  generally  very  coarse  rappee ;  but  he  sometimes  liked  to  have  seven) 
kinds  of  snuff  mixed  together  (Memoir  es  de  Coiutunt). 


814         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      180a 

appeared  from  the  earth,  and  that  they  likewise  often 
bear  false  witness  to  remote  posterity  of  the  reality  oi 
merely  fabulous  conquests.  Bonaparte  was,  however, 
mistaken  as  to  the  mode  of  accomplishing  the  object  he 
had  in  view.  His  ciphers,  his  trophies,  and  subsequently 
his  eagles,  splendidly  adorned  the  monuments  of  his  reign. 
But  why  did  he  wish  to  stamp  false  initials  on  things  with 
which  neither  he  nor  his  reign  had  any  connection  ;  as, 
for  example  the  old  Louvre  ?  Did  he  imagine  that  the 
letter  "  N,"  which  everywhere  obtruded  itself  on  the  eye, 
had  in  it  a  charm  to  controvert  the  records  of  history,  or 
alter  the  course  of  time  ?  ' 

Be  this  as  it  may,  Bonaparte  well  knew  that  the  fine 
arts  entail  lasting  glory  on  great  actions,  and  consecrate 
the  memory  of  princes  who  protect  and  encourage  them. 
He  oftener  than  once  said  to  me,  "A  great  reputation 
is  a  great  noise  ;  the  more  there  is  made,  the  farther  off  it 
is  heard.  Laws,  institutions,  monuments,  nations,  all  fall ; 
but  the  noise  continues  and  resounds  in  after  ages." 
This  was  one  of  his  favourite  ideas.  "My  power,"  he 
would  say  at  other  times,  "  depends  on  my  glory,  and  my 

1  When  Louis  XVIII.  returned  to  the  Tuileries  in  1814  he  found  that  Bonaparte 
had  been  an  excellent  tenant,  and  that  he  had  left  everything  in  very  good  condi- 
tion. Some  one  having  called  his  attention  to  the  profusion  of  N's  which  were 
conspicuous  in  every  part  of  the  palace,  the  monarch  appropriately  quoted  the 
following  lines  of  La  Fontaine  :— 

"II  aura  volontiers  ecrit  sur  son  chapean, 
C'est  moi  qui  suis  Quillot,  berger  de  ce  troupeau." — Bourrienne. 

Th«  Bourbons  might  have  been'  more  grateful  for  the  improvements  in  the 
Tuileries  made  by  Napoleon.  When  the  Comte  d'Artois  entered  Paris  in  1814  "  h« 
was  struck  when  he  saw  how  much  had  been  made  of  the  Tuileries,  the  beauty  of 
the  Place  du  Carrousel  and  of  the  garden.  '  Can  you  imagine  that  I  have  heard  a 
hundred  times  people  saying  at  Versailles  that  there  was  nothing  to  be  made  of  the 
Tuileries,  and  that  it  was  made  up  of  a  Jot  of  garrets  ?  And  here  are  convenient 
and  magnificent  apartments  1  What  I  it  waa  an  officer  of  Bonaparte's  Court  that 
occupied  the  rooms  where  we  now  are  ?  It  is  incredible  ! ' "  (Seugnot,  tome  ii.  p. 
122).  Indeed  Louis  himself  seems,  later,  to  have  acknowledged  this,  as  on  Metter- 
nich  remarking  that  he  had  passed  many  hours  with  Napoleon  in  the  same  room  in 
which  in  1814  he  found  the  King,  "  It  must  be  allowed,"  answered  the  King,  "  that 
Napoleon  waa  a  very  good  tenant.  He  made  everything  most  comfortable.  H« 
fcas  arranged  everything  excellently  for  me  !  "  (Xetterntcft,  tome  i,  p.  248). 


1800.  GROWING  LOVE  FOR  FRANCE.  315 

glory  on  my  victories.  My  power  would  fall  were  I  not  to 
support  it  by  new  glory  and  new  victories.  Conquest 
has  made  me  what  I  am,  and  conquest  alone  can  main- 
tain me."  This  was  then,  and  probably  always  continued 
to  be,  his  predominant  idea,  and  that  which  prompted 
him  continually  to  scatter  the  seeds  of  war  through  Eu- 
rope. He  thought  that  if  he  remained  stationary  he 
would  fall,  and  he  was  tormented  with  the  desire  of  con- 
tinually advancing.  Not  to  do  something  great  and  de- 
cided was,  in  his  opinion,  to  do  nothing.  "A  newly-born 
Government,"  said  he  to  me,  "  must  dazzle  and  astonish. 
When  it  ceases  to  do  that  it  falls."  It  was  vain  to  look 
for  rest  from  a  man  who  was  restlessness  itself. 

His  sentiments  towards  France  now  differed  widely  from 
what  I  had  known  them  to  be  in  his  youth.  He  long  in- 
dignantly cherished  the  recollection  of  the  conquest  of 
Corsica,  which  he  was  once  content  to  regard  as  his  coun- 
try. But  that  recollection  was  effaced,  and  it  might  be 
said  that  he  now  ardently  loved  France.  His  imagination 
was  fired  by  the  very  thought  of  seeing  her  great,  happy, 
and  powerful,  and,  as  the  first  nation  in  the  world,  dictat- 
ing laws  to  the  rest.  He  fancied  his  name  inseparably 
connected  with  France,  and  resounding  in  the  ears  of  pos- 
terity. In  all  his  actions  he  lost  sight  of  the  present  mo- 
ment, and  thought  only  of  futurity  ;  so,  in  all  places  where 
he  led  the  way  to  glory,  the  opinion  of  France  was  ever  pres- 
ent in  his  thoughts.  As  Alexander  at  Arbela  prided  him- 
self less  in  having  conquered  Darius  than  in  having  gained 
the  suffrage  of  the  Athenians,  so  Bonaparte  at  Marengo 
was  haunted  by  the  idea  of  what  would  be  said  in  France. 

Before  he  fought  a  battle  Bonaparte  thought  little  about 
what  he  should  do  in  case  of  success,  but  a  great  deal 
about  what  he  should  do  in  case  of  a  reverse  of  fortune.  I 
mention  this  as  a  fact  of  which  I  have  often  been  a  witness, 
and  I  leave  to  his  brothers  in  arms  to  decide  whether  his 
calculations  were  always  correct.  He  had  it  in  his  power 


316         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

to  do  much,  for  he  risked  everything  and  spared  nothing. 
His  inordinate  ambition  goaded  him  on  to  the  attain- 
ment of  power  ;  and  power  when  possessed  served  only 
to  augment  his  ambition.  Bonaparte  was  thoroughly  con- 
vinced of  the  truth  that  trifles  often  decide  the  greatest 
events  ;  therefore  he  watched  rather  than  provoked  op- 
portunity, and  when  the  right  moment  approached,  he  sud- 
denly took  advantage  of  it.  It  is  curious  that,  amidst  all 
the  anxieties  of  war  and  government,  the  fear  of  the  Bour- 
bons incessantly  pursued  him,  and  the  Faubourg  St.  Ger- 
main was  to  him  always  a  threatening  phantom.1 

He  did  not  esteem  mankind,  whom,  indeed,  he  despised 
more  and  more  in  proportion  as  he  became  acquainted 
with  them.  In  him  this  unfavourable  opinion  of  human 
nature  was  justified  by  many  glaring  examples  of  baseness, 
and  he  used  frequently  to  repeat,  "  There  are  two  levers 
for  moving  men, — interest  and  fear."  What  respect,  in- 
deed, could  Bonaparte  entertain  for  the  applicants  to  the 
treasury  of  the  opera  ?  Into  this  treasury  the  gaming- 
houses paid  a  considerable  sum,  part  of  which  went  to 
cover  the  expenses  of  that  magnificent  theatre.  The  rest 
was  distributed  in  secret  gratuities,  which  were  paid  on 
orders  signed  by  Duroc.  Individuals  of  very  different 
characters  were  often  seen  entering  the  little  door  in  the 
Rue  Rameau.  The  lady  who  was  for  a  while  the  favourite 
of  the  General-in-Chief  in  Egypt,  and  whose  husband  was 
maliciously  sent  back  by  the  English,  was  a  frequent  visi- 
tor to  the  treasury.  On  one  occasion  would  be  seen 
assembled  there  a  distinguished  scholar  and  an  actor,  a 
celebrated  orator  and  a  musician  ;  on  another,  the  treas- 
urer would  have  payments  to  make  to  a  priest,  a  courte- 
san, and  a  cardinal.2 

>  I  have  been  informed  on  good  authority  that  after  I  quitted  France  orders  were 
given  for  intercepting  even  notes  of  invitation  to  dinners,  etc.  The  object  of  thii 
measure  was,  either  to  prevent  assemblies  of  any  kind,  or  to  render  them  less  nuraer 
ous,  and  to  ascertain  the  names  of  the  guests.— Eourrienne. 

a  This,  of  course,  refers  to  Cardinal  Fesch  (see  p.  213). 


1800.  INSENSIBILITY  TO  FRIENDSHIP.  317 

One  of  Bonaparte's  greatest  misfortunes  was,  that  he 
neither  believed  in  friendship  nor  felt  the  necessity  of 
loving.  How  often  have  I  heard  him  say,  "  Friendship  is 
but  a  name  ;  I  love  nobody.  I  do  not  even  love  my 
brothers.  Perhaps  Joseph,  a  little,  from  habit  and  be- 
cause he  is  my  elder  ;  and  Duroc,  I  love  him  too.  But 
why  ?  Because  his  character  pleases  me.  He  is  stern 
and  resolute  ;  and  I  really  believe  the  fellow  never  shed  a 
tear.1  For  my  part,  I  know  very  well  that  I  have  no  true 
friends.  As  long  as  I  continue  what  I  am,  I  may  have  as 
many  pretended  friends  as  I  please.  Leave  sensibility  to 
women  ;  it  is  their  business.  But  men  should  be  firm  in 
heart  and  in  purpose,  or  they  should  have  nothing  to  do 
with  war  or  government." 

In  his  social  relations  Bonaparte's  temper  was  bad  ;  but 
his  fits  of  ill -humour  passed  away  like  a  cloud,  and  spent 
themselves  in  words.  His  violent  language  and  bitter  im- 
precations were  frequently  premeditated.  When  he  was 
going  to  reprimand  any  one  he  liked  to  have  a  witness 
present.  He  would  then  say  the  harshest  things,  and  level 
blows  against  which  few  could  bear  up.  But  he  never 
gave  way  to  those  violent  ebullitions  of  rage  until  he  ac- 
quired undoubted  proofs  of  the  misconduct  of  those 
against  whom  they  were  directed.  In  scenes  of  this  sort 
I  have  frequently  observed  that  the  presence  of  a  third 
person  seemed  to  give  him  confidence.  Consequently,  in 
a  tete-d-tete  interview,  any  one  who  knew  his  character,  and 
who  could  maintain  sufficient  coolness  and  firmness,  was 
sure  to  get  the  better  of  him.  He  told  his  friends  at  St. 
Helena  that  he  admitted  a  third  person  on  such  occasions 
only  that  the  blow  might  resound  the  farther.  That  was 
not  his  real  motive,  or  the  better  way  would  have  been  to 
perform  the  scene  in  public.  He  had  other  reasons.  I 

1  Dnroc  must  not  be  judged  of  from  what  Bonaparte  said,  under  the  idea  that  h« 
was  complimenting  him.  Duroc's  manners,  it  is  true,  were  reserved  and  somewhat 
cold,  but  there  were  few  better  or  kinder  men. — JBourrientu, 


318         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

observed  that  he  did  not  like  a  t&e-d-t&e ;  and  when  he 
expected  any  one,  he  would  say  to  me  beforehand, 
"Bourrienne,  you  may  remain;  "  and  when  any  one  was 
announced  whom  he  did  not  expect,  as  a  minister  or  a 
general,  if  I  rose  to  retire  he  would  say  in  a  half- whisper, 
"  Stay  where  you  are."  Certainly  this  was  not  done  with 
the  design  of  getting  what  he  said  reported  abroad  ;  for  it 
belonged  neither  to  my  character  nor  my  duty  to  gossip 
about  what  I  had  heard.  Besides,  it  may  be  presumed, 
that  the  few  who  were  admitted  as  witnesses  to  the  con- 
ferences of  Napoleon  were  aware  of  the  consequences  at- 
tending indiscreet  disclosures  under  a  Government  which 
was  made  acquainted  with  all  that  was  said  and  done.1 

Bonaparte  entertained  a  profound  dislike  of  the  sanguin- 
ary men  of  the  Revolution,  and  especially  of  the  regicides. 
He  felt,  as  a  painful  burden,  the  obligation  of  dissembling 
towards  them.  He  spoke  to  me  in  terms  of  horror  of 

1  Meneval  (the  successor  of  Bourrienne  as  secretary)  says  of  this  (tome  iii.  p.  3) : 
"  When  Napoleon  was  excited  by  any  violent  passion  his  countenance  took  a  severe 
and  even  terrible  expression.  His  eyes  flashed,  while  a  sort  of  rotatory  movement 
took  place  on  his  forehead  between  his  eyebrows ;  and  his  nostrils  distended  from 
the  passion  within.  But  these  transitory  emotions,  whatever  was  their  cause,  never 
disordered  his  mind.  He  seemed  to  govern  at  will  these  explosions,  which  indeed 
became  less  and  less  frequent  with  time.  His  head  remained  cold,  his  blood  never 
ran  to  it,  but  flowed  to  his  heart.  In  his  ordinary  state  his  face  wis  calm  and  gently 
serious.  A  most  gracious  smile  illuminated  his  countenance  when  he  was  cheered  by 
good  humour,  or  by  the  wish  to  be  agreeable.  In  familiar  conversation  his  laugh 
was  sharp  and  mocking. 

Madame  de  Remusat  (tome  i.  p.  119)  gives  a  memorable  instance  of  this  rapid  as- 
sumption of  anger.  Before  the  celebrated  stormy  scene  with  Lord  Whitworth  Napo- 
leon had  been  playing  with  the  young  son  of  his  brother  Louis,  and  giving  his  wife 
and  Madame  de  Remusat  advice  as  to  their  dress.  "  Suddenly  they  came  to  inform 
him  that  the  circle  was  formed.  While  he  rose  abruptly,  and  his  gaiety  disappeared 
from  his  lips,  I  was  struck  with  the  severe  expression  which  suddenly  replaced  it. 
His  colour  seemed  to  almost  blanch  at  his  will,  his  features  contracted,  and  all  this 
in  less  time  than  it  takes  to  tell  it."  M.  Paul  de  Remusat  himself  says  that  once, 
after  a  violent  scene,  the  Emperor  went  up  to  the  Abb6  de  Pradt,  and  said  to  him, 
"You  believed  I  was  really  angry?  undeceive  yourself.  With  me  anger  never 
passes  that,"  and  he  glanced  his  hand  before  his  neck,  to  indicate  that  the  motion  of 
his  bile  never  reached  so  far  as  to  trouble  his  head  (Remusat,  tome  i.  p.  120). 

Madame  de  Remusat  praises  his  smile  (tome  i.  p.  101),  and  Mol6  said  "  qu'il  n'a 
jamaiSYU  de  sourire  plus  aimable,  ou  du  moins  plus  distingu6,  plus  fin,  que  celui  de 
Napoleon  et  celui  de  Chateaubriand.  Mais  ni  1'un  ni  1'autre  ne  souriaient  tous  lea 
iours"  (Sainte-JBeuve,  Chateaubriand,  tome  i.  p.  157). 


ISOtt  HATRED   OF  THE  REGICIDES.  319 

those  whom  he  caJled  the  assassins  of  Louis  XVI.,  and  he 
was  annoyed  at  the  necessity  of  employing  them  and 
treating  them  with  apparent  respect.  How  many  times 
has  he  not  said  to  Cambaceres,  pinching  him  by  the  ear, 
to  soften,  by  that  habitual  familiarity,  the  bitterness  of 
the  remark,  "  My  dear  fellow,  your  case  is  clear  ;  if  ever 
the  Bourbons  come  back  you  will  be  hanged."  A  forced 
smile  would  then  relax  the  livid  countenance  of  Cam- 
bace"res,  and  was  usually  the  only  reply  of  the  Second 
Consul,  who,  however,  on  one  occasion  said  in  my  hear- 
ing, "Come,  come,  have  done  with  this  joking."1 

One  thing  which  gave  Bonaparte  great  pleasure  when  in 
the  country  was  to  see  a  tall,  slender  woman,  dressed  in 
white,  walking  beneath  an  alley  of  shaded  trees.  He  de- 
tested coloured  dresses,  and  especially  dark  ones.  To  fat 
women  he  had  an  invincible  antipathy,  and  he  could  not 
endure  the  sight  of  a  pregnant  woman  ;  it  therefore  rarely 
happened  that  a  female  in  that  situation  was  invited  to  his 
parties.  He  possessed  every  requisite  for  being  what  is 
called  in  society  an  agreeable  man,  except  the  will  to  be 
so.  His  manner  was  imposing  rather  than  pleasing,  and 
those  who  did  not  know  him  well  experienced  in  his  pres- 
ence an  involuntary  feeling  of  awe.  In  the  drawing-room, 
where  Josephine  did  the  honours  with  so  much  grace  and 
affability,  all  was  gaiety  and  ease,  and  no  one  felt  the  pres- 
ence of  a  superior ;  but  on  Bonaparte's  entrance  all  was 
changed,  and  every  eye  was  directed  towards  him,  to  read 
his  humour  in  his  countenance,  whether  he  intended  to 
be  silent  or  talkative,  dull  or  cheerful. 

He  often  talked  a  great  deal,  and  sometimes  a  little  too 
much ;  but  no  one  could  tell  a  story  in  a  more  agreeable 
and  interesting  way.  His  conversation  rarely  turned  on 

1  Napoleon  a  opinions  were  always  strong  on  the  regicides.  "  Let  Salicctti  know," 
said  he  to  Mathieu  Dumas  in  1808,  "  that  I  am  not  powerful  enough  to  defend  the 
wretches  who  voted  for  the  death  of  Louis  XVI.  from  public  contempt  and  indigna- 
tion "  (Dumas,  tome  iii.  p.  316).  See  also  his  expression  of  distrust  in  Roederer  be- 
oause  he  believed  him  guilty  of  treachery  to  Louis  XVI.  (Miot,  tome  i.  p.  174). 


320        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

gay  or  humorous  subjects,  and  never  on  trivial  mattera 
He  was  so  fond  of  argument  that  in  the  warmth  of  discus- 
sion it  was  easy  to  draw  from  him  secrets  which  he  was 
most  anxious  to  conceal.  Sometimes,  in  a  small  circle,  he 
would  amuse  himself  by  relating  stories  of  presentiments 
and  apparitions.  For  this  he  always  chose  the  twilight 
of  evening,  and  he  would  prepare  his  hearers  for  what  was 
coming  by  some  solemn  remark.  On  one  occasion  of  this 
kind  he  said,  in  a  very  grave  tone  of  voice,  "  When  death 
strikes  a  person  whom  we  love,  and  who  is  distant  from 
us,  a  foreboding  almost  always  denotes  the  event,  and  the 
dying  person  appears  to  us  at  the  moment  of  his  dissolu- 
tion." He  then  immediately  related  the  following  anec- 
dote :  "A  gentleman  of  the  Court  of  Louis  XIV.  was  in 
the  gallery  of  Versailles  at  the  time  that  the  King  was 
reading  to  his  courtiers  the  bulletin  of  the  battle  of  Fried- 
lingen  gained  by  Villars.  Suddenly  the  gentleman  saw, 
at  the  farther  end  of  the  gallery,  the  ghost  of  his  son,  who 
served  under  Villars.  He  exclaimed,  'My  son  is  no  more ! ' 
and  next  moment  the  King  named  him  among  the  dead." 

When  travelling  Bonaparte  was  particularly  talkative. 
In  the  warmth  of  his  conversation,  which  was  always  char- 
acterised by  original  and  interesting  ideas,  he  sometimes 
dropped  hints  of  his  future  views,  or,  at  least,  he  said 
things  which  were  calculated  to  disclose  what  he  wished 
to  conceal.  I  took  the  liberty  of  mentioning  to  him  this 
indiscretion,  and  far  from  being  offended,  he  acknowl- 
edged his  mistake,  adding  that  he  was  not  aware  he  had 
gone  so  far.  He  frankly  avowed  this  want  of  caution 
when  at  St.  Helena. 

When  in  good  humour  his  usual  tokens  of  kindness 
consisted  in  a  little  rap  on  the  head  or  a  slight  pinch  of  the 
ear.  In  his  most  friendly  conversations  with  those  whom 
he  admitted  into  his  intimacy  he  would  say,  "  You  are  a 
fool"—  "a  simpleton  "— "  a  ninny"— "a  blockhead." 
These,  and  a  few  other  words  of  like  import,  enabled  him 


1800.         IN  THE  GARDENS  OF  MALMAISON.  321 

to  vary  his  catalogue  of  compliments ;  but  he  never  em- 
ployed them  angrily,  and  the  tone  in  which  they  were 
uttered  sufficiently  indicated  that  they  were  meant  in 
kindness. 

Bonaparte  had  many  singular  habits  and  tastes.  When- 
ever he  experienced  any  vexation,  or  when  any  unpleasant 
thought  occupied  his  mind,  he  would  hum  something 
which  was  far  from  resembling  a  tune,  for  his  voice  was 
very  unmusical.1  He  would,  at  the  same  time,  seat  him- 
self before  the  writing-table,  and  swing  back  in  his  chair 
so  far  that  I  have  often  been  fearful  of  his  falling. 

He  would  then  vent  his  ill-humour  on  the  right  arm  of 
his  chair,  mutilating  it  with  his  penknife,  which  he  seemed 
to  keep  for  no  other  purpose.  I  always  took  care  to  keep 
good  pens  ready  for  him  ;  for,  as  it  was  my  business  to 
decipher  his  writing,  I  had  a  strong  interest  in  doing 
what  I  could  to  make  it  legible. 

The  sound  of  bells  always  produced  in  Bonaparte  pleas- 
urable sensations,  which  I  could  never  account  for.  When 
we  were  at  Malmaison,  and  walking  in  the  alley  leading 
to  the  plain  of  Ruel,  how  many  times  has  the  bell  of  the 
village  church  interrupted  our  most  serious  conversations ! 
He  would  stop,  lest  the  noise  of  our  footsteps  should 
drown  any  portion  of  the  delightful  sound.  He  was  al- 
most angry  with  me  because  I  did  not  experience  the  im- 
pressions he  did.  So  powerful  was  the  effect  produced 
upon  him  by  the  sound  of  these  bells  that  his  voice  would 
falter  as  he  said,  "  Ah  !  that  reminds  me  of  the  first  years 
I  spent  at  Brienne  !  I  was  then  happy !  "  When  the  bells 

1  Bonaparte  conld  not  sing,  because  nature  had  given  him  the  most  untunable 
voice  imaginable.  He  was,  however,  very  fond  of  humming  any  airs  or  fragments 
of  musical  compositions  which  pleased  him,  and  which  he  happened  to  recollect. 
These  little  reminiscences  usually  came  across  his  mind  in  the  morning  while  I  was 
dressing  him.  The  air  which  he  most  frequently  hummed,  though  in  a  very  imper- 
fect way,  was  the  "Marseillaise  Hymn."  The  Emperor  used  also  to  whistle  tunes 
occasionally  ;  and  whenever  he  whistled  the  air  of  "  Marlbrook,"  I  knew  it  to  be  a 
sure  prognostic  of  his  approaching  departure  for  the  army.  I  recollect  that  he  never 
whistled  so  much  nor  appeared  so  cheerful,  as  when  on  the  eve  of  departing  for  the 
Russian  campaign  "  (Mcmoires  de  Constant). 

VOL.  I.— 21 


322         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       180ft 

ceased  he  would  resume  the  course  of  his  speculations, 
carry  himself  into  futurity,  place  a  crown  on  his  head, 
and  dethrone  kings. 

Nowhere,  except  on  the  field  of  battle,  did  I  ever  see 
Bonaparte  more  happy  than  in  the  gardens  of  Malmaison.1 
At  the  commencement  of  the  Consulate  we  used  to  go 
there  every  Saturday  evening,  and  stay  the  whole  of  Sun- 
day, and  sometimes  Monday.  Bonaparte  used  to  spend 
a  considerable  part  of  his  time  in  walking  and  superin- 
tending the  improvements  which  he  had  ordered.  At 
first  he  used  to  make  excursions  about  the  neighbour- 
hood, but  the  reports  of  the  police  disturbed  his  natural 
confidence,  and  gave  him  reason  to  fear  the  attempts  of 
concealed  royalist  partisans. 

During  the  first  four  or  five  days  that  Bonaparte  spent 
at  Malmaison  he  amused  himself  after  breakfast  with  cal- 
culating the  revenue  of  that  domain.  According  to  his 
estimates  it  amounted  to  8000  francs.  "  That  is  not 
bad  !  "  said  he ;  "  but  to  live  here  would  require  an  in- 
come of  30,000  livres."  I  could  not  help  smiling  to  see 
him  seriously  engaged  in  such  a  calculation. 

Bonaparte  had  no  faith  in  medicine.  He  spoke  of  it  as 
an  art  entirely  conjectural,  and  his  opinion  on  this  sub- 
ject was  fixed  and  incontrovertible.2  His  vigorous  mind 
rejected  all  but  demonstrative  proofs. 

1  As  Bonaparte  was  one  day  walking  in  these  gardens  with  Madame  de  Clermont- 
Tonnerre,  now  Madame  de  Talaru,  in  whose  agreeable  conversation  he  took  much 
delight,  he  suddenly  addressed  her  thus :  "  Madame  de  Clermont-Tonnerre,  what  do 
you  think  of  me  ?  "  This  abrupt  and  unexpected  question  rendered  the  answer  deli- 
cate and  difficult.  "  Why,  General,"  said  the  lady,  after  a  moment's  hesitation,  ''  I 
think  you  are  like  a  skillul  architect  who  never  allows  his  structure  to  be  seen  until 
it  is  quite  finished.  You  are  building  behind  a  scaffolding  which  you  will  throw 
down  when  your  work  is  completed." — "Just  so,  madame,  you  are  right,  quite 
right,"  said  Bonaparte  hastily.  "  I  never  look  forward  less  than  two  years." — S&ur- 
rlenne. 

a  Had  a  long  conversation  with  the  Emperor  on  medical  subjects.  He  appeared 
to  entertain  an  idea  that  in  cases  purely  the  province  of  the  physician  the  patient 
has  an  equal  chance  of  being  despatched  to  the  other  world  either  by  the  doctor 
mistaking  the  complaint,  or  by  the  remedies  administered  operating  in  a  different 
manner  from  what  was  expected.  He  acknowledged  the  great  utility,  however,  of 
aurgery.  I  endeavoured  to  convince  him  that  in  some  complaints  nature  was  a  bad 


1800.  OPINION  OF  LITERARY  MEN.  323 

He  bad  little  memory  for  proper  names,  words,  or  dates, 
but  lie  had  a  wonderful  recollection  of  facts  and  places. 
I  recollect  that,  on  going  from  Paris  to  Toulon,  he  pointed 
out  to  me  ten  places  calculated  for  great  battles,  and  he 
never  forgot  them.  They  were  memoranda  of  his  first 
youthful  journeys. 

Bonaparte  was  insensible  to  the  charms  of  poetic  har- 
mony. He  had  not  even  sufficient  ear  to  feel  the  rhythm 
of  poetry,  and  he  never  could  recite  a  verse  without 
violating  the  metre  ;  yet  the  grand  ideas  of  poetry  charmed 
him.  He  absolutely  worshipped  Corneille  ;  and,  one  day, 
after  having  witnessed  a  performance  of  Cinna,  he  said  to 
me,  "  If  a  man  like  Corneille  were  living  in  my  time  I 
would  make  him  my  Prime  Minister.  It  is  not  his  poetry 
that  I  most  admire  ;  it  is  his  powerful  understanding,  his 
vast  knowledge  of  the  human  heart,  and  his  profound 
policy ! "  At  St.  Helena  he  said  that  he  would  have  made 
Corneille  a  prince  ;  but  at  the  time  he  spoke  to  me  of 
Corneille  he  had  no  thought  of  making  either  princes  or 
kings. ' 

physician,  and  mentioned  in  proof  of  my  argument  the  examples  that  had  taken 
place  under  his  own  eyes  in  the  cases  of  Countess  Montholon,  General  Gourgand,  and 
others,  who  if  they  had  been  left  to  nature  would  have  gone  to  the  other  world. 
Napoleon,  however,  was  sceptical,  and  inclined  to  think  that  if  they  had  taken  no 
medicine,  and  abstained  from  everything  except  plenty  of  diluents,  they  would  have 
done  equally  well.  ...  I  instanced  a  case  of  inflammation  of  the  lungs.  He 
appeared  a  little  staggered  at  this  at  first,  but  after  asking  me  what  were  the  reme- 
dies, to  which  I  replied  that  venefaection  was  the  sheet  anchor,  he  said,  "  That  com- 
plaint appertains,  then,  to  the  surgeon  because  he  cures  it  with  the  lancet,  and  not 
to  the  physician.  .  .  .  Suppose  now,"  he  continued,  "that  the  best-informed 
physician  visits  forty  patients  each,  day,  among  them  he  will  kill  say  one  or  two  a 
month  by  mistaking  the  disease,  and  in  the  country  towns  the  charlatans  will  kill 
•bout  half  of  those  who  die  under  their  hands  "  (O'Meara's  Napoleon  in  Exile,  voL 
ii.  p.  3). 

Breakfasted  with  Napoleon  in  the  garden.  Had  a  long  medical  argument  with 
him,  in  which  he  maintained  that  his  practice  in  case  of  malady — viz.  to  eat  noth- 
ing, drink  plenty  of  barley  water,  and  no  wine,  and  ride  for  seven  or  eight  leagues  to 
promote  perspiration — was  much  better  than  wine  "  (fbid.,  yol.  i.  p.  60). 

1  Sainte-Benve  says,  "  The  persons  who  best  knew  Napoleon  have  remarked  that 
in  the  rapid  literary  education  he  had  to  improvise  for  himself  when  he  had  obtained 
possession  of  power,  he  began  by  much  preferring  Corneille  :  it  was  only  later  that 
he  got  so  far  as  to  enjoy  Racine,  but  he  did  reach  that  point.  He  began  as  everyone 
begins;  he  ended  as  cultivated  and  well-informed  intellects  like  to  end  (Causertes, 


824         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

Gallantry  to  women  was  by  no  means  a  trait  in  Bona- 
parte's character.  He  seldom  said  anything  agreeable  to 
females,  and  he  frequently  addressed  to  them  the  rudest 
and  most  extraordinary  remarks.  To  one  he  would  say, 
"Heavens,  how  red  your  elbows  are!"  To  another, 
"  What  an  ugly  headdress  you  have  got !  "  At  another 
time  he  would  say,  "  Your  dress  is  none  of  the  cleanest. 
.  .  .  Do  you  ever  change  your  gown?  I  have  seen 
you  in  that  twenty  times ! "  He  showed  no  mercy  to  any 
who  displeased  him  on  these  points.  He  often  gave 
Josephine  directions  about  her  toilet,  and  the  exquisite 
taste  for  which  she  was  distinguished  might  have  helped 
to  make  him  fastidious  about  the  costume  of  other  ladies. 
At  first  he  looked  to  elegance  above  all  things  :  at  a  later 
period  he  admired  luxury  and  splendour,  but  he  always 
required  modesty.  He  frequently  expressed  his  disap- 
proval of  the  low-necked  dresses  which  were  so  much  in 
fashion  at  the  beginning  of  the  Consulate. 

Bonaparte  did  not  love  cards,  and  this  was  very  fortunate 
for  those  who  were  invited  to  his  parties  ;  for  when  he  was 
seated  at  a  card-table,  as  he  sometimes  thought  himself 
obliged  to  be,  nothing  could  exceed  the  dulness  of  the 
drawing-room  either  at  the  Luxembourg  or  the  Tuileries. 
When,  on  the  contrary,  he  walked  about  among  the  com- 
pany, all  were  pleased,  for  he  usually  spoke  to  everybody, 
though  he  preferred  the  conversation  of  men  of  science, 
especially  those  who  had  been  with  him  in  Egypt ;  as,  for 

tome  i.  p.  287).  In  another  place  Sainte-Beuve  says,  "  Napoleon  wrote  to  his  brother 
Joseph,  then  King  of  Naples,  who  was  fond  of  literary  men,  '  You  live  too  much 
with  literary  and  with  scientific  men.  They  are  like  coquettes,  with  whom  one 
ehould  maintain  an  intercourse  of  gallantry,  but  of  whom  one  should  never  make  a 
wife  or  a  minister.'  This,"  says  Sainte-Beuve,  "is  true  of  many  literary  men,  and 
even  of  some  of  them  who  in  our  time  we  have  seen  as  ministers,  but  it  is  not  true  of 
M.  Guizot,  nor  of  M.  Thiers  ( Cauteries,  tome  i.  p.  313). 

1  Bonaparte,  after  he  became  Emperor,  said  one  day  to  the  Deautiful  Duchesse  de 
Chevreuse,  in  the  presence  of  all  the  circle  at  the  Tuileries :  "Ah  1  that's  droll 
enough;  your  hair  is  red?" — "  Perpaps  it  is,  Sire,"  replied  the  lady;  "but  this  is 
the  first  time  a  man  ever  told  me  so."  Madame  de  Chevreuse,  whose  hair  was,  on 
the  contrary,  a  beautiful  blonde,  was  shortly  after  exiled  to  Tours  for  having  de- 
clined the  office  of  maid  of  honor  to  the  Queen  of  Spain. — Bourrienne. 


1800.      BONAPARTE  AND  THE  CONTRACTORS.         335 

example,  Monge  and  Berthollet.  He  also  liked  to  talk 
with  Chaptal  and  Lacepede,  and  with  Lemercier,  the 
author  of  Agamemnon. 

Bonaparte  was  seen  to  less  advantage  in  a  drawing-room 
than  at  the  head  of  his  troops.  His  military  uniform 
became  him  much  better  than  the  handsomest  dress  of  any 
other  kind.  His  first  trials  of  dress-coats  were  unfortunate. 
I  have  been  informed  that  the  first  time  he  wore  one  he 
kept  on  his  black  cravat.  This  incongruity  was  remarked 
to  him,  and  he  replied,  "  So  much  the  better ;  it  leaves 
me  something  of  a  military  air,  and  there  is  no  harm  in 
that."  For  my  own  part,  I  neither  saw  the  black  cravat 
nor  heard  this  reply. ' 

The  First  Consul  paid  his  own  private  bills  very  punc- 
tually ;  but  he  was  always  tardy  in  settling  the  accounts  of 
the  contractors  who  bargained  with  Ministers  for  supplies 
for  the  public  service.  He  put  off  these  payments  by  all 
sorts  of  excuses  and  shufflings.  Hence  arose  immense 
arrears  in  the  expenditure,  and  the  necessity  of  appointing 
a  committee  of  liquidation.  In  his  opinion  the  terms  con- 
tractor and  rogue  were  synonymous.3  All  that  he  avoided 

1  On  the  subject  of  Bonaparte's  dress  Constant  gives  the  following  details : — 
"  His  Majesty's  waistcoats  and  small-clothes  were  always  of  white  cassimir.  He 
changed  them  every  morning,  and  never  wore  them  after  they  had  been  washed 
three  or  four  times.  The  Emperor  never  wore  any  but  white  silk  stockings.  His 
shoes,  which  were  very  light  and  lined  with  silk,  were  ornamented  with  gold  buckles 
of  an  oval  form,  either  plain  or  wrought.  He  also  occasionally  wore  gold  knee- 
bnckles.  During  the  Empire  I  never  saw  him  wear  pantaloons.  The  Emperor 
never  wore  jewels.  In  his  pockets  he  carried  neither  purse  nor  money,  but  merely 
his  handkerchief,  snuff-box,  and  bonbonniere  (or  sweetmeat-box).  He  usually  wore 
only  two  decorations,  viz.,  the  cross  of  the  Legion  of  Honour,  and  that  of  the  Iron 
Crown.  Across  his  waistcoat,  and  under  his  uniform  coat,  he  wore  a  cordon  rouge, 
the  two  ends  of  which  were  scarcely  perceptible.  When  he  received  company  at  the 
Tuileries.  or  attended  a  review,  he  wore  the  grand  cordon  on  the  outside  of  his  coat. 
His  hat,  which  it  is  almost  superfluous  to  describe,  as  long  aa  portraits  of  his 
Majesty  are  extant,  was  of  an  extremely  fine  and  light  kind  of  beaver.  The  inside 
was  wadded  and  lined  with  silk.  It  was  unadorued  with  either  cord,  tassel,  or 
feather,  its  only  ornament  being  a  silk  loop,  fastening  a  small  tri-coloured  cockade." 
a  For  a  remarkable  instance  of  the  strong  feeling  of  Napoleon  against  peculation 
see  ifeiieval,  tome  iii.  p.  225.  When  Emperor,  he  one  day  entered  his  cabinet  full  of 
joy  at  having  caught  "  a  man  who  had  robbed  the  army  of  Italy  disgracefully. 
Under  the  Directory  he  found  protectors  who  assured  him  of  impunity.  Thank 


326         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

paying  them  be  regarded  as  a  just  restitution  to  himself  ; 
and  all  the  sums  which  were  struck  off  from  their  ac- 
counts he  regarded  as  so  much  deducted  from  a  theft. 
The  less  a  Minister  paid  out  of  his  budget  the  more  Bona- 
parte was  pleased  with  him  ;  and  this  ruinous  system  of 
economy  can  alone  explain  the  credit  which  Decres  so 
long  enjoyed  at  the  expense  of  the  French  navy. 

God,  I  have  found  him,  and  I  shall  make  him  a  severe  example."  Again,  a  few 
years  later,  in  a  letter  to  his  brother  he  says,  "  I  send  you  a  copy  of  the  decree  re- 
quiring the  sums  of  which  the  Treasury  has  been  robbed  to  be  repaid.  Massena 

and  S 1  have  stolen  6,400,000  francs.  They  shall  repay  to  the  last  farthing ! 

.  .  .  Let  Masse'na  be  advised  to  return  the  6,000,000.  To  do  so  quickly  is  his  only 
salvation  !  If  he  does  not  I  shall  send  a  military  commission  of  inquiry  to  Padua, 
for  such  robbery  is  intolerable.  To  suffer  soldiers  to  starve  and  be  unpaid,  and  to 
pretend  that  the  sums  destined  for  their  use  were  a  present  to  himself  from  the  pro- 
vince, ia  too  impudent  I  Such  conduct  would  make  it  impossible  to  carry  on  a  war. 

Let  8 be  watched.  The  details  of  their  plunderings  are  incredible.  I  learnt 

them  from  the  Austrians  who  themselves  are  ashamed  of  them.  They  allowed  corn 
to  go  to  Venice.  The  evil  is  intolerable.  I  will  soon  find  a  remedy.  I  order  Ardent 
to  be  arrested.  He  ia  an  agent  of  S .  If  he  should  be  at  Naples  have  him  ar- 
rested and  sent  under  a  good  escort  to  Paris.  You  have  seen  that  Flachat  has  been 
condemned  to  a  year's  imprisonment  in  irons,  and  that  his  transactions  have  been 
declared  void?"  (Napoleon  to  Joseph,  March  12,  1806. — Du  Casse,  tome  ii.  p. 
101). 

The  evil  handed  down  from  the  Revolutionary  times  was  too  widespread  to  be 
stopped  by  all  the  efforts  of  Napoleon,  directed  though  they  were  against  the  highest 
as  well  as  the  lowest  officials.  When  Davoust  took  the  command  at  Hamburg  he  re- 
ported to  the  Emperor  that  a  large  part  of  the  contributions  raised  in  the  times  of 
his  predecessor  had  not  reached  the  public  exchequer,  and  Meneval  (tome  iii.  p. 
265)  attributes  much  of  the  discontent  felt  towards  the  Emperor  in  the  last  years  of 
his  reign  to  the  energy  with  which  he  pressed  the  pursuit  of  these  and  similar  mis- 
deeds. Bourrienne  himself  was  believed  to  have  received  large  sums  from  Hamburg 
(see  Meneval  in  the  passage  just  referred  to,  and  Puymaigre,  p.  135),  as  well  as 
Brune. 

Daru  told  Meneval  that  a  marshal  had  appropriated  200,000  out  of  300,000  francs 
raised  from  Brfurth,  letting  his  ordonnateur  take  the  rest.  The  unfortunate  ordon- 
nateur  had  to  pay  up  the  whole  sum,  as  nothing  was  recovered  from  the  marshal. 
Bernadotte  appears  to  have  been  the  culprit  ("The  marshal.  .  .  since  raised  to  a  rank 
placing  him  above  all  jurisdiction  ").  One  of  the  worst  instances  in  Spain  was  that 

of  Marshal  L ,  concerning  which  reference  may  be  made  to  the  Jfemoirs  oj 

Madame  fAbrantes,  English  edition  of  1882,  vol.  iii.  p.  214. 

To  quote  again  from  the  Emperor's  letters  to  his  brother :  "I  am  well  pleased 
with  my  affairs  here  ;  it  gave  me  great  trouble  to  bring  them  into  order,  and  to  force 
a  dozen  rogues,  at  whose  head  is  Ouvrard,  to  refund.  Barbe-Marbois  has  been  duped 
}nst  as  the  Cardinal  do  Rohan  was  duped  in  the  affair  of  the  necklace,  with  the  dif- 
ference that  in  this  case  more  than  90,000,000  were  iu  question.  I  had  made  up  my 
mind  to  have  them  shot  without  trial !  Thank  God,  I  have  been  repaid  t  This  has 

>  The  S was  probably  Salicetti. 


1800.  BONAPARTE  ON  RELIGION.  327 

On  the  subject  of  religion  Bonaparte's  ideas  were  very 
vague.  "  My  reason,"  said  he,  "  makes  me  incredulous 
respecting  many  things  ;  but  the  impressions  of  my  child- 
hood and  early  youth  throw  me  into  uncertainty."  He 
was  very  fond  of  talking  of  religion.  In  Italy,  in  Egypt,  and 
on  board  the  Orient  and  the  Muiron,  I  have  known  him  to 
take  part  in  very  animated  conversations  on  this  subject. 
He  readily  yielded  up  all  that  was  proved  against  religion 
as  the  work  of  men  and  time  :  but  he  would  not  hear  of 
materialism.  I  recollect  that  one  fine  night,  when  he  was 
on  deck  with  some  persons  who  were  arguing  in  favour  of 
materialism,  Bonaparte  raised  his  hand  to  heaven  and, 
pointing  to  the  stars,  said,  "  You  may  talk  as  long  as  you 
please,  gentlemen,  but  who  made  all  that  ?"  The  per- 
petuity of  a  name  in  the  memory  of  man  was  to  him 
the  immortality  of  the  soul.  He  was  perfectly  tolerant 
towards  every  variety  of  religious  faith. ' 

Among  Bonaparte's  singular  habits  was  that  of  seating 
himself  on  any  table  which  happened  to  be  of  a  suitable 
height  for  him.  He  would  often  sit  on  mine,  resting  his 
left  arm  on  my  right  shoulder,  and  swinging  his  left  leg, 
which  did  not  reach  the  ground  ;  and  while  he  dictated 
to  me  he  would  jolt  the  table  so  that  I  could  scarcely  write. 

put  me  somewhat  out  of  humour,  and  I  tell  yon  about  it  that  you  may  see  how  dis- 
honest men  are.  You  are  now  at  the  head  of  a  great  army,  and  will  soon  be  at  that 
of  a  great  administration,  and  ought  to  be  aware  of  this.  Roguery  has  been  the 
cause  of  all  the  misfortunes  of  France"  (Napoleon  to  Joseph,  February  7,  1806. — 
Du  Cas-ie,  tome  ii.  p.  55). 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  severity  with  which  Napoleon  pursued  such  acts  when 
known  to  him.  H«  made  it  almost  a  personal  affair,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  fore- 
going instances,  and  the  difficulty  with  which  Bourrienne  persuaded  him  not  to  try, 
years  after  the  act,  a  man  who  had  committed  peculation  in  Italy. 

While  on  this  topic  a  pleasing  contrast  will  be  found  in  the  instances  of  Marshal 
Mortier,  who  left  Hanover  a  poorer  man  than  when  he  entered  upon  its  administra- 
tion, and  Marshal  Snchet,  who  received  from  the  Spanish  under  his  rule  a  public 
recognition  of  the  honesty  and  justice  of  his  administration  in  Valencia  and 
Arragon. 

1  Policy  induced  Bonaparte  to  re-establish  religions  worship  in  France,  which  he 
thought  would  be  a  powerful  aid  to  the  consolidation  of  his  power  ;  but  he  would 
never  consent  to  the  persecution  of  other  religious.  He  wished  to  influence  man- 
kind  in  temporal  things,  but  not  in  points  of  belief.— Bourrienn*. 


328         MEMOIRS  OP  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       180(X 

Bonaparte  had  a  great  dislike  to  reconsider  any  de- 
cision, even  when  it  was  acknowledged  to  be  unjust.  In 
little  as  well  as  in  great  things  he  evinced  his  repugnance 
to  retrograde.  An  instance  of  this  occurred  in  the  affair 
of  General  Latour-Foissac.  The  First  Consul  felt  how 
much  he  had  wronged  that  general ;  but  he  wished  some 
time  to  elapse  before  he  repaired  his  error.  His  heart 
and  his  conduct  were  at  variance  ;  but  his  feelings  were 
overcome  by  what  he  conceived  to  be  political  necessity. 
Bonaparte  was  never  known  to  say,  "I  have  done  wrong  : " 
his  usual  observation  was,  "I  begin  to  think  there  is  some- 
thing wrong." 

In  spite  of  this  sort  of  feeling,  which  was  more  worthy 
of  an  ill-humoured  philosopher  than  the  head  of  a  govern- 
ment, Bonaparte  was  neither  malignant  nor  vindictive.  I 
cannot  certainly  defend  him  against  all  the  reproaches 
which  he  incurred  through  the  imperious  law  of  war  and 
cruel  necessity  ;  but  I  may  say  that  he  has  often  been  un- 
justly accused.  None  but  those  who  are  blinded  by  fury 
will  call  him  a  Nero  or  a  Caligula.  I  think  I  have  avowed 
his  faults  with  sufficient  candour  to  entitle  me  to  credit 
when  I  speak  in  his  commendation ;  and  I  declare  that,  out 
of  the  field  of  battle,  Bonaparte  had  a  kind  and  feeling 
heart.  He  was  very  fond  of  children,  a  trait  which  seldom 
distinguishes  a  bad  man.  In  the  relations  of  private  life 
to  call  him  amiable  would  not  be  using  too  strong  a  word, 
and  he  was  very  indulgent  to  the  weakness  of  human  nature. 
The  contrary  opinion  is  too  firmly  fixed  in  some  minds  for 
me  to  hope  to  root  it  out.  I  shall,  I  fear,  have  contra- 
dictors, but  I  address  myself  to  those  who  look  for  truth. 
To  judge  impartially  we  must  take  into  account  the  in- 
fluence which  time  and  circumstances  exercise  on  men ; 
and  distinguish  between  the  different  characters  of  the 
Collegian,  the  General,  the  Consul,  and  the  Emperor. 


1800.  82» 


CHAPTEK    XXIX. 
1800. 

Bonaparte's  laws — Suppression  of  the  festival  of  the  21st  of  January- 
Official  visits — The  Temple — Louis  XVI.  and  Sir  Sidney  Smith — 
Peculation  during  the  Directory — Loan  raised — Modest  budget — The 
Consul  and  the  Member  of  the  Institute — The  figure  of  the  Republic — 
Duroc'a  missions — The  King  of  Prussia — The  Emperor  Alexander — 
General  Latour-Foissac — Arbitrary  decree — Company  of  players  for 
Egypt — Singular  ideas  respecting  literary  property — The  preparatory 
Consulate — The  journals — Sabres  and  muskets  of  honour — The  First 
Consul  and  his  Comrade — The  bust  of  Brutus — Statues  in  the  gallery 
of  the  Tuileries — Sections  of  the  Council  of  State — Costumes  of 
public  functionaries — Masquerades — The  opera-balls — Recall  of  the 
exiles. 

IT  is  not  my  purpose  to  say  much  about  the  laws,  de- 
crees, and  Senatus-Consultes,  which  the  First  Consul  either 
passed,  or  caused  to  be  passed,  after  his  accession  to 
power.  What  were  they  all,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Civil  Code  ?  The  legislative  reveries  of  the  different  men 
who  have  from  time  to  time  ruled  France  form  an  im- 
mense labyrinth,  in  which  chicanery  bewilders  reason  and 
common  sense ;  and  they  would  long  since  have  been  buried 
in  oblivion  had  they  not  occasionally  served  to  authorise 
injustice.  I  cannot,  however,  pass  over  unnoticed  the 
happy  effect  produced  in  Paris,  and  throughout  the  whole 
of  France,  by  some  of  the  first  decisions  of  the  Consuls. 
Perhaps  none  but  those  who  witnessed  the  state  of  society 
during  the  reign  of  Terror  can  fully  appreciate  the  satis- 
faction which  the  first  steps  towards  the  restoration  of 
social  order  produced  in  the  breasts  of  all  honest  men. 
The  Directory,  more  base  and  not  less  perverse  than  the 


330         MEMOIRS  OP  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

Convention,  had  retained  the  horrible  21st  of  January 
among  the  festivals  of  the  Republic.  One  of  Bonaparte's 
first  ideas  on  attaining  the  possession  of  power  was  to 
abolish  this  ;  but  such  was  the  ascendency  of  the  abettors 
of  the  fearful  event  that  he  could  not  venture  on  a  straight- 
forward course.  He  and  his  two  colleagues,  who  were 
Sieves  and  Roger  Ducos,  signed,  on  the  5th  Nivose,  a 
decree,  setting  forth  that  in  future  the  only  festivals  to  be 
celebrated  by  the  Republic  were  the  1st  Vendemiaire  and 
the  14th  of  July,  intending  by  this  means  to  consecrate 
provisionally  the  recollection  of  the  foundation  of  the 
Republic  and  of  liberty. 

All  was  calculation  with  Bonaparte.  To  produce  effect 
was  his  highest  gratification.  Thus  he  let  slip  no  oppor- 
tunity of  saying  or  doing  things  which  were  calculated  to 
dazzle  the  multitude.  While  at  the  Luxembourg,  he  went 
sometimes  accompanied  by  his  aides  de  camp  and  some- 
times by  a  Minister,  to  pay  certain  official  visits.  I  did  not 
accompany  him  on  these  occasions;  but  almost  always 
either  on  his  return,  after  dinner,  or  in  the  evening,  he  re- 
lated to  me  what  he  had  done  and  said.  He  congratulated 
himself  on  having  paid  a  visit  to  Daubenton,  at  the  Jardin 
des  Plantes,  and  talked  with  great  self-complacency  of  the 
distinguished  way  in  which  he  had  treated  the  contem- 
porary of  Buffon. 

On  the  24th  Brumaire  he  visited  the  prisons.  He  liked 
to  make  these  visits  unexpectedly,  and  to  take  the  gover- 
nors of  the  different  public  establishments  by  surprise ;  so 
that,  having  no  time  to  make  their  preparations,  he  might 
see  things  as  they  really  were.  I  was  in  his  cabinet  when 
he  returned,  for  I  had  a  great  deal  of  business  to  go 
through  in  his  absence.  As  he  entered  he  exclaimed, 
"What  brutes  these  Directors  are !  To  what  a  state  they 
have  brought  our  public  establishments!  But,  stay  a 
little!  I  will  put  all  in  order.  The  prisons  are  in  a 
ghockingly  unwholesome  state,  and  the  prisoners  miser- 


1800.      TEE  FIR8T  CONSUL  AT  THE  TEMPLE.         331 

ably  fed.  I  questioned  them,  and  I  questioned  the  jailers, 
for  nothing  is  to  be  learned  from  the  superiors.  They, 
of  course,  always  speak  well  of  their  own  work !  When  I 
was  in  the  Temple  I  could  not  help  thinkimg  of  the  un- 
fortunate Louis  XVL  Ho  was  an  excellent  man,  but  too 
amiable,  too  gentle  for  the  times.  He  knew  not  how  to 
deal  with  mankind !  And  Sir  Sidney  Smith !  I  made 
them  show  me  his  apartment.  If  the  fools  had  not  let 
him  escape  I  should  have  taken  St.  Jean  d'Acre !  There 
are  too  many  painful  recollections  connected  with  that 
prison !  I  will  certainly  have  it  pulled  down  some  day  or 
other!  What  do  you  think  I  did  at  the  Temple?  I 
ordered  the  jailers'  books  to  be  brought  to  me,  and  finding 
that  some  hostages  were  still  in  confinement  I  liberated 
them.  'An  unjust  law,'  said  I,  'has  deprived  you  of 
liberty ;  my  first  duty  is  to  restore  it  to  you. '  Was  not 
this  well  done,  Bourrienne  ?  "  As  I  was,  no  less  than  Bona- 
parte himself,  an  enemy  to  the  revolutionary  laws,  I  con- 
gratulated him  sincerely ;  and  he  was  very  sensible  to  my 
approbation,  for  I  was  not  accustomed  to  greet  him  with 
"Good;  very  good,"  on  all  occasions.  It  is  true,  knowing 
his  character  as  I  did,  I  avoided  saying  anything  that  was 
calculated  to  offend  him ;  but  when  I  said  nothing,  he 
knew  very  well  how  to  construe  my  silence.  Had  I  flat- 
tered him  I  should  have  continued  longer  in  favour. 

Bonaparte  always  spoke  angrily  of  the  Directors  he  had 
turned  off.  Their  incapacity  disgusted  and  astonished 
him.  "  What  simpletons  !  what  a  government ! "  he 
would  frequently  exclaim  when  he  looked  into  the  meas- 
ures of  the  Directory.  "Bourrienne,"  said  he,  "can  you 
imagine  anything  more  pitiable  than  their  system  of 
finance  ?  Can  it  for  a  moment  be  doubted  that  the  prin- 
cipal agents  of  authority  daily  committed  the  most  fraud- 
ulent peculations  ?  What  venality  !  what  disorder !  what 
wastefulness !  everything  put  up  for  sale  :  places,  provis- 
ions, clothing,  and  military,  all  were  disposed  of.  Have 


332         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

they  not  actually  consumed  75,000,000  in  advance?  And 
then,  think  of  all  the  scandalous  fortunes  accumulated,  all 
the  malversations  !  But  are  there  no  means  of  making 
them  refund  ?  "We  shall  see." 

In  these  first  moments  of  poverty  it  was  found  neces- 
sary to  raise  a  loan,  for  the  funds  of  M.  Collot  did  not 
last  long,  and  12,000,000  were  advanced  by  the  different 
bankers  of  Paris,  who,  I  believe,  were  paid  by  bills  of  the 
receivers-general,  the  discount  of  which  then  amounted  to 
about  33  per  cent.  The  salaries  of  the  first  offices  were 
not  very  considerable,  and  did  not  amount  to  anything 
like  the  exorbitant  stipends  of  the  Empire.  The  follow- 
ing table  shows  the  modest  budget  of  the  Consular  Gov- 
ernments for  the  year  VJULL. : — 

Franca. 

The  Legislative  Body 2,400,000 

The  Tribunate 1,312,000 

The  Archives 75,000 

The  three  Consuls,  including  750,000  francs  for 

secret  service  money.  ....     1,800,000 

The  Council  of  State 675,000 

Secretaries  to  the  Councils  and  to  the  Councillors 

of  State       ....... 

The  Six  Ministers      ..'.-. 
The  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs 

Total     .     6,824,500 

Bonaparte's  salary  was  fixed  at  500,000  francs.  What 
a  contrast  to  the  300,000,000  in  gold  which  were  re- 
ported to  have  been  concealed  in  1811  in  the  cellars  of 
the  Tuileries! 

In  mentioning  Bonaparte's  nomination  to  the  Institute, 
and  his  affectation  in  putting  at  the  head  of  his  proclama- 
tion his  title  of  member  of  that  learned  body  before  that 
of  General-in-Chief,  I  omitted  to  state  what  value  he 
really  attached  to  that  title.  The  truth  is  that,  when 
young  and  ambitious,  he  was  pleased  with  the  proffered 
title,  which  he  thought  would  raise  him  in  public  estima- 


1800.      DVROC  AND   TEE  KINO   OF  PRUSSIA.         838 

tion.  How  often  have  we  laughed  together  when  he 
weighed  the  value  of  his  scientific  titles !  Bonaparte,  to 
be  sure,  knew  something  of  mathematics,  a  good  deal  of 
history,  and,  I  need  not  add,  possessed  extraordinary 
military  talent ;  but  he  was  nevertheless  a  useless  member 
of  the  Institute. 

On  his  return  from  Egypt  he  began  to  grow  weary  of 
a  title  which  gave  him  so  many  colleagues.  "  Do  you  not 
think,"  said  he  one  day  to  me,  "that  there  is  something 
mean  and  humiliating  in  the  words,  '  I  have  the  honour  to 
be,  my  dear  Colleague '  ?  I  am  tired  of  it !  "  Generally 
speaking,  all  phrases  which  indicated  equality  displeased 
him.  It  will  be  recollected  how  gratified  he  was  that  I 
did  not  address  him  in  the  second  person  singular  on  our 
meeting  at  Leoben,  and  also  what  befell  M.  de  Cominges 
at  Bale  because  he  did  not  observe  the  same  precaution. 

The  figure  of  the  Republic  seated  and  holding  a  spear 
in  her  hand,  which  at  the  commencement  of  the  Consulate 
was  stamped  on  official  letters,  was  speedily  abolished. 
Happy  would  it  have  been  if  Liberty  herself  had  not 
suffei-ed  the  same  treatment  as  her  emblem  !  The  title  of 
First  Consul  made  him  despise  that  of  Member  of  the 
Institute.  He  no  longer  entertained  the  least  predilection 
for  that  learned  body,  and  subsequently  he  regarded  it 
with  much  suspicion.1  It  was  a  body,  an  authorised 
assembly;  these  were  reasons  sufficient  for  him  to  take 
umbrage  at  it,  and  he  never  concealed  his  dislike  of  all 
bodies  possessing  the  privilege  of  meeting  and  deliberat- 
ing. 

While  we  were  at  the  Luxembourg  Bonaparte  de- 
spatched Duroc  on  a  special  mission  to  the  King  of  Prussia. 
This  happened,  I  think,  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  year 
1800.  He  selected  Duroc  because  he  was  a  man  of  good 
education  and  agreeable  manners,  and  one  who  could  ex- 
press himself  with  elegance  and  reserve,  qualities  not 

1  See,  however,  footnote  on  p.  125- 


334         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

often  met  with  at  that  pei'iod.  Duroc  had  been  with  us 
in  Italy,  in  Egypt,  and  on  board  the  Muiron,  and  the 
Consul  easily  guessed  that  the  King  of  Prussia  would  be 
delighted  to  hear  from  an  eye-witness  the  events  of  Bona- 
parte's campaigns,  especially  the  siege  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre, 
and  the  scenes  which  took  place  during  the  months  of 
March  and  May  at  Jaffa.  Besides,  the  First  Consul  con- 
sidered it  indispensable  that  such  circumstantial  details 
should  be  given  in  a  way  to  leave  no  doubt  of  their  correct- 
ness. His  intentions  were  fully  realised  ;  for  Duroc  told 
me,  on  his  return,  that  nearly  the  whole  of  the  conversa- 
tion he  had  with  the  King  turned  upon  St.  Jean  d'Acre 
and  Jaffa.  He  stayed  nearly  two  whole  hours  with  his 
Majesty,  who,  the  day  after,  gave  him  an  invitation  to 
dinner.  When  this  intelligence  arrived  at  the  Luxem- 
bourg I  could  perceive  that  the  Chief  of  the  Eepublic 
was  flattered  that  one  of  his  aides  de  camp  should  have  sat 
at  table  with  a  King,  who  some  years  after  was  doomed  to 
wait  for  him  in  his  antechamber  at  Tilsit 

Duroc  never  spoke  on  politics  to  the  King  of  Prussia, 
which  was  very  fortunate,  for,  considering  his  age  and  the 
exclusively  military  life  he  had  led,  he  could  scarcely  have 
been  expected  to  avoid  blunders.  Some  time  later,  after 
the  death  of  Paul  L,  he  was  sent  to  congratulate  Alexander 
on  his  accession  to  the  throne.  Bonaparte's  design  in  thus 
making  choice  of  Duroc  was  to  introduce  to  the  Courts  of 
Europe,  by  confidential  missions,  a  young  man  to  whom 
he  was  much  attached,  and  also  to  bring  him  forward  in 
France.  Duroc  went  on  his  third  mission  to  Berlin  after 
the  war  broke  out  with  Austria.  He  often  wrote  to  me, 
aud  his  letters  convinced  me  how  much  he  had  improved 
himself  within  a  short  time. 

Another  circumstance  which  happened  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  Consulate  affords  an  example  of  Bonaparte's 
inflexibility  when  he  had  once  formed  a  determination. 
In  the  spring  of  1799,  when  we  were  in  Egypt,  the  Direc- 


DUG  DE  FRIOUF. 


1800.  THE  LOSS  OF  MANTUA.  335 

tory  gave  to  GeneralLatour-Foissac,  a  highly  distinguished 
officer,  the  command  of  Mantua,  the  taking  of  which  had 
so  powerfully  contributed  to  the  glory  of  the  conqueror 
of  Italy.  Shortly  after  Latour's  appointment  to  this  im- 
portant post  the  Austrians  besieged  Mantua.  It  was  well 
known  that  the  garrison  was  supplied  with  provisions  and 
ammunition  for  a  long  resistance  ;  yet,  in  the  month  of 
July  it  surrendered  to  the  Austrians.  The  act  of  capitula- 
tion contained  a  curious  article,  viz.  "  General  Latour- 
Foissac  and  his  staff  shall  be  conducted  as  prisoners  to 
Austria ;  the  garrison  shall  be  allowed  to  return  to  France." 
This  distinction  between  the  general  and  the  troops  en- 
trusted to  his  command,  and  at  the  same  time  the  prompt 
surrender  of  Mantua,  were  circumstances  which,  it  must 
be  confessed,  were  calculated  to  excite  suspicions  of 
Latour-Foissac.  The  consequence  was,  when  Bernadotte 
was  made  War  Minister  he  ordered  an  inquiry  into  the 
general's  conduct  by  a  court-martial  Latour-Foissac  had 
no  sooner  returned  to  France  than  he  published  a  justi- 
ficatory memorial,  in  which  he  showed  the  impossibility  of 
his  having  made  a  longer  defence  when  he  was  in  want  of 
many  objects  of  the  first  necessity. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  affair  on  Bonaparte's  elevation 
to  the  Consular  power.  The  loss  of  Mantua,  the  posses- 
sion of  which  had  cost  him  so  many  sacrifices,  roused  his 
indignation  to  so  high  a  pitch  that  whenever  the  subject 
was  mentioned  he  could  find  no  words  to  express  his  rage. 
He  stopped  the  investigation  of  the  court-martial,  and 
issued  a  violent  decree  against  Latour-Foissac  even  before 
his  culpability  had  been  proved.  This  proceeding  occa- 
sioned much  discussion,  and  was  very  dissatisfactory  to 
many  general  officers,  who,  by  this  arbitrary  decision, 
found  themselves  in  danger  of  forfeiting  the  privilege  of 
being  tried  by  their  natural  judges  whenever  they  hap- 
pened to  displease  the  First  Consul.  For  my  own  part, 
I  must  say  that  this  decree  against  Latour-Foissac  was 


336         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

one  which  I  saw  issued  with  considerable  regret.  I  was 
alarmed  for  the  consequences.  After  the  lapse  of  a  few 
days  I  ventured  to  point  out  to  him  the  undue  severity  of 
the  step  he  had  taken  ;  I  reminded  him  of  all  that  had 
been  said  in  Latour-Foissac's  favour,  and  tried  to  convince 
him  how  much  more  just  it  would  be  to  allow  the  trial  to 
come  to  a  conclusion.  "In  a  country,"  said  I,  "like 
France,  where  the  point  of  honour  stands  above  every- 
thing, it  is  impossible  Foissac  can  escape  condemnation  if 
he  be  culpable." — "Perhaps  you  are  right,  Bourrienne," 
rejoined  he  ;  "  but  the  blow  is  struck  ;  the  decree  is 
issued.  I  have  given  the  same  explanation  to  every  one  ; 
but  I  cannot  so  suddenly  retrace  my  steps.  To  retro- 
grade is  to  be  lost.  I  cannot  acknowledge  myself  in  the 
wrong.  By  and  by  we  shall  see  what  can  be  done.  Time 
will  bring  lenity  and  pardon.  At  present  it  would  be  pre- 
mature." Such,  word  for  word,  was  Bonaparte's  reply. 
If  with  this  be  compared  what  he  said  on  the  subject  at  St. 
Helena  it  will  be  found  that  his  ideas  continued  nearly 
unchanged  ;  the  only  difference  is  that,  instead  of  the 
impetuosity  of  1800,  he  expressed  himself  with  the  calm- 
ness which  time  and  adversity  naturally  produce.1 

Bonaparte,  as  I  have  before  observed,  loved  contrasts  ; 
and  I  remember  at  the  very  time  he  was  acting  so  violently 
against  Latour-Foissac  he  condescended  to  busy  himself 
about  a  company  of  players  which  he  wished  to  send  to 
Egypt,  or  rather  that  he  pretended  to  wish  to  send  there, 
because  the  announcement  of  such  a  project  conveyed  an 
impression  of  the  prosperous  condition  of  our  Oriental 
colony.  The  Consuls  gravely  appointed  the  Minister  of 
the  Interior  to  execute  this  business,  and  the  Minister  in 

1  "  It  was,"  says  the  Jfemartal  of  St.  Selena,  "  an  illegal  and  tyrannical  act,  but 
still  it  was  a  necessary  evil.  It  was  the  fault  of  the  law.  He  was  a  hundred,  nay, 
a  thousand  fold  guilty,  and  yet  it  was  doubtful  whether  he  would  be  condemned. 
We  therefore  assailed  him  with  the  shafts  of  honour  and  public  opinion.  Yet  I  re- 
peat it  was  a  tyrannical  act,  and  one  of  those  violent  measures  which  are  at  times 
necessary  in  great  nations  and  in  extraordinary  circumstances.11 


1800.  IDEAS  RESPECTING  LITERARY  PROPERTY.    831 

his  turn  delegated  his  powers  to  Florence,  the  actor.  In 
their  instructions  to  the  Minister  the  Consuls  observed 
that  it  would  be  advisable  to  include  some  female  dancers 
in  the  company  ;  a  suggestion  which  corresponds  with 
Bonaparte's  note,  in  which  were  specified  all  that  he  con- 
sidered necessary  for  the  Egyptian  expedition. 

The  First  Consul  entertained  singular  notions  respect- 
ing literary  property.  On  his  hearing  that  a  piece,  en- 
titled Misanthropic  et  Repentir,  had  been  brought  out  at 
the  Odeon,  he  said  to  me,  "  Bouriienne,  you  have  been 
robbed." — "  I,  General  ?  how?  " — "You  have  been  robbed, 
I  tell  you,  and  they  are  now  acting  your  piece."  I  have 
already  mentioned  that  during  my  stay  at  Warsaw  I 
amused  myself  with  translating  a  celebrated  play  of 
Kotzebue.  "While  we  were  in  Italy  I  lent  Bonaparte  my 
translation  to  read,  and  he  expressed  himself  much  pleased 
with  it.  He  greatly  admired  the  piece,  and  often  went  to 
see  it  acted  at  the  Odeon.  On  his  return  he  invariably 
gave  me  fresh  reasons  for  my  claiming  what  he  was 
pleased  to  call  my  property.  I  represented  to  him  that 
the  translation  of  a  foreign  work  belonged  to  any  one  who 
chose  to  execute  it.  He  would  not,  however,  give  up  his 
point,  and  I  was  obliged  to  assure  him  that  my  occupa- 
tions in  his  service  left  me  no  time  to  engage  in  a  literary 
lawsuit.  He  then  exacted  a  promise  from  me  to  translate 
Goethe's  Werther.  I  told  him  it  was  already  done,  though 
indifferently,  and  that  I  could  not  possibly  devote  to  the 
subject  the  time  it  merited.  I  read  over  to  him  one  of 
the  letters  I  had  translated  into  French,  and  which  he 
seemed  to  approve. 

That  interval  of  the  Consular  Government  during  which 
Bonaparte  remained  at  the  Luxembourg  may  be  called  the 
preparatory  Consulate.  Then  were  sown  the  seeds  of  the 
great  events  which  he  meditated,  and  of  those  institutions 
with  which  he  wished  to  mark  his  possession  of  power. 
He  was  then,  if  I  may  use  the  expression,  two  individuals 
VOL.  I.— 22 


«38         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

in  one  :  the  Republican  general,  who  was  obliged  to  appear 
the  advocate  of  liberty  and  the  principles  of  the  Revolu- 
tion ;  and  the  votary  of  ambition,  secretly  plotting  the 
downfall  of  that  liberty  and  those  principles. 

I  often  wondered  at  the  consummate  address  with 
which  he  contrived  to  deceive  those  who  were  likely  to 
see  through  his  designs.  This  hypocrisy,  which  some, 
perhaps,  may  call  profound  policy,  was  indispensable  to 
the  accomplishment  of  his  projects  ;  and  sometimes,  as  if 
to  keep  himself  in  practice,  he  would  do  it  in  matters  of 
secondary  importance.  For  example,  his  opinion  of  the 
insatiable  avarice  of  Sieyes  is  well  known  ;  yet  when  he 
proposed,  in  his  message  to  the  Council  of  Ancients,  to 
give  his  colleague,  under  the  title  of  national  recompense, 
the  price  of  his  obedient  secession,  it  was,  in  the  words  of 
the  message,  a  recompense  worthily  bestowed  on  his  disin- 
terested virtues. l 

While  at  the  Luxembourg  Bonaparte  showed,  by  a 
Consular  act,  his  hatred  of  the  liberty  of  the  press  above 
all  liberties,  for  he  loved  none.  On  the  27th  Nivose  the 
Consuls,  or  rather  the  First  Consul,  published  a  decree, 
the  real  object  of  which  was  evidently  contrary  to  its  im- 
plied object. 

This  decree  stated  that 

The  Consuls  of  the  Republic,  considering  that  some  of  the  jour- 
nals printed  at  Paris  are  instruments  in  the  hands  of  the  enemies  of 
the  Republic,  over  the  safety  of  which  the  Government  is  specially 
entrusted  by  the  people  of  France  to  watch,  decree — 

That  the  Minister  of  Police  shall,  during  the  continuation  of  the 
war,  allow  only  the  following  journals  to  be  printed  and  published, 
viz. — Le  Moniteur-  Universel,  Le  Journal  des  Debate  et  Decrets,  Le 
Journal  de  Paris,  Le  Bien-lnformt,  Le  Publicists,  L'Ami  des  Lois, 
La  Cle  des  Cabinets,  Le  Citoyen  Francois,  La  Gazette  de  Prance,  Lt 
Journal  des  Hommes  Libres,  Le  Journal  du  Soir  by  the  brothers 
Chaigneau,  Lt  Journal  des  Defenseurs  de  la  Patrie,  La  Decada 

1  M.  de  Bourrienne  misses  the  humour  of  this. 


1800.        SWORDS  AND  MUSKETS  OF  HONOUR.          388 

Phflosophique,  and  those  papers  which  are  exclusively  devoted  to 
science,  art,  literature,  commerce,  and  advertisements. 

Surely  this  decree  may  well  be  considered  as  prepara- 
tory ;  and  the  fragment  I  have  quoted  may  serve  as  a 
standard  for  measuring  the  greater  part  of  those  acts  by 
which  Bonaparte  sought  to  gain,  for  the  consolidation  of 
his  power,  what  he  seemed  to  be  seeking  solely  for  the 
interest  of  the  friends  of  the  Republic.  The  limitation  to 
the  period  of  the  continuance  of  the  war  had  also  a  certain 
provisional  air  which  afforded  hope  for  the  future.  But 
everything  provisional  is,  in  its  nature,  very  elastic  ;  and 
Bonaparte  knew  how  to  draw  it  out  ad  infinitum.  The 
decree,  moreover,  enacted  that  if  any  of  the  uncondemned 
journals  should  insert  articles  against  the  sovereignty  of  the 
people  they  would  be  immediately  suppressed.  In  truth, 
great  indulgence  was  shown  on  this  point,  even  after  the 
Emperor's  coronation. 

The  presentation  of  swords  and  muskets  of  honour  also 
originated  at  the  Luxembourg;  and  this  practice  was, 
without  doubt,  a  preparatory  step  to  the  foundation  of 
the  Legion  of  Honour.1  A  grenadier  sergeant,  named 
Leon  Aune,  who  had  been  included  in  the  first  distribu- 
tion, easily  obtained  permission  to  write  to  the  First  Con- 
sul to  thank  him.  Bonaparte,  wishing  to  answer  him 
in  his  own  name,  dictated  to  me  the  following  letter  for 
Aune : — 

I  have  received  your  letter,  my  brave  comrade.  You  needed  not 
to  hare  told  me  of  your  exploits,  for  you  are  the  bravest  grenadier 
in  the  whole  army  since  the  death  of  Benezete.  You  received  one 
of  the  hundred  sabres  I  distributed  to  the  army,  and  all  agreed  you 
most  deserved  it. 

I  wish  very  much  again  to  «ee  you.  Th*  War  MinisUr  lends  you 
an  order  to  come  to  Paris. 


1  "Armes  <fhonneur"  decreed  25th  December  1799,  muskets  for  infantry,  car- 
bines for  cavalry,  grenades  for  artillery,  swords  for  the  officers.  Gourion  St.  Cyt 
received  the  first  sword  ( Thiers,  tome  i.  p.  126). 


340         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

This  wheedling  -wonderfully  favoured  Bonaparte's  de- 
signs. His  letter  to  Aune  could  not  fail  to  be  circulated 
through  the  army.  A  sergeant  called  my  brave  comrade  by 
the  First  Consul — the  First  General  of  France !  Who  but 
a  thorough  Republican,  the  stanch  friend  of  equality, 
would  have  done  this  ?  This  was  enough  to  wind  up  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  army.  At  the  same  time  it  must  be 
confessed  that  Bonaparte  began  to  find  the  Luxembourg 
too  little  for  him,  and  preparations  were  set  on  foot  at  the 
Tuileries. 

Still  this  great  step  towards  the  re-establishment  of  the 
monarchy  was  to  be  cautiously  prepared.  It  was  impor- 
tant to  do  away  with  the  idea  that  none  but  a  king  could 
occupy  the  palace  of  our  ancient  kings.  What  was  to  be 
done?  A  very  fine  bust  of  Brutus  had  been  brought 
from  Italy.  Brutus  was  the  destroyer  of  tyrants  !  This 
was  the  very  thing  ;  and  David  was  commissioned  to 
place  it  in  a  gallery  of  the  Tuileries.  Could  there  be  a 
greater  proof  of  the  Consul's  horror  of  tyranny  ? 

To  sleep  at  the  Tuileries,  in  the  bedchamber  of  the 
kings  of  France,  was  all  that  Bonaparte  wanted  ;  the  rest 
would  follow  in  due  course.  He  was  willing  to  be  satis- 
fied with  establishing  a  principle  the  consequences  of  which 
were  to  be  afterwards  deduced.  Hence  the  affectation  of 
never  inserting  in  official  acts  the  name  of  the  Tuileries, 
but  designating  that  place  as  the  Palace  of  the  Govern- 
ment. The  first  preparations  were  modest,  for  it  did  not 
become  a  good  Republican  to  be  fond  of  pomp.  Accord- 
ingly Lecomte,  who  was  at  that  time  architect  of  the  Tui- 
leries, merely  received  orders  to  clean  the  Palace,  an  ex- 
pression which  might  bear  more  than  one  meaning,  after 
the  meetings  which  had  been  there.  For  this  purpose 
the  sum  of  500,000  francs  was  sufficient.  Bonaparte's 
drift  was  to  conceal,  as  far  as  possible,  the  importance  he 
attached  to  the  change  of  his  Consular  domicile.  But  lit- 
tle expense  was  requisite  for  fitting  up  apartments  for 


1800.  STATUES  IN  THE  TUILERIES.  341 


the  First  Consul.  Simple  ornaments,  such  as  marbles 
and  statues,  were  to  decorate  the  Palace  of  the  Govern- 
ment. 

Nothing  escaped  Bonaparte's  consideration.  Thus  it 
was  not  merely  at  hazard  that  he  selected  the  statues  of 
great  men  to  adorn  the  gallery  of  the  Tuileries.  Among 
the  Greeks  he  made  choice  of  Demosthenes  and  Alexan- 
der, thus  rendering  homage  at  once  to  the  genius  of  elo- 
quence and  the  genius  of  victory.  The  statue  of  Hanni- 
bal was  intended  to  recall  the  memory  of  Rome's  most 
formidable  enemy  ;  and  Eome  herself  was  represented  in 
the  Consular  Palace  by  the  statues  of  Scipio,  Cicero,  Cato, 
Brutus  and  Caesar — the  victor  and  the  immolator  being 
placed  side  by  side.  Among  the  great  men  of  modern 
times  he  gave  the  first  place  to  Gustavus  Adolphus,  and 
the  next  to  Turenne  and  the  great  Conde, — to  Turenne  in 
honour  of  his  military  talent,  and  to  Conde  to  prove  that 
there  was  nothing  fearful  in  the  recollection  of  a  Bourbon. 
The  remembrance  of  the  glorious  days  of  the  French 
navy  was  revived  by  the  statue  of  Duguai  Trouin. 
Marlborough  and  Prince  Eugene  had  also  their  places  in 
the  gallery,  as  if  to  attest  the  disasters  which  marked  the 
close  of  the  great  reign  ;  and  Marshal  Saxe,  to  show  that 
Louis  XV. 's  reign  was  not  without  its  glory.  The  statues 
of  Frederick  and  Washington  were  emblematic  of  false 
philosophy  on  a  throne  and  true  wisdom  founding  a  free 
state.  Finally,  the  names  of  Dugommier,  Dampierre,  and 
Joubert  were  intended  to  bear  evidence  of  the  high  esteem 
which  Bonaparte  cherished  for  his  old  comrades, — those 
illustrious  victims  to  a  cause  which  had  now  ceased  to  be 
his. 

The  reader  has  already  been  informed  of  the  attempts 
made  by  Bonaparte  to  induce  England  and  Austria  to 
negotiate  with  the  Consular  Government,  which  the  King 
of  Prussia  was  the  first  of  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  to 
recognise.  These  attempts  having  proved  unavailing,  it 


342         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

became  necessary  to  carry  on  the  war  with  renewed  vigour, 
and  also  to  explain  why  the  peace,  which  had  been  prom- 
ised at  the  beginning  of  the  Consulate,  was  still  nothing 
but  a  promise.  In  fulfilment  of  these  two  objects  Bona- 
parte addressed  an  energetic  proclamation  to  the  armies, 
which  was  remarkable  for  not  being  followed  by  the  usual 
sacred  words,  "  Vive  la  Republique  !  " 

At  the  same  time  Bonaparte  completed  the  formation  of 
the  Council  of  State,  and  divided  it  into  five  sections  : — 
(1)  The  Interior  ;  (2)  Finance  ;  (3)  Marine  ;  (4)  The  War 
Department ;  (5)  Legislation.  He  fixed  the  salaries  of  the 
Councillors  of  the  State  at  25,000  francs,  and  that  of  the 
Presidents  of  Sections  at  30,000.  He  settled  the  costume 
of  the  Consuls,  the  Ministers,  and  the  different  bodies 
of  the  State.  This  led  to  the  re-introduction  of  velvet, 
which  had  been  banished  with  the  old  regime,  and  the  en- 
couragement of  the  manufactures  of  Lyons  was  the  reason 
alleged  for  employing  this  un-republican  article  in  the 
different  dresses,  such  as  those  of  the  Consuls  and  Minis- 
ters. It  was  Bonaparte's  constant  aim  to  efface  the  Re- 
public, even  in  the  utmost  trifles,  and  to  prepare  matters 
so  well  that  the  customs  and  habits  of  monarchy  being 
restored,  there  should  only  then  remain  a  word  to  be 
changed. 

I  never  remember  to  have  seen  Bonaparte  in  the  Con- 
sular dress,  which  he  detested,  and  which  he  wore  only 
because  duty  required  him  to  do  so  at  public  ceremonies. 
The  only  dress  he  was  fond  of,  and  in  which  he  felt  at  ease, 
was  that  in  which  he  subjugated  the  ancient  Eridanus  and 
the  Nile,  namely,  the  uniform  of  the  Guides,  to  which  corps 
Bonaparte  was  always  sincerely  attached. 

The  masquerade  of  official  dresses  was  not  the  only  one 
which  Bonaparte  summoned  to  the  aid  of  his  policy.  At 
that  period  of  the  year  VHI.  which  corresponded  with  the 
carnival  of  1800,  masques  began  to  be  resumed  at  Paris. 
Disguises  were  all  the  fashion,  and  Bonaparte  favoured  the 


1800.     MASQUERADES,  OFFICIAL  AND  SOCIAL.        343 

revival  of  old  amusements ;  first,  because  they  were  old, 
and  next,  because  they  were  the  means  of  diverting  the 
attention  of  the  people :  for,  as  he  had  established  the 
principle  that  on  the  field  of  battle  it  is  necessary  to  divide 
the  enemy  in  order  to  beat  him,  he  conceived  it  no  less 
advisable  to  divert  the  people  in  order  to  enslave  them. 
Bonaparte  did  not  say  panem  et  circenses,  for  I  believe  his 
knowledge  of  Latin  did  not  extend  even  to  that  well-known 
phrase  of  Juvenal,  but  he  put  the  maxim  in  practice.  He 
accordingly  authorised  the  revival  of  balls  at  the  opera, 
which  they  who  lived  during  that  period  of  the  Consulate 
know  was  an  important  event  in  Paris.  Some  gladly 
viewed  it  as  a  little  conquest  in  favour  of  the  old  regime  ; 
and  others,  who  for  that  very  reason  disapproved  it,  were 
too  shallow  to  understand  the  influence  of  little  over  great 
things.  The  women  and  the  young  men  did  not  bestow 
a  thought  on  the  subject,  but  yielded  willingly  to  the  at- 
tractions of  pleasure.  Bonaparte,  who  was  delighted  at 
having  provided  a  diversion  for  the  gossiping  of  the  Pari- 
sian salons,  said  to  me  one  day,  "  While  they  are  chatting 
about  all  this,  they  do  not  babble  upon  politics,  and  that 
is  what  I  want.  Let  them  dance  and  amuse  themselves  as 
long  as  they  do  not  thrust  their  noses  into  the  Councils  of 
the  Government ;  besides,  Bourrienne,"  added  he,  "I  have 
other  reasons  for  encouraging  this,  I  see  other  advantages 
in  it.  Trade  is  languishing  ;  Fouche  tells  me  that  there 
are  great  complaints.  This  will  set  a  little  money  in  cir- 
culation ;  besides,  I  am  on  my  guard  about  the  Jacobins. 
Everything  is  not  bad,  because  it  is  not  new.  I  prefer  the 
opera-balls  to  the  saturnalia  of  the  Goddess  of  Reason.  I 
was  never  so  enthusiastically  applauded  as  at  the  last 
parade." 

A  Consular  decision  of  a  different  and  more  important 
nature  had,  shortly  before,  namely,  at  the  commencement 
of  Nivose,  brought  happiness  to  many  families.  Bonaparte, 
as  every  one  knows,  had  prepared  the  events  of  the  18th 


844         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

Fructidor  that  he  might  have  some  plausible  reasons  for 
overthrowing  the  Directory.  The  Directory  being  over- 
thrown, he  was  now  anxious,  at  least  in  part,  to  undo  what 
he  had  done  on  the  18th  Fructidor.  He  therefore  ordered 
a  report  on  the  persons  exiled  to  be  presented  to  him  by 
the  Minister  of  Police.  In  consequence  of  this  report  he 
authorised  forty  of  them  to  return  to  France,  placing  them 
under  the  observation  of  the  Police  Minister,  and  assigning 
them  their  place  of  residence.  However,  they  did  not  long 
remain  under  these  restrictions,  and  many  of  them  were 
soon  called  to  fill  high  places  in  the  Government.  It  was 
indeed  natural  that  Bonaparte,  still  wishing,  at  least  in 
appearance,  to  found  his  government  on  those  principles 
of  moderate  republicanism  which  had  caused  their  exile, 
should  invite  them  to  second  his  views. 

Barrere  wrote  a  justificatory  letter  to  the  First  Consul, 
who,  however,  took  no  notice  of  it,  for  he  could  not  get  so 
far  as  to  favour  Barrere.  Thus  did  Bonaparte  receive  into 
the  Councils  of  the  Consulate  the  men  who  had  been  exiled 
by  the  Directory,  just  as  he  afterwards  appointed  the  emi- 
grants and  those  exiles  of  the  Kevolution  to  high  offices 
under  the  Empire.  The  time  and  the  men  alone  dif- 
fered ;  the  intention  in  both  cases  was  the  same. 


1800.  346 


CHAPTER  XXX. 
1800. 

Bonaparte  and  Paul  I. — Lord  Whitworth — Baron  Sprengporten's  arrival 
at  Paris — Paul's  admiration  of  Bonaparte — Their  close  connection 
and  correspondence — The  royal  challenge — General  Mack — The  road 
to  Malmaison — Attempts  at  assassination — Death  of  Washington — 
National  mourning — Ambitious  calculation — M.  de  Fontanes,  the 
skilful  orator — Fete  at  the  Temple  of  Mars — Murat's  marriage  with 
Caroline  Bonaparte — Madame  Bonaparte's  pearls. 

THE  first  communications  between  Bonaparte  and  Paul  I. 
commenced  a  short  time  after  his  accession  to  the  Consu- 
late. Affairs  then  began  to  look  a  little  less  unfavourable  for 
France  ;  already  vague  reports  from  Switzerland  and  the 
banks  of  the  Rhine  indicated  a  coldness  existing  between 
the  Eussians  and  the  Austrians  ;  and  at  the  same  time, 
symptoms  of  a  misunderstanding  between  the  Courts  of 
London  and  St.  Petersburg  began  to  be  perceptible.  The 
First  Consul,  having  in  the  meantime  discovered  the 
chivalrous  and  somewhat  eccentric  character  of  Paul  I., 
thought  the  moment  a  propitious  one  to  attempt  breaking 
the  bonds  which  united  Russia  and  England.  He  was  not 
the  man  to  allow  so  fine  an  opportunity  to  pass,  and  he 
took  advantage  of  it  with  his  usual  sagacity.  The  Eng- 
lish had  some  time  before  refused  to  include  in  a  cartel 
for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  7000  Russians  taken  in  Hol- 
land. Bonaparte  ordered  them  all  to  be  armed,  and 
clothed  in  new  uniforms  appropriate  to  the  corps  to  which 
they  had  belonged,  and  sent  them  back  to  Russia,  without 
ransom,  without  exchange,  or  any  condition  whatever. 
This  judicious  munificence  was  not  thrown  away.  Paul 


340         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

showed  himself  deeply  sensible  of  it,  and  closely  allied  as 
as  he  had  lately  been  with  England,  he  now,  all  at  once, 
declared  himself  her  enemy.  This  triumph  of  policy  de- 
lighted the  First  Consul. 

Thenceforth  the  Consul  and  the  Czar  became  the  best 
friends  possible.  They  strove  to  outdo  each  other  in  pro- 
fessions of  friendship  ;  and  it  may  be  believed  that  Bona- 
parte did  not  fail  to  turn  this  contest  of  politeness  to  his 
own  advantage.  He  so  well  worked  upon  the  mind  of 
Paul  that  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  direct  influence 
over  the  Cabinet  of  St.  Petersburg. 

Lord  Whitworth,  at  that  time  the  English  ambassador 
in  Russia,  was  ordered  to  quit  the  capital  without  delay, 
and  to  retire  to  Riga,  which  then  became  the  focus  of  the 
intrigues  of  the  north  which  ended  in  the  death  of  Paul. 
The  English  ships  were  seized  in  all  the  ports,  and,  at  the 
pressing  instance  of  the  Czar,  a  Prussian  army  menaced 
Hanover.  Bonaparte  lost  no  time,  and,  profiting  by  the 
friendship  manifested  towards  him  by  the  inheritor  of 
Catherine's  power,  determined  to  make  that  friendship 
subservient  to  the  execution  of  the  vast  plan  which  he  had 
long  conceived :  he  meant  to  undertake  an  expedition  by 
land  against  the  English  colonies  in  the  East  Indies. 

The  arrival  of  Baron  Sprengporten  at  Paris  caused  great 
satisfaction  among  the  partisans  of  the  Consular  Govern- 
ment, that  is  to  say,  almost  every  one  in  Paris.  M.  Spreng- 
porten was  a  native  of  Swedish  Finland.  He  had  been 
appointed  by  Catherine  chamberlain  and  lieutenant-gen- 
eral of  her  forces,  and  he  was  not  less  in  favour  with  Paul, 
who  treated  him  in  the  most  distinguished  manner.  He 
came  on  an  extraordinary  mission,  being  ostensibly  clothed 
with  the  title  of  plenipotentiary,  and  at  the  same  time  ap- 
pointed confidential  Minister  to  the  Consul.  Bonaparte 
was  extremely  satisfied  with  the  ambassador  whom  Paul 
had  selected,  and  with  the  manner  in  which  he  described 
the  Emperor's  gratitude  for  the  generous  conduct  of  the 


1800.          FRIENDSHIP  OF  THE  GZAR  PAUL.  347 

First  Consul.  M.  Sprengporten  did  not  conceal  the  ex- 
tent of  Paul's  dissatisfaction  with  his  allies.  The  bad 
issue,  he  said,  of  the  war  with  France  had  already  dis- 
posed the  Czar  to  connect  himself  with  that  power,  when 
the  return  of  his  troops  at  once  determined  him. 

We  could  easily  perceive  that  Paul  placed  great  confi- 
dence in  M.  Sprengporten.  As  he  had  satisfactorily  dis- 
charged the  mission  with  which  he  had  been  entrusted, 
Paul  expressed  pleasure  at  his  conduct  in  several  friendly 
and  flattering  letters,  which  Sprengporten  always  allowed 
us  to  read.  No  one  could  be  fonder  of  France  than  he 
was,  and  he  ardently  desired  that  his  first  negotiations 
might  lead  to  a  long  alliance  between  the  Russian  and 
French  Governments.  The  autograph  and  very  frequent 
correspondence  between  Bonaparte  and  Paul  passed 
through  his  hands.  I  read  all  Paul's  letters,  which  were 
remarkable  for  the  frankness  with  which  his  affection  for 
Bonaparte  was  expressed.  His  admiration  of  the  First 
Consul  was  so  great  that  no  courtier  could  have  written  in 
a  more  flattering  manner. 

This  admiration  was  not  feigned  on  the  part  of  the  Em- 
peror  of  Russia :  it  was  no  less  sincere  than  ardent,  and 
of  this  he  soon  gave  proofs.  The  violent  hatred  he  had 
conceived  towards  the  English  Government  induced  him 
to  defy  to  single  combat  every  monarch  who  would  not  de- 
clare war  against  England  and  shut  his  ports  against  Eng- 
lish ships.  He  inserted  a  challenge  to  the  King  of  Den- 
mark in  the  St.  Petersburg  Court  Gazette;  but  not  choos- 
ing to  apply  officially  to  the  Senate  of  Hamburg  to  order 
its  insertion  in  the  Correspondant,  conducted  by  M.  Stover, 
he  sent  the  article,  through  Count  Pahlen,  to  M.  Schramm, 
a  Hamburg  merchant.  The  Count  told  M.  Schramm  that 
the  Emperor  would  be  much  pleased  to  see  the  article  of 
the  St.  Petersburg  Court  Gazette  copied  into  the  Correspond- 
ant; and  that  if  it  should  be  inserted,  he  wished  to  have  a 
dozen  copies  of  the  paper  printed  on  vellum,  and  sent  to 


348         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTK       1800. 

him  by  an  extraordinary  courier.  It  was  Paul's  intention 
to  send  a  copy  to  every  sovereign  in  Europe  ;  but  this 
piece  of  folly,  after  the  manner  of  Charles  XII.,  led  to  no 
further  results. 

Bonaparte  never  felt  greater  satisfaction  in  the  whole 
course  of  his  life  than  he  experienced  from  Paul's  enthusi- 
asm for  him.  The  friendship  of  a  sovereign  seemed  to 
him  a  step  by  which  he  was  to  become  a  sovereign  him- 
self. At  the  same  time  the  affairs  of  La  Vendee  began  to 
assume  a  better  aspect,  and  he  hoped  soon  to  effect  that 
pacification  in  the  interior  which  he  so  ardently  desired.1 

1  This  account  agrees  precisely  with  the  following,  dictated  by  Napoleon  himself 
at  St.  Helena  :— 

•'  The  Emperor  Paul  had  succeeded  the  Empress  Catherine.  Half  frantic  with  his 
hostility  to  the  French  Revolution,  he  had  performed  what  his  mother  had  contented 
herself  with  promising ;  and  engaged  in  the  second  coalition.  General  Snwarrow,  at 
the  head  of  60,000  Russians,  advanced  into  Italy,  whilst  another  Russian  army  en- 
tered Switzerland,  and  a  corps  of  15,000  men  was  placed  by  the  Czar  at  the  disposal 
of  the  Duke  of  York,  for  the  purpose  of  conquering  Holland.  These  were  all  the 
disposable  forces  the  Russian  Empire  had.  Suwarrow,  although  victorious  at  the 
battles  of  Cassano.  the  Trebbia,  and  Novi,  had  lost  half  his  army  in  the  St.  Gothard, 
and  the  different  valleys  of  Switzerland,  after  the  battle  of  Zurich,  in  which  Korsa- 
kow  had  been  taken.  Paul  then  became  sensible  of  all  the  imprudence  of  his  con- 
duct ;  and  in  1800  Suwarrow  returned  to  Russia  with  scarcely  a  fourth  of  his  army. 
The  Emperor  Paul  complained  bitterly  of  having  lost  the  flower  of  his  troops,  who 
had  neither  been  seconded  by  the  Austrians  nor  by  the  English.  He  reproached  the 
Cabinet  of  Vienna  with  having  refused,  after  the  conquest  of  Piedmont,  to  replace 
the  King  of  Sardinia  upon  his  throne,  with  being  destitute  of  grand  and  generous 
ideas,  and  wholly  governed  by  calculation  and  interested  views.  He  also  complained 
that  the  English,  when  they  took  Malta,  instead  of  reinstating  the  Order  of  St.  John 
of  Jerusalem,  and  restoring  that  island  to  the  knights,  had  appropriated  it  to  them- 
selves. The  First  Consul  did  all  in  his  power  to  cherish  these  seeds  of  discontent, 
and  to  make  them  productive.  A  little  after  the  battle  of  Marengo  he  found  means 
to  flatter  the  lively  and  impetuous  imagination  of  the  Czar  by  sending  him  the  sword 
which  Pope  Leo  X.  had  given  to  1'Ile  Adam  as  a  memorial  of  his  satisfaction  for  hav- 
ing defended  Rhodes  against  the  infidels.  From  eight  to  ten  thousand  Russian  sol- 
diers had  been  made  prisoners  in  Italy,  at  Zurich,  and  in  Holland  :  the  First  Consul 
proposed  their  exchange  to  the  English  and  Austrians,  both  refused  ;  the  Austrians, 
because  there  were  still  many  of  their  people  prisoners  in  France ;  and  the  English, 
although  they  had  a  great  number  of  French  prisoners,  because,  as  they  said,  this 
proposal  was  contrary  to  their  principles.  '  What  1 '  it  was  said  to  the  Cabinet  of  St. 
James,  '  do  you  refuse  to  exchange  even  the  Russians,  who  were  taken  in  Holland, 
fighting  in  your  own  ranks  under  the  Duke  of  York  ? '  And  to  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna 
it  was  observed,  'How  !  do  you  refuse  to  restore  to  their  country  those  men  of  the 
north  to  whom  you  are  indebted  for  the  victories  of  the  Trebbia,  and  Novi,  and  for 
your  conquests  in  Italy,  and  who  have  left  in  your  hands  a  multitude  of  French 
prisoners  taken  by  them  ?  Such  injustice  excites  my  indignation,'  said  the  Firs'- 


1800.     RETURN  OF  THE  RUSSIAN  PRISONERS.        349 

It  was  during  the  First  Consul's  residence  at  the  Lux- 
embourg that  the  first  report  on  the  civil  code  was  made 
to  the  legislative  body.  It  was  then,  also,  that  the  regu- 
lations for  the  management  of  the  Bank  of  France  were 
adopted,  and  that  establishment  so  necessary  to  France 
was  founded. 

There  was  at  this  time  in  Paris  a  man  who  has  acquired 
an  unfortunate  celebrity,  the  most  unlucky  of  modern  gen- 
erals— in  a  word,  General  Mack.  I  should  not  notice  that 
person  here  were  it  not  for  the  prophetic  judgment  which 
Bonaparte  then  pronounced  on  him.  Mack  had  been 
obliged  to  surrender  himself  at  Championnet  some  time 
before  our  landing  at  Frejus.  He  was  received  as  a  pris- 
oner of  war,  and  the  town  of  Dijon  had  been  appointed 
his  place  of  residence,  and  there  he  remained  until  after 
the  18th  Brumaire.  Bonaparte,  now  Consul,  permitted 

Consul.  '  Well !  I  will  restore  them  to  the  Czar  without  exchange  ;  he  shall  see  how 
I  esteem  brave  men.'  The  Russian  officers  who  were  prisoners  immediately  received 
their  swords,  and  the  troops  of  that  nation  were  assembled  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  where 
they  were  soon  completely  new  clothed,  and  furnished  with  good  arms  of  French 
manufacture.  A  Russian  general  was  instructed  to  organize  them  in  battalions  and 
regiments.  This  blow  struck  at  once  at  London  and  St.  Petersburg.  Paul,  attacked 
in  so  many  different  directions,  gave  way  to  his  enthusiastic  temper,  and  attached 
himself  to  France  with  all  the  ardour  of  his  character.  He  despatched  a  letter  to 
the  First  Consul,  in  which  he  said,  '  Citizen,  First  Consul,  I  do  not  write  to  you  to 
discuss  the  rights  of  men  or  citizens :  every  country  governs  itself  as  it  pleases. 
Wherever  I  see  at  the  head  of  a  nation  a  man  who  knows  how  to  rule  and  how  to 
fight,  my  heart  is  attracted  towards  him.  I  write  to  acquaint  you  of  my  dissatisfac- 
tion with  England,  who  violates  every  article  of  the  law  of  nations,  and  has  no  guide 
but  her  egotism  and  interest.  I  wish  to  unite  with  you  to  put  an  end  to  the  unjust 
proceedings  of  that  Government.' 

"  In  the  beginning  of  December  1800  General  Sprengporten,  a  Finlander,  who  had 
entered  the  Russian  service,  and  who  in  his  heart  was  attached  to  France,  arrived 
at  Paris.  He  brought  letters  from  the  Emperor  Paul,  and  was  instructed  to  take  the 
command  of  the  Russian  prisoners,  and  to  conduct  them  to  their  country.  All  the 
officers  of  that  nation  who  returned  to  Russia  constantly  spoke  in  the  highest  terms 
of  the  kind  treatment  and  attention  they  had  met  with  in  France,  particularly  after 
the  arrival  of  the  First  Consul.  The  correspondence  between  the  Emperor  and  Na- 
poleon soon  became  daily  ;  they  treated  directly  on  the  most  important  interests,  and 
on  the  means  of  humbling  the  English  power.  General  Sprengporten  wag  not  in- 
structed to  make  peace  ;  he  had  no  powers  for  that  purpose ;  neither  was  he  an  am- 
bassador ;  peace  did  not  exist.  It  was  therefore  an  extraordinary  mission,  which 
allowed  of  this  general's  being  treated  with  every  distinction  calculated  to  gratify  the 
sovereign  who  had  sent  him,  without  the  potwibilty  of  the  occurrence  of  any  incon- 
venience from  such  attentions"  (A'apoleoti's  Memoirs). 


350         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

him  to  come  to  Paris,  and  to  reside  there  on  his  parrle. 
He  applied  for  leave  to  go  to  Vienna,  pledging  himself  to 
return  again  a  prisoner  to  France  if  the  Emperor  Francis 
would  not  consent  to  exchange  him  for  Generals  Perignon 
and  Grouchy,  then  prisoners  in  Austria.  His  request  was 
not  granted,  but  his  proposition  was  forwarded  to  Vienna. 
The  Court  of  Vienna  refused  to  accede  to  it,  not  placing 
perhaps  so  much  importance  on  the  deliverance  of  Mack 
as  he  had  flattered  himself  it  would.1 

Bonaparte  speaking  to  me  of  him  one  day  said,  "Mack 
is  a  man  of  the  lowest  mediocrity  I  ever  saw  in  my  life  ; 
he  is  full  of  self-sufficiency  and  conceit,  and  believes  him- 
self equal  to  anything.  He  has  no  talent.  I  should  like 
to  see  him  opposed  some  day  to  one  of  our  good  generals ; 
we  should  then  see  fine  work.  He  is  a  boaster,  and  that 
is  all.  He  is  really  one  of  the  most  silly  men  existing  ; 
and,  besides  all  that,  he  is  unlucky."  "Was  not  this  opinion 
of  Bonaparte,  formed  on  the  past,  fully  verified  by  the 
future  ? 

It  was  at  Malmaison  that  Bonaparte  thus  spoke  of  Gen- 
eral Mack.  That  place  was  then  far  from  resembling  what 

1  Mack  escaped  from  Paris  in  the  month  of  April  1800.  He  afterwards  contrived 
to  excuse  the  faults  which  had  been  imputed  to  him,  and  insinuated  himself  into  the 
good  graces  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria.  By  means  of  boasting,  intriguing,  and  plot- 
ting, he  at  last  succeeded  in  obtaining  employment.  He  constantly  railed  against 
France,  and  spoke  of  nothing  but  his  desire  to  revenge  his  captivity  at  Paris.  Hia 
deeds,  however,  did  not  correspond  with  his  threats.  Every  one  knows  how  he  re- 
venged himself  at  Ulm  in  the  commencement  of  the  campaign  of  1805.  He  would 
infallibly  have  paid  the  forfeit  of  his  head  for  surrendering  that  town  had  not  Bo- 
naparte, then  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  stipulated  for  his  life  in  one  of  the  articles  of 
the  treaty  of  Presburg. — Bourrienne. 

Jomini  is  not  so  hard  upon  Mack's  failure  as  some  of  the  non-military  writers.  At 
tome  ii.  p.  130.  he  says,  "Posterity,  with  more  information  than  we  have  on  tha 
combinations  of  Mack  and  of  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna,  will  allot  to  each  of  them  their 
share  of  the  blame.  It  has  been  said  that  Mack  had  in  his  army  a  powerful  party 
disliking  him,  that  he  was  thwarted  and  badly  obeyed,  and  that  his  army  was  scat- 
tered against  his  own  wishes.  This  is  quite  possible,  but  a  commander- in-chief  ought 
not  to  consent  to  be  the  instrument  of  the  ruin  of  his  army.  When  placed  betwixt 
dishonour  and  glory,  between  the  safety  of  the  State  and  the  loss  of  his  army,  he 
should  know  how  to  act  a  worthy  part."  There  is  no  mention  of  Mack  in  the  treaty 
of  Presburg  (unless  in  a  secret  article).  He  was  condemned  to  death,  but  only  im 
prisoned  for  two  years. 


1800.  FETE  AT  THE  TEMPLE  OF  MARS.  351 

it  afterwards  became,  and  the  road  to  it  was  neither  pleas- 
ant nor  sure.  There  was  not  a  house  on  the  road  ;  and 
in  the  evening,  during  the  season  when  we  were  there,  it 
was  not  frequented  all  the  way  from  St.  Germain.  Those 
numerous  vehicles,  which  the  demands  of  luxury  and  an 
increasing  population  have  created,  did  not  then,  as  now, 
pass  along  the  roads  in  the  environs  of  Paris.  Everywhere 
the  road  was  solitary  and  dangerous  ;  and  I  learned  with 
certainty  that  many  schemes  were  laid  for  carrying  off  the 
First  Consul  during  one  of  his  evening  journeys.1  They 
were  unsuccessful,  and  orders  were  given  to  enclose  the 
quarries,  which  were  too  near  to  the  road.  On  Saturday 
evening  Bonaparte  left  the  Luxembourg,  and  afterwards 
the  Tuileries,  to  go  to  Malmaison,  and  I  cannot  better  ex- 
press the  joy  he  then  appeared  to  experience  than  by  com- 
paring it  to  the  delight  of  a  school-boy  on  getting  a  holiday. 
Before  removing  from  the  Luxembourg  to  the  Tuileries 
Bonaparte  determined  to  dazzle  the  eyes  of  the  Parisians 
by  a  splendid  ceremony.  He  had  appointed  it  to  take 
place  on  the  decadi,  Pluviose  20  (9th  February  1800),  that 
is  to  say,  ten  days  before  his  final  departure  from  the  old 
Directorial  palace.  These  kinds  of  fetes  did  not  resemble 
what  they  afterwards  became  ;  their  attraction  consisted 
in  the  splendour  of  military  dress  :  and  Bonaparte  was 
always  sure  that  whenever  he  mounted  his  horse,  sur- 
rounded by  a  brilliant  staff  from  which  he  was  to  be 
distinguished  by  the  simplicity  of  his  costume,  his  path 

1  Among  the  various  attempts  on  the  life  of  Bonaparte  which  are  said  to  have  been 
made  at  this  period  the  following  is  mentioned  by  Constant  : — 

"Some  repairs  and  embellishments  were  required  in  the  fireplaces  of  the  First 
Consul's  apartments  at  Malmaison.  Among  the  workmen  who  were  sent  to  execute 
these  repairs  there  were  some  fellows  of  suspicious  appearance  and  manner,  who,  it 
was  conjectured,  were  bribed  by  conspirators.  This  supposition  proved  but  too  well 
founded.  When  the  apartments  were  ready  for  the  reception  of  the  First  Consul 
there  was  found  on  his  desk  a  snuff-box  precisely  resembling  one  of  those  which  he 
was  in  the  habit  of  using.  It  was  at  first  supposed  that  the  box  had  been  acciden- 
tally left  there  by  one  of  the  valets ;  but  the  suspicions  excited  by  the  equivocal  ap- 
pearance of  some  of  the  workmen  having  acquired  additional  confirmation,  it  wag 
deemed  advisable  to  analyse  the  snuff.  It  was  discovered  to  be  poisoned." 


352         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 


would  be  crowded  and  himself  greeted  with  acclamations 
by  the  people  of  Paris.  The  object  of  ikisfcte  was  at  first 
only  to  present  to  the  Hotel  des  Invalides,  then  called  the 
Temple  of  Mars,  seventy-two  flags  taken  from  the  Turks 
in  the  battle  of  Aboukir  and  brought  from  Egypt  to  Paris ; 
but  intelligence  of  Washington's  death,  who  expired  on 
the  14th  of  December  1799,  having  reached  Bonaparte,  he 
eagerly  took  advantage  of  that  event  to  produce  more  effect, 
and  mixed  the  mourning  cypress  with  the  laurels  he  had 
collected  in  Egypt. 

Bonaparte  did  not  feel  much  concerned  at  the  death  of 
Washington,  that  noble  founder  of  rational  freedom  in  the 
new  world  ;  but  it  afforded  him  an  opportunity  to  mask 
his  ambitious  projects  under  the  appearance  of  a  love  of 
liberty.  In  thus  rendering  honour  to  the  memory  of 
Washington  everybody  would  suppose  that  Bonaparte  in- 
tended to  imitate  his  example,  and  that  their  two  names 
would  pass  in  conjunction  from  mouth  to  mouth.  A 
clever  orator  might  be  employed,  who,  while  pronouncing 
a  eulogium  on  the  dead,  would  contrive  to  bestow  some 
praise  on  the  living ;  and  when  the  people  were  applaud- 
ing his  love  of  liberty  he  would  find  himself  one  step  nearer 
the  throne,  on  which  his  eyes  were  constantly  fixed.  When 
the  proper  time  arrived,  he  would  not  fail  to  seize  the 
crown  ;  and  would  still  cry,  if  necessary,  "  Vive  la  Li- 
berte  !  "  while  placing  it  on  his  imperial  head. 

The  skilful  orator  was  found.  M.  de  Fontanes1  was  com- 
missioned to  pronounce  the  funeral  eulogium  on  Washing- 
ton, and  the  flowers  of  eloquence  which  he  scattered  about 
did  not  all  fall  on  the  hero  of  America. 

Lannes"  was  entrusted  by  Bonaparte  with  the  presenta- 

1  L.  de  Fontanes  (17S7-18S1)  became  president  of  the  Corps  L6gislatif,  Senator, 
and  Grand  Master  of  the  University.  He  was  the  centre  of  the  literary  group  of  the 
Empire. 

a  Jean  Lannes  (1769-1809),  named  Colonel  by  Napoleon  on  the  field  of  Millesimo ; 
Marshal,  1804 ;  Duo  de  Montebello.  Took  Saragosss.  Died  of  wounds  eight  dtgrs 
after  the  battle  of  Essling. 


1800.  CAREER  OF  MURAT.  353 

tion  of  the  flags ;  and  on  the  20th  Pluviose  he  proceeded, 
accompanied  by  strong  detachments  of  the  cavalry  then  in 
Paris,  to  the  council-hall  of  the  Invalides,  where  he  was 
met  by  the  Minister  of  War,  who  received  the  colours. 
All  the  Ministers,  the  councillors  of  State,  and  generals 
were  summoned  to  the  presentation.  Lannes  pronounced 
a  discourse,  to  which  Berthier  replied,  and  M.  de  Fontanes 
added  his  well-managed  eloquence  to  the  plain  military 
oratory  of  the  two  generals.  In  the  interior  of  this  mili- 
tary temple  a  statue  of  Mars  sleeping  had  been  placed,  and 
from  the  pillars  and  roof  were  suspended  the  trophies  of 
Denain,  Fontenoy,  and  the  campaign  of  Italy,  which  would 
still  have  decorated  that  edifice  had  not  the  demon  of  con- 
quest possessed  Bonaparte.  Two  Invalides,  each  said  to  be 
a  hundred  years  old,  stood  beside  the  Minister  of  War  ; 
and  the  bust  of  the  emancipator  of  America  was  placed 
under  the  trophy  composed  of  the  flags  of  Aboukir.  In  a 
word,  recourse  was  had  to  every  sort  of  charlatanism  usual 
on  such  occasions.  In  the  evening  there  was  a  numerous 
assembly  at  the  Luxembourg,  and  Bonaparte  took  much 
credit  to  himself  for  the  effect  produced  on  this  remark- 
able day.  He  had  only  to  wait  ten  days  for  his  removal 
to  the  Tuileries,  and  precisely  on  that  day  the  national 
mourning  for  Washington  was  to  cease,  for  which  a  general 
mourning  for  freedom  might  well  have  been  substituted. 

I  have  said  very  little  about  Murat  in  the  course  of 
these  Memoirs  except  mentioning  the  brilliant  part  he 
performed  in  several  battles.  Having  now  arrived  at  the 
period  of  his  marriage  with  one  of  Napoleon's  sisters  I 
take  the  opportunity  of  returning  to  the  interesting  events 
which  preceded  that  alliance. 

His  fine  and  well-proportioned  form,  his  great  physical 
strength  and  somewhat  refined  elegance  of  manner,  the 
fire  of  his  eye,  and  his  fierce  courage  in  battle,  gave  to 
Murat  rather  the  character  of  one  of  those  preux  cheva- 
liers so  well  described  by  Ariosto  and  Tasso,  than  that  of 
VOL.  I.— 23 


354         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

a  Republican  soldier.  The  nobleness  of  his  look  soon 
made  the  lowness  of  his  birth  be  forgotten.  He  was  affa- 
ble, polished,  gallant ;  and  in  the  field  of  battle  twenty 
men  headed  by  Murat  were  worth  a  whole  regiment. 
Once  only  he  showed  himself  under  the  influence  of  fear,1 
and  the  reader  shall  see  in  what  circumstance  it  was  that 
he  ceased  to  be  himself. 

When  Bonaparte  in  his  first  Italian  campaign  had  forced 
Wilrmser  to  retreat  into  Mantua  with  28,000  men,  he 
directed  Miollis,  with  only  4000  men,  to  oppose  any  sortie 
that  might  be  attempted  by  the  Austrian  general.  In  one 
of  these  sorties  Murat,  who  was  at  the  head  of  a  very  weak 
detachment,  was  ordered  to  charge  Wurmser.  He  was 
afraid,  neglected  to  execute  the  order,  and  in  a  moment 
of  confusion  said  that  he  was  wounded.  Murat  imme- 
diately fell  into  disgrace  with  the  General-in-Chief,  whose 
aide  de  camp  he  was. 

Murat  had  been  previously  sent  to  Paris  to  present  to 
the  Directory  the  first  colours  taken  by  the  French  army 
of  Italy  in  the  actions  of  Dego  and  Mondovi,  and  it  was 
on  this  occasion  that  he  got  acquainted  with  Madame 
Tallien  and  the  wife  of  his  General.  But  he  already  knew 
the  beautiful  Caroline  Bonaparte,  whom  he  had  seen  at 
Rome  in  the  residence  of  her  brother  Joseph,  who  was 
then  discharging  the  functions  of  ambassador  of  the 
Republic.  It  appears  that  Caroline  was  not  even  indiffer- 
ent to  him,  and  that  he  was  the  successful  rival  of  the 
Princess  Santa  Croce's  son,  who  eagerly  sought  the  honour 
of  her  hand.  Madame  Tallien  and  Madame  Bonaparte 
received  with  great  kindness  the  first  aide  de  camp,  and 
as  they  possessed  much  influence  with  the  Directory,  they 
solicited,  and  easily  obtained  for  him,  the  rank  of  briga- 

1  Marshal  Lannes,  so  brave  and  brilliant  in  war  and  so  well  able  to  appreciata 
courage,  one  day  sharply  rebuked  a  colonel  for  having  punished  a  young  officer  just 
arrived  from  school  at  Fontainebleau  because  he  gave  evidence  of  fear  in  his  first 
engagement.  "  Know,  colonel,"  said  he,  "  none  but  a  poltroon  [the  term  was  even 
more  strong]  will  boast  that  he  never  was  afraid."— Bourrienne. 


1800.        BONAPAHTE'S  COOLNESS  TO  MURAT.          355 

dier-general.  It  was  somewhat  remarkable  at  that  time 
for  Murat,  notwithstanding  his  newly-acquired  rank,  to 
remain  Bonaparte's  aide  de  camp,  the  regulations  not 
allowing  a  general-in-chief  an  aide  de  camp  of  higher  rank 
than  chief  of  brigade,  which  was  equal  to  that  of  colonel. 
This  insignificant  act  was,  therefore,  rather  a  hasty  antici- 
pation of  the  prerogatives  everywhere  reserved  to  princes 
and  kings. 

It  was  after  having  discharged  this  'commission  that 
Murat,  on  his  return  to  Italy,  fell  into  disfavour  with  the 
General-in-Chief.  He  indeed  looked  upon  him  with  a  sort 
of  hostile  feeling,  and  placed  him  in  Reille's  division,  and 
afterwards  Baraguay  d'Hilliers' ;  consequently,  when  we 
went  to  Paris,  after  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio,  Murat 
was  not  of  the  party.  But  as  the  ladies,  with  whom  he 
was  a  great  favourite,  were  not  devoid  of  influence  with 
the  Minister  of  War,  Murat  was,  by  their  interest,  attached 
to  the  engineer  corps  in  the  expedition  to  Egypt.  On 
board  the  Orient  he  remained  in  the  most  complete  dis- 
grace. Bonaparte  did  not  address  a  word  to  him  during 
the  passage ;  and  in  Egypt  the  General-in-Chief  always 
treated  him  with  coldness,  and  often  sent  him  from 
the  headquarters  on  disagreeable  services.  However,  the 
General-in-Chief  having  opposed  him  to  Mourad  Bey, 
Murat  performed  such  prodigies  of  valour  in  every 
perilous  encounter  that  he  effaced  the  transitory  stain 
which  a  momentary  hesitation  under  the  walls  of  Mantua 
had  left  on  his  character.  Finally,  Murat  so  powerfully 
contributed  to  the  success  of  the  day  at  Aboukir  that  Bo- 
naparte, glad  to  be  able  to  carry  another  laurel  plucked  in 
Egypt  to  France,  forgot  the  fault  which  had  made  so  un- 
favourable an  impression,  and  was  inclined  to  efface  from 
his  memory  other  things  that  he  had  heard  to  the  disad- 
vantage of  Murat  ;  for  I  have  good  reasons  for  believing, 
though  Bonaparte  never  told  me  so,  that  Murat's  name, 
as  well  as  that  of  Charles,  escaped  from  the  lips  of  Junot 


356         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 


when  he  made  his  indiscreet  communication  to  Bonaparte 
at  the  walls  of  Messoudiah.  The  charge  of  grenadiers, 
commanded  by  Murat  on  the  19th  Brumaire  in  the  hall 
of  the  Five  Hundred,  dissipated  all  the  remaining  traces 
of  dislike  ;  and  in  those  moments  when  Bonaparte's  polit- 
ical views  subdued  every  other  sentiment  of  his  mind,  the 
rival  of  the  Prince  Santa  Croce  received  the  command  of 
the  Consular  Guard.1 

It  may  reasonably  be  supposed  that  Madame  Bonaparte, 
in  endeavouring  to  win  the  friendship  of  Murat  by  aiding 
his  promotion,  had  in  view  to  gain  one  partisan  more  to 
oppose  to  the  family  and  brothers  of  Bonaparte  ;  and  of 
this  kind  of  support  she  had  much  need.  Their  jealous 
hatred  was  displayed  on  every  occasion  ;  and  the  amiable 
Josephine,  whose  only  fault  was  being  too  much  of  the 
woman,  was  continually  tormented  by  sad  presentiments. 
Carried  away  by  the  easiness  of  her  character,  she  did  not 
perceive  that  the  coquetry  which  enlisted  for  her  so  many 
defenders  also  supplied  her  implacable  enemies  with 
weapons  to  use  against  her. 

In  this  state  of  things  Josephine,  who  was  well  con- 
vinced that  she  had  attached  Murat  to  herself  by  the 
bonds  of  friendship  and  gratitude,  and  ardently  desired 
to  see  him  united  to  Bonaparte  by  a  family  connection, 


1  Joachim  Mnrat  (1771-1815),  the  son  of  an  innkeeper,  aide  de  camp  to  Napoleon 
in  Italy,  etc. ;  Marshal,  1804 ;  Prince  in  1805 ;  Grand  Admiral ;  Grand  Due  de 
Berg  et  de  Cleves,  1806 ;  King  of  Naples,  1808.  Shot  by  Bourbons  13th  October 
1815.  Married  Caroline  Bonaparte  (third  sister  of  Napoleon)  20th  January  1800. 

Joseph  was  not  ambassador  till  long  after  the  battle  of  Mondovi,  so  Murat  could 
not  have  met  Caroline  at  his  house  in  Home.  There  are  several  mistakes  in  this 
paragraph  (see  Erreurs,  tome  i.  pp.  6,  259,  312).  Reille,  at  the  time  Bourrienne 
speaks  of,  was  a  captain  on  the  staff  of  Massena,  and  only  became  general  of  division 
in  18(17.  As  Murat  embarked  from  Genoa  for  Egypt  he  was  not  on  board  the  Orient, 
but  on  the  Artemise.  This  asserted  cowardice  of  Murat  is  denied  by  Erreurs  (tome 
i.  p.  6).  See  also  Erreurs  (tome  ii.  p.  61)  giving  details  of  the  series  of  posts  given 
by  Napoleon  to  him  to  prove  that  he  was  not  under  any  disgrace.  Joseph  Bona- 
parte (Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  259)  denies  that  Murat's  name  was  mentioned  in  connec- 
tion with  Josephine's.  It  has  been  already  seen  that  the  conversation  at  Messondiah 
could  not  have  taken  place  ;  see  p.  168,  as  well  as  Erreurs,  tome  i.  pp.  4,  61,  and 
tfAbrantes,  vol.  ii.  p.  82,  eighth  line  from  bottom. 


1800.     MARRIAGE  OF  MURAT  AND   CAROLINE.        357 


favoured  with  all  her  influence  his  marriage  with  Caroline. 
She  was  not  ignorant  that  a  close  intimacy  had  already 
sprung  up  at  Milan  between  Caroline  and  Murat,  and  she 
was  the  first  to  propose  a  marriage.  Murat  hesitated,  and 
went  to  consult  M.  Collot,  who  was  a  good  adviser  in  all 
things^  and  whose  intimacy  with  Bonaparte  had  initiated 
him  into  all  the  secrets  of  the  family.  M.  Collot  advised 
Murat  to  lose  no  time,  but  to  go  to  the  First  Consul  and 
formally  demand  the  hand  of  his  sister.  Murat  followed 
his  advice.  Did  he  do  well  ?  It  was  to  this  step  that  he 
owed  the  throne  of  Naples.  If  he  had  abstained  he  would 
not  have  been  shot  at  Pizzo.  Sed  ipsi  Dei  fata  rumpere 
non  possunt ! 

However  that  might  be,  Bonaparte  received,  more  in 
the  manner  of  a  sovereign  than  of  a  brother  in  arms,  the 
proposal  of  Murat.  He  heard  him  with  unmoved  gravity, 
said  that  he  would  consider  the  matter,  but  gave  no  posi- 
tive answer. 

This  affair  was,  as  may  be  supposed,  the  subject  of 
conversation  in  the  evening  in  the  salon  of  the  Luxem- 
bourg. Madame  Bonaparte  employed  all  her  powers  of 
persuasion  to  obtain  the  First  Consul's  consent,  and  her 
efforts  were  seconded  by  Hortense,  Eugene,  and  myself. 
"  Murat,"  said  he,  among  other  things,  "  Murat  is  an  inn- 
keeper's son.  In  the  elevated  rank  where  glory  and  fort- 
une have  placed  me,  I  never  can  mix  his  blood  with  mine ! 
Besides,  there  is  no  hurry :  I  shall  see  by  and  by."  We 
forcibly  described  to  him  the  reciprocal  affection  of  the 
two  young  people,  and  did  not  fail  to  bring  to  his  obser- 
vation Murat's  devoted  attachment  to  his  person,  his 
splendid  courage  and  noble  conduct  in  Egypt.  "  Yes," 
said  he,  with  warmth,  "I  agree  with  you  ;  Murat  was 
superb  at  Aboukir."  We  did  not  allow  so  favourable  a 
moment  to  pass  by.  We  redoubled  our  entreaties,  and 
at  last  he  consented.  When  we  were  together  in  his 
cabinet  in  the  evening,  "Well,  Bourrienne,"  said  he  to 


358         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

me,  "you  ought  to  be  satisfied,  and  so  am  I,  too,  every- 
thing considered.  Murat  is  suited  to  my  sister,  and  then 
no  one  can  say  that  I  am  proud,  or  seek  grand  alliances. 
If  I  had  given  my  sister  to  a  noble,  all  your  Jacobins 
would  have  raised  a  cry  of  counter-revolution.  Besides, 
I  am  very  glad  that  my  wife  is  interested  in  this  marriage, 
and  you  may  easily  suppose  the  cause.  Since  it  is  deter- 
mined on,  I  will  hasten  it  forward ;  we  have  no  time  to 
lose.  If  I  go  to  Italy  I  will  take  Murat  with  me.  I  must 
strike  a  decisive  blow  there.  Adieu." 

When  I  entered  the  First  Consul's  chamber  at  seven 
o'clock  the  next  day  he  appeared  even  more  satisfied  than 
on  the  preceding  evening  with  the  resolution  he  had  taken. 
I  easily  perceived  that  in  spite  of  all  his  cunning,  he  had 
failed  to  discover  the  real  motive  which  had  induced 
Josephine  to  take  so  lively  an  interest  respecting  Murat's 
marriage  with  Caroline.  Still  Bonaparte's  satisfaction 
plainly  showed  that  his  wife's  eagerness  for  the  marriage 
had  removed  all  doubt  in  his  mind  of  the  falsity  of  the 
calumnious  reports  which  had  prevailed  respecting  her 
intimacy  with  Murat. 

The  marriage  of  Murat  and  Caroline  was  celebrated  at  the 
Luxembourg,  but  with  great  modesty.1  The  First  Consul 
did  not  yet  think  that  his  family  affairs  were  affairs  of  state. 
But  previously  to  the  celebration  a  little  comedy  was  enacted 
in  which  I  was  obliged  to  take  a  part,  and  I  will  relate  how. 

At  the  time  of  the  marriage  of  Murat  Bonaparte  had  not 
much  money,  and  therefore  only  gave  his  sister  a  dowry 
of  30,000  francs. .  Still,  thinking  it  necessary  to  make  her 
a  marriage  present,  and  not  possessing  the  means  to 
purchase  a  suitable  one,  he  took  a  diamond  necklace  which 
belonged  to  his  wife  and  gave  it  to  the  bride.  Josephine 
was  not  at  all  pleased  with  this  robbery,  and  taxed  her 
wits  to  discover  some  means  of  replacing  her  necklace. 

1  The  marriage  of  Murat  was  celebrated  in  the  Commune  of  Plailly,  near  Morte- 
fontaine,  in  the  department  of  the  Oise  (Joseph  in  Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  259). 


1800.  JOSEPHINE  AND  HER  PEARLS.  359 

Josephine  was  aware  that  the  celebrated  jeweller  Foncier 
possessed  a  magnificent  collection  of  fine  pearls  which 
had  belonged,  as  he  said,  to  the  late  Queen,  Marie  An- 
toinette. Having  ordered  them  to  be  brought  to  her  to 
examine  them,  she  thought  there  were  sufficient  to  make 
a  very  fine  necklace.  But  to  make  the  purchase  250,000 
francs  were  required,  and  how  to  get  them  was  the  diffi- 
culty. Madame  Bonaparte  had  recourse  to  Berthier,  who 
was  then  Minister  of  War.  Berthier,  after  biting  his 
nails  according  to  his  usual  habit,  set  about  the  liquida- 
tion of  the  debts  due  for  the  hospital  service  in  Italy  with 
as  much  speed  as  possible  ;  and  as  in  those  days  the  con- 
tractors whose  claims  were  admitted  overflowed  with 
gratitude  towards  their  patrons,  through  whom  they  ob- 
tained payment,  the  pearls  soon  passed  from  Foncier's 
shop  to  the  casket  of  Madame  Bonaparte. 

The  pearls  being  thus  obtained,  there  was  still  another 
difficulty,  which  Madame  Bonaparte  did  not  at  first  think 
of.  How  was  she  to  wear  a  necklace  purchased  without  her 
husband's  knowledge  ?  Indeed  it  was  the  more  difficult 
for  her  to  do  so  as  the  First  Consul  knew  very  well  that 
his  wife  had  no  money,  and  being,  if  I  may  be  allowed  the 
expression,  something  of  the  busybody,  he  knew,  or  be- 
lieved he  knew,  all  Josephine's  jewels.  The  pearls  were 
therefore  condemned  to  remain  more  than  a  fortnight  in 
Madame  Bonaparte's  casket  without  her  daring  to  use 
them.  What  a  punishment  for  a  woman  !  At  length  her 
vanity  overcame  her  prudence,  and  being  unable  to  conceal 
the  jewels  any  longer,  she  one  day  said  to  me,  "Bourrienne, 
there  is  to  be  a  large  party  here  to-morrow,  and  I  abso- 
lutely must  wear  my  pearls.  But  you  know  he  will 
grumble  if  he  notices  them.  I  beg,  Bourrienne,  that  you 
will  keep  near  me.  If  he  asks  me  where  I  got  my  pearls 
I  must  tell  him,  without  hesitation,  that  I  have  had  them 
a  long  time." 

Everything  happened  as  Josephine  feared  and  hoped. 


360         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

Bonaparte,  on  seeing  the  pearls,  did  not  fail  to  say  to 
Madame,  "  What  is  it  you  have  got  there  ?  How  fine  you 
are  to-day  !  Where  did  you  get  these  pearls  ?  I  think  I 
never  saw  them  before." — "  Oh !  mon  Dieu  !  you  have  seen 
them  a  dozen  times  !  It  is  the  necklace  which  the  Cisal- 
pine Republic  gave  me,  and  which  I  now  wear  in  my  hair." 

— "  But  I  think "— "  Stay :  ask  Bourrienne,  he  will  tell 

you." — "  Well,  Bourrienne,  what  do  you  say  to  it?  Do 
you  recollect  the  necklace  ?  " — "  Yes,  General,  I  recollect 
very  well  seeing  it  before."  This  was  not  untrue,  for 
Madame  Bonaparte  had  previously  shown  me  the  pearls. 
Besides,  she  had  received  a  pearl  necklace  from  the 
Cisalpine  Republic,  but  of  incomparably  less  value  than 
that  purchased  from  Foucier.  Josephine  performed  her 
part  with  charming  dexterity,  and  I  did  not  act  amiss 
the  character  of  accomplice  assigned  me  in  this  little 
comedy.  Bonaparte  had  no  suspicions.  When  I  saw  the 
easy  confidence  with  which  Madame  Bonaparte  got 
through  this  scene,  I  could  not  help  recollecting  Suzanne's 
reflection  on  the  readiness  with  which  well-bred  ladies  can 
tell  falsehoods  without  seeming  to  do  so. 


1800.  361 


CHAPTER    XXXL 

1800. 

Police  on  police — False  information — Dexterity  of  Fouche' — Police  agents 
deceived — Money  ill  applied — Inutility  of  political  police — Bonaparte's 
opinion — General  considerations — My  appointment  to  the  Prefecture 
of  police. 

BEFORE  taking  up  his  quarters  in  the  Tuileries  the  First 
Consul  organised  his  secret  police,  which  was  intended,  at 
the  same  time,  to  be  the  rival  or  check  upon  Fouch6's 
police.  Duroc  and  Moncey  were  at  first  the  Directors 
of  this  police ;  afterwards  Davoust  and  Junot.  Madame 
Bonaparte  called  this  business  a  vile  system  of  espionage. 
My  remarks  on  the  inutility  of  the  measure  were  made  in 
vain.  Bonaparte  had  the  weakness  at  once  to  fear  Fouche 
and  to  think  him  necessary.1  Fouche,  whose  talents  at 
this  trade  are  too  well  known  to  need  my  approbation, 
soon  discovered  this  secret  institution,  and  the  names  of 
all  the  subaltern  agents  employed  by  the  chief  agents.  It 
is  difficult  to  form  an  idea  of  the  nonsense,  absurdity,  and 
falsehood  contained  in  the  bulletins  drawn  up  by  the 
noble  and  ignoble  agents  of  the  police.2  I  do  not  mean 
to  enter  into  details  on  this  nauseating  subject ;  and  I 
shall  only  trespass  on  the  reader's  patience  by  relating, 
though  it  be  in  anticipation,  one  fact  which  concerns  my- 
self, and  which  will  prove  that  spies  and  their  wretched 
reports  cannot  be  too  much  distrusted. 

During  the  second  year  of  the  Consulate  we  were  estab- 
lished at  Malmaison.     Junot  had  a  very  large  sum  at  his 

1  Or  the  ability  to  understand  his  man  nnd  still  to  utilise  him  ? — Printer's  Devil. 
1  Bef ereuces  to  the  bad  effect  of  the  secret  police  will  b«  found  in  moat  of  t lie  mo- 


36JJ         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

disposal  for  the  secret  police  of  the  capital.  He  gave  3000 
francs  of  it  to  a  wretched  manufacturer  of  bulletins  ;  the 
remainder  was  expended  on  the  police  of  his  stable  and 
his  table.  In  reading  one  of  these  daily  bulletins  I  saw 
the  following  lines  : — 

"  M.  de  Bourrienne  went  last  night  to  Paris.  He  entered 
an  hdtel  of  the  Faubourg  St.  Germain,  Rue  de  Varenne,  and 
there,  in  the  course  of  a  very  animated  discussion,  he  gave  it 
to  be  understood  that  the  First  Consul  wished  to  make  himself 
King" 

As  it  happens,  I  never  had  opened  my  mouth,  either 
respecting  what  Bonaparte  had  said  to  me  before  we  went 
to  Egypt  or  respecting  his  other  frequent  conversations 
with  me  of  the  same  nature,  during  this  period  of  his  Con- 
sulship. I  may  here  observe,  too,  that  I  never  quitted,  nor 
ever  could  quit  Malmaison  for  a  moment.  At  any  time, 
by  night  or  day,  I  was  subject  to  be  called  for  by  the  First 
Consul,  and,  as  very  often  was  the  case,  it  so  happened 
that  on  the  night  in  question  he  had  dictated  to  me  notes 
and  instructions  until  three  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

Junot  came  every  day  to  Malmaison  at  eleven  o'clock  in 
the  morning.  I  called  him  that  day  into  my  cabinet,  when 
I  happened  to  be  alone.  "  Have  you  not  read  your  bulle- 
tin? "  said  I. — "Yes,  I  have." — "Nay,  that  is  impossible." 
— "Why?" — "Because,  if  you  had,  you  would  have  sup- 
pressed an  absurd  story  which  relates  to  me." — "Ah!" 
he  replied,  "I  am  sorry  on  your  account,  but  lean  depend 
on  my  agent,  and  I  will  not  alter  a  word  of  his  report."  I 
then  told  him  all  that  had  taken  place  on  that  night ;  but 
he  was  obstinate,  and  went  away  unconvinced. 

Every  morning  I  placed  all  the  papers  which  the  First 
Consul  had  to  read  on  his  table,  and  among  the  first  was 
Junot's  report.  The  First  Consul  entered  and  read  it ;  on 

moira  of  the  time  of  Napoleon,  but  nowhere  stronger  than  in  those  of  Savary,  Due  da 
Kovigo,  himself  the  Minister  of  Police  from  1810  to  1814.  See  Savary,  e.g.,  torn* 
T.  p.  29. 


1800.  THE  SECRET  POLICE  AT  FAULT.  363 

coming  to  the  passage  concerning  me  he  began  to  smile. 
"Have  you  read  this  bulletin?" — "Yes,  General." — 
"  What  an  ass  that  Junot  is ! " — "  It  is  a  long  time  since  I 
have  known  that." — "How  he  allows  himself  to  be  en- 
trapped !  Is  he  still  here  ?  " — "  I  believe  so.  I  have  just 
seen  him,  and  made  observations  to  him,  all  in  good  part, 
but  he  would  hear  nothing." — "Tell  him  to  come  here." 
When  Junot  appeared  Bonaparte  began — "Imbecile  that 
you  are  !  how  could  you  send  me  such  reports  as  these  ? 
Do  you  not  read  them  ?  How  shall  I  be  sure  that  you  will 
not  compromise  other  persons  equally  unjustly  ?  I  want 
positive  facts,  not  inventions.  It  is  some  time  since  your 
agent  displeased  me ;  dismiss  him  directly."  Junot  wanted 
to  justify  himself,  but  Bonaparte  cut  him  short — "  Enough ! 
—It  is  settled  !  " 

I  related  what  had  passed  to  Fouche,  who  told  me  that, 
wishing  to  amuse  himself  at  Junot's  expense,  whose  police 
agents  only  picked  up  what  they  heard  related  in  coffee- 
houses, gaming-houses,  and  the  Bourse,  he  had  given  cur- 
rency to  this  absurd  story,  which  Junot  had  credited  and 
reported,  as  he  did  many  other  foolish  tales.  Fouche 
often  caught  the  police  of  the  Palace  in  the  snares  he  laid 
for  them,  and  thus  increased  his  own  credit 

This  circumstance,  and  others  of  the  same  nature,  in- 
duced the  First  Consul  to  attach  less  importance  than  at 
first  he  had  to  his  secret  police,  which  seldom  reported 
anything  but  false  and  silly  stories.  That  wretched  po- 
lice !  During  the  time  I  was  with  him  it  embittered  hia 
life,  and  often  exasperated  him  against  his  wife,  his  rela- 
tions, and  friends.1  Rapp,  who  was  as  frank  as  he  was 
brave,  tells  us  in  his  Memoirs  (p.  233)  that  when  Napoleon, 
during  his  retreat  from  Moscow,  while  before  Smolensko, 
heard  of  the  attempt  of  Mallet,4  he  could  not  get  over  the 

1  Bonrrienne,  it  mast  be  remembered,  was  a  sufferer  from  the  vigilance  of  thig 
police. 
8  For  the  conspiracy  of  Mallet,  see  farther  on  in  this  work,  under  the  year  1812. 


364         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

adventure  of  the  Police  Minister,  Savary,  and  the  Prefect 
of  Police,  Pasquier.  "Napoleon,"  says  Bapp,  "was  not 
surprised  that  these  wretches  (he  means  the  agents  of  the 
police)  who  crowd  the  salons  and  the  taverns,  who  insin- 
uate themselves  everywhere  and  obstruct  everything, 
should  not  have  found  out  the  plot,  but  he  could  not 
understand  the  weakness  of  the  Due  de  Rovigo.  The 
very  police  which  professed  to  divine  everything  had  let 
themselves  be  taken  by  surprise."  The  police  possessed 
no  foresight  or  faculty  of  prevention.  Every  silly  thing 
that  transpired  was  reported  either  from  malice  or  stu- 
pidity. What  was  heard  was  misunderstood  or  distorted 
in  the  recital,  so  that  the  only  result  of  the  plan  was  mis- 
chief and  confusion. 

The  police  as  a  political  engine  is  a  dangerous  thing. 
It  foments  and  encourages  more  false  conspiracies  than  it 
discovers  or  defeats  real  ones.  Napoleon  has  related 
"  that  M.  de  la  Rochefoucauld  formed  at  Paris  a  conspir- 
acy in  favour  of  the  King,  then  at  Mittau,  the  first  act  of 
which  was  to  be  the  death  of  the  Chief  of  the  Government. 
The  plot  being  discovered,  a  trusty  person  belonging  to 
the  police  was  ordered  to  join  it  and  become  one  of  the 
most  active  agents.  He  brought  letters  of  recommenda- 
tion from  an  old  gentleman  in  Lorraine  who  had  held  a 
distinguished  rank  in  the  army  of  Conde."  After  this, 
what  more  can  be  wanted  ?  A  hundred  examples  could  not 
better  show  the  vileness  of  such  a  system.  Napoleon, 
when  fallen,  himself  thus  disclosed  the  scandalous  means 
employed  by  his  Government. 

Napoleon  on  one  occasion,  in  the  Isle  of  Elba,  said  to 
an  officer  who  was  conversing  with  him  about  France, 
"  You  believe,  then,  that  the  police  agents  foresee  every- 
thing and  know  everything  ?  They  invent  more  than  they 
discover.  Mine,  I  believe,  was  better  than  that  they  have 
got  now,  and  yet  it  was  often  only  by  mere  chance,  the  im- 
prudence of  the  parties  implicated,  or  the  treachery  of 


1800.        BONAPAHTE  ON  POLITICAL  POLICE.          865 

some  of  them,  that  something  was  discovered  after  a  week 
or  fortnight's  exertion."  Napoleon,  in  directing  this  offi- 
cer to  transmit  letters  to  him  under  the  cover  of  a  com- 
mercial correspondence,  to  quiet  his  apprehensions  that 
the  correspondence  might  be  discovered,  said,  "  Do 
you  think,  then,  that  all  letters  are  opened  at  the  post 
office  ?  They  would  never  be  able  to  do  so.  I  have  often 
endeavoured  to  discover  what  the  correspondence  was 
that  passed  under  mercantile  forms,  but  I  never  succeeded. 
The  post  office,  like  the  police,  catches  only  fools." 

Since  I  am  on  the  subject  of  political  police,  that  lep- 
rosy of  modern  society,  perhaps  I  may  be  allowed  to  over- 
step the  order  of  time,  and  advert  to  its  state  even  in  the 
present  day. 

The  Minister  of  Police,  to  give  his  prince  a  favourable 
idea  of  his  activity,  contrives  great  conspiracies,  which  he 
is  pretty  sure  to  discover  in  time,  because  he  is  their  orig- 
inator. The  inferior  agents,  to  find  favour  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Minister,  contrive  small  plots.  It  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  mention  a  conspiracy  which  has  been  discovered, 
except  when  the  police  agents  took  part  in  it,  or  were  its 
promoters.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  those  agents 
can  feed  a  little  intrigue,  the  result  at  first,  perhaps,  of 
some  petty  ill-h  amour  and  discontent  which,  thanks  to 
their  skill,  soon  becomes  a  great  affair.  How  many  con- 
spiracies have  escaped  the  boasted  activity  and  vigilance 
of  the  police  when  none  of  its  agents  were  parties.  I 
may  instance  Babeuf  s  conspiracy,  the  attempt  at  the  camp 
at  Grenelle,  the  18th  Brumaire,  the  infernal  machine, 
Mallet,  the  20th  of  March,  the  affair  of  Grenoble,  and 
many  others. 

The  political  police,  the  result  of  the  troubles  of  the 
Revolution,  has  survived  them.  The  civil  police  for  the 
security  of  property,  health,  and  order,  is  only  made  a 
secondary  object,  and  has  been,  therefore,  neglected. 
There  are  times  in  which  it  is  thought  of  more  conse- 


366         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

quence  to  discover  whether  a  citizen  goes  to  mass  or  con- 
fession than  to  defeat  the  designs  of  a  band  of  robbers. 
Such  a  state  of  things  is  unfortunate  for  a  country ;  and 
the  money  expended  on  a  system  of  superintendence  over 
persons  alleged  to  be  suspected,  in  domestic  inquisitions, 
in  the  corruption  of  the  friends,  relations,  and  servants  of 
the  man  marked  out  for  destruction  might  be  much  better 
employed.  The  espionage  of  opinion,  created,  as  I  have 
said,  by  the  revolutionary  troubles,  is  suspicious,  restless, 
officious,  inquisitorial,  vexatious,  and  tyrannical.  Indiffer- 
ent to  crimes  and  real  offences,  it  is  totally  absorbed  in 
the  inquisition  of  thoughts.  Who  has  not  heard  it  said  in 
company,  to  some  one  speaking  warmly,  "Be  moderate, 
M is  supposed  to  belong  to  the  police."  This  po- 
lice enthralled  Bonaparte  himself  in  its  snares,  and  held 
him  a  long  time  under  the  influence  of  its  power. 

I  have  taken  the  liberty  thus  to  speak  of  a  scourge  of 
society  of  which  I  have  been  a  victim.  What  I  here  state 
may  be  relied  on.  I  shall  not  speak  of  the  week  during 
which  I  had  to  discharge  the  functions  of  Prefect  of  Po- 
lice, namely,  from  the  13th  to  the  20th  of  March  1815. 
It  may  well  be  supposed  that  though  I  had  not  held  in 
abhorrence  the  infamous  system  which  I  have  described, 
the  important  nature  of  the  circumstances  and  the  short 
period  of  my  administration  must  have  prevented  me 
from  making  complete  use  of  the  means  placed  at  my  dis- 
posal. The  dictates  of  discretion,  which  I  consider  my- 
self bound  to  obey,  forbid  me  giving  proofs  of  what  I  ad- 
vance. What  it  was  necessary  to  do  I  accomplished  with- 
out employing  violent  or  vexatious  means  ;  and  I  can  take 
on  myself  to  assert  that  no  one  has  cause  to  complain  of  me. 
Were  I  to  publish  the  list  of  the  persons  I  had  orders  to 
arrest,  those  of  them  who  are  yet  living  would  be  aston- 
ished that  the  only  knowledge  they  had  of  my' being  the 
Prefect  of  Police  was  from  the  Moniteur.  I  obtained  by 
mild  measures,  by  persuasion,  and  reasoning  what  I  could 


1800.     BONAPARTE'S  RIDICULE  OF  IDEALISTS.       367 

never  have  got  by  violence.  I  am  not  divulging  any  se- 
crets of  office,  but  I  believe  I  am  rendering  a  service  to 
the  public  in  pointing  out  what  I  have  often  observed  while 
an  unwilling  confidant  in  the  shameful  manoeuvres  of  that 
poltical  institution. 

The  word  ideologue  was  often  in  Bonaparte's  mouth  ;  and 
in  using  it  he  endeavoured  to  throw  ridicule  on  those  men 
whom  he  fancied  to  have  a  tendency  towards  the  doctrine 
of  indefinite  perfectibility.  He  esteemed  them  for  their 
morality,  yet  he  looked  on  them  as  dreamers  seeking  for 
the  type  of  a  universal  constitution,  and  considering  the 
character  of  man  in  the  abstract  only.  The  ideologues,  ac- 
cording to  him,  looked  for  power  in  institutions  ;  and  that 
he  called  metaphysics.  He  had  no  idea  of  power  except  in 
direct  force.  All  benevolent  men  who  speculate  on  the 
amelioration  of  human  society  were  regarded  by  Bonaparte 
as  dangerous,  because  their  maxims  and  principles  were 
diametrically  opposed  to  the  harsh  and  arbitrary  system 
he  had  adopted.  He  said  that  their  hearts  were  better 
than  their  heads,  and,  far  from  wandering  with  them  in 
abstractions,  he  always  said  that  men  were  only  to  be 
governed  by  fear  and  interest.  The  free  expression  of 
opinion  through  the  press  has  been  always  regarded  by 
those  who  are  not  led  away  by  interest  or  power  as  useful 
to  society.  But  Bonaparte  held  the  liberty  of  the  press 
in  the  greatest  horror ;  and  so  violent  was  his  passion 
when  anything  was  urged  in  its  favour  that  he  seemed  to 
labour  under  a  nervous  attack.  Great  man  as  he  was,  he 
was  sorely  afraid  of  little  paragraphs.1 

1  Joseph  Bonaparte  fairly  enough  remarks  on  this  that  such  writings  hod  dono 
great  harm  in  those  extraordinary  times  (Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  259).  Metternioh, 
writing  in  1827  with  distruat  of  the  proceedings  of  Louis  XVIII.,  quotes,  with  ap- 
proval, Napoleon's  sentiments  on  this  point.  "  Napoleon,  who  could  not  have  been 
wanting  in  the  feeling  of  power,  said  to  me,  '  You  see  me  master  of  France  ;  well, 
I  would  not  undertake  to  govern  her  for  three  months  with  liberty  of  the  press.' 
Louis  XVIII.,  apparently  thinking  himself  stronger  than  Napoleon,  is  not  content 
with  allowing  the  press  its  freedom,  but  has  embodied  its  liberty  in  the  charter  " 
(Metternich,  tome  iv.  p.  391). 


568  1800 


CHAPTER  XXXIL 

1800. 

Successful  management  of  parties — Precautions — Removal  from  the 
Luxembourg  to  the  Tuileries — Hackney-coaches  and  the  Consul** 
white  horses — Royal  custom  and  an  inscription — The  review — Bona- 
parte's homage  to  the  standards — Talleyrand  in  Bonaparte's  cabinet — 
Bonaparte's  aversion  to  the  cap  of  liberty  even  in  painting — The  state 
bed — Our  cabinet. 

OF  the  three  brothers  to  whom  the  18th  Brumaire  gave 
birth  Bonaparte  speedily  declared  himself  the  eldest,  and 
hastened  to  assume  all  the  rights  of  primogeniture.  He 
soon  arrogated  to  himself  the  whole  power.  The  project 
he  had  formed,  when  he  favoured  the  revolution  of  the 
18th  Fructidor,  was  now  about  to  be  realized.  It  was 
then  an  indispensable  part  of  his  plan  that  the  Directory 
should  violate  the  constitution  in  order  to  justify  a  sub- 
sequent subversion  of  the  Directory.  The  expressions 
which  escaped  him  from  time  to  time  plainly  showed  that 
his  ambition  was  not  yet  satisfied,  and  that  the  Consulship 
was  only  a  state  of  probation  preliminary  to  the  complete 
establishment  of  monarchy.  The  Luxembourg  was  then 
discovered  to  be  too  small  for  the  Chief  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  it  was  resolved  that  Bonaparte  should  inhabit 
the  Tuileries.  Still  great  prudence  was  necessary  to  avoid 
the  quicksands  which  surrounded  him !  He  therefore 
employed  great  precaution  in  dealing  with  the  suscepti- 
bilities of  the  Republicans,  taking  care  to  inure  them 
gradually  to  the  temperature  of  absolute  power.  But  this 
mode  of  treatment  was  not  sufficient ;  for  such  was  Bona- 
parte's situation  between  the  Jacobins  and  the  Royalists 


1800.  BONAPARTE'S  PRECAUTIONS,  36d 

that  he  could  not  strike  a  blow  at  one  party  without 
strengthening  the  other.  He,  however,  contrived  to  solve 
this  difficult  problem,  and  weakened  both  parties  by  alter- 
nately frightening  each.  "You  see,  Royalists, "he seemed 
to  say,  "  if  you  do  not  attach  yourselves  to  my  govern- 
ment the  Jacobins  will  again  rise  and  bring  back  the  reign 
of  terror  and  its  scaffold."  To  the  men  of  the  Revolution 
he,  on  the  other  hand,  said,  "  See,  the  counter-Revolution 
appears,  threatening  reprisals  and  vengeance.  It  is  ready 
to  overwhelm  you  ;  my  buckler  can  alone  protect  you 
from  its  attacks."  Thus  both  parties  were  induced,  from 
their  mutual  fear  of  each  other,  to  attach  themselves 
to  Bonaparte ;  and  while  they  fancied  they  were  only 
placing  themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  Chief  of 
the  Government,  they  were  making  themselves  dependent 
on  an  ambitious  man,  who,  gradually  bending  them  to  his 
will,  guided  them  as  he  chose  in  his  political  career.  He 
advanced  with  a  firm  step ;  but  he  never  neglected  any 
artifice  to  conceal,  as  long  as  possible,  his  designs. 

I  saw  Bonaparte  put  in  motion  all  his  concealed  springs  ; 
and  I  could  not  help  admiring  his  wonderful  address. 
But  what  most  astonished  me  was  the  control  he  possessed 
over  himself,  in  repressing  any  premature  manifestation 
of  his  intentions  which  might  prejudice  his  projects. 
Thus,  for  instance,  he  never  spoke  of  the  Tuileries  but  un- 
der the  name  of  "  the  Palace  of  the  Government,"  and  he 
determined  not  to  inhabit,  at  first,  the  ancient  palace  of 
the  kings  of  France  alone.  He  contented  himself  with 
selecting  the  royal  apartments,  and  proposed  that  the 
Third  Consul  should  also  reside  in  the  Tuileries,  and  in 
consequence  he  occupied  the  Pavilion  of  Flora.  This 
skilful  arrangement  was  perfectly  in  accordance  with  the 
designation  of  "  Palace  of  the  Government  "  given  to  the 
Tuileries,  and  was  calculated  to  deceive,  for  a  time,  the 
most  clear-sighted. 

The  moment  for  leaving  the  Luxembourg  having  ar- 
VOL.  I.— 24 


370        MEMOIRS  Off  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

rived,  Bonaparte  still  used  many  deceptive  precautions. 
The  day  fixed  for  the  translation  of  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment was  the  30th  Pluviose,  the  previous  day  having  been 
selected  for  publishing  the  account  of  the  votes  taken  for 
the  acceptance  of  the  new  Constitution.  He  had,  be- 
sides, caused  the  insertion  in  the  Moniteur  of  the  eulogy 
on  Washington,  pronounced  by  M.  de  Fontanes,  the  de- 
cadi  preceding,  to  be  delayed  for  ten  days.  He  thought 
that  the  day  when  he  was  about  to  take  so  large  a  step 
towards  monarchy  would  be  well  chosen  for  entertaining 
the  people  of  Paris  with  grand  ideas  of  liberty,  and  for 
coupling  his  own  name  with  that  of  the  founder  of  the 
free  government  of  the  United  States. 

At  seven  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  30th  Pluviose  I 
entered,  as  usual,  the  chamber  of  the  First  Consul.  He 
was  in  a  profound  sleep,  and  this  was  one  of  the  days  on 
which  I  had  been  desired  to  allow  him  to  sleep  a  little 
longer  than  usual.  I  have  often  observed  that  General 
Bonaparte  appeared  much  less  moved  when  on  the  point 
of  executing  any  great  design  than  during  the  time  of 
projecting  it,  so  accustomed  was  he  to  think  that  what  he 
had  resolved  on  in  his  mind  was  already  done. 

When  I  returned  to  Bonaparte  he  said  to  me,  with  a 
marked  air  of  satisfaction,  "Well,  Bourrienne,  to-night, 
at  last,  we  shall  sleep  in  the  Tuileries.  You  are  better  off 
than  I :  you  are  not  obliged  to  make  a  spectacle  of  your- 
self, but  may  go  your  own  road  there.  I  must,  however, 
go  in  procession  :  that  disgusts  me  ;  but  it  is  necessary  to 
speak  to  the  eyes.  That  has  a  good  effect  on  the  people. 
The  Directory  was  too  simple,  and  therefore  never  enjoyed 
any  consideration.  In  the  army  simplicity  is  in  its  proper 
place ;  but  in  a  great  city,  in  a  palace,  the  Chief  of  the 
Government  must  attract  attention  in  every  possible  way, 
yet  still  with  prudence.  Josephine  is  going  to  look  out 
from  Lebrun's  apartments ;  go  with  her,  if  you  like ;  but  go 
k>  the  cabinet  as  soon  as  you  see  me  alight  from  my  horse." 


1800.          DEPARTURE  FOR  TSE  TUILERtES.  S1?! 

I  did  not  go  to  the  review,  but  proceeded  to  the  Tuile- 
ries,  to  arrange  in  our  new  cabinet  the  papers  which  it 
was  my  duty  to  take  care  of,  and  to  prepare  everything 
for  the  First  Consul's  arrival.  It  was  not  until  the  even- 
ing that  I  learned,  from  the  conversation  in  the  salon, 
where  there  was  a  numerous  party,  what  had  taken  place 
in  the  course  of  the  day. 

At  one  o'clock  precisely  Bonaparte  left  the  Luxembourg. 
The  procession  was,  doubtless,  far  from  approaching  the 
magnificent  parade  of  the  Empire  :  but  as  much  pomp 
was  introduced  as  the  state  of  things  in  France  permitted. 
The  only  real  splendour  of  that  period  consisted  in  fine 
troops.  Three  thousand  picked  men,  among  whom  was 
the  superb  regiment  of  the  Guides,  had  been  ordered  out 
for  the  occasion  :  all  marched  in  the  greatest  order,  with 
music  at  the  head  of  each  corps.  The  generals  and  their 
staffs  were  on  horseback,  the  Ministers  in  carriages,  which 
were  somewhat  remarkable,  as  they  were  almost  the  only 
private  carriages  then  in  Paris,  for  hackney-coaches  had 
been  hired  to  convey  the  Council  of  State,  and  no  trouble 
had  been  taken  to  alter  them,  except  by  pasting  over  the 
number  a  piece  of  paper  of  the  same  colour  as  the  body 
of  the  vehicle.  The  Consul's  carriage  was  drawn  by  six 
white  horses.  With  the  sight  of  those  horses  was  associ- 
ated the  recollection  of  days  of  glory  and  of  peace,  for 
they  had  been  presented  to  the  General-in-Chief  of  the 
army  of  Italy  by  the  Emperor  of  Germany  after  the  treaty 
of  Campo-Formio.  Bonaparte  also  wore  the  magnificent 
sabre  given  him  by  the  Emperor  Francis.  With  Camba- 
cercjs  on  his  left,  and  Lebruii  in  the  front  of  the  carriage, 
the  First  Consul  traversed  a  part  of  Paris,  taking  the  Rue 
de  Thionville,  and  the  Quai  Voltaire  to  the  Pout  Royal. 
Everywhere  he  was  greeted  by  acclamations  of  joy,  which 
at  that  time  were  voluntary,  and  needed  not  to  be  com- 
manded by  the  police. 

From  the  wicket  of  the  Carrousel  to  the  gate  of  the 


372         MEMOIRS  Off  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

Tuileries  the  troops  of  the  Consular  Guard  were  formed  in 
two  lines,  through  which  the  procession  passed — a  royal 
custom,  which  made  a  singular  contrast  with  an  inscrip- 
tion in  front  of  which  Bonaparte  passed  on  entering  the 
courtyard.  Two  guard-houses  had  been  built,  one  on  the 
right  and  another  on  the  left  of  the  centre  gate.  On  the 
one  to  the  right  were  written  these  words  : 


"THE  TENTH  OF  AUGUST  1792. — ROYALTY  IN  FRANCE 
IS  ABOLISHED  ;  AND  SHALL  NEVER  BE  RE-ESTABLISHED  !  " 


It  was  already  re-established  ! 

In  the  meantime  the  troops  had  been  drawn  up  in  line 
in  the  courtyard.  As  soon  as  the  Consul's  carriage 
stopped  Bonaparte  immediately  alighted,  and  mounted, 
or,  to  speak  more  properly,  leaped  on  his  horse,  and  re- 
viewed his  troops,  while  the  other  two  Consuls  proceeded 
to  the  state  apartments  of  the  Tuileries,  where  the  Council 
of  State  and  the  Ministers  awaited  them.  A  great  many 
ladies,  elegantly  dressed  in  Greek  costume,  which  was 
then  the  fashion,  were  seated  with  Madame  Bonaparte  at 
the  windows  of  the  Third  Consul's  apartments  in  the 
Pavilion  of  Flora.  It  is  impossible  to  give  an  idea  of  the 
immense  crowds  which  flowed  in  from  all  quarters.  The 
windows  looking  to  the  Carrousel  were  let  for  very  large 
sums  ;  and  everywhere  arose,  as  if  from  one  voice,  shouts 
of  "  Long  live  the  First  Consul ! "  Who  could  help  being 
intoxicated  by  so  much  enthusiasm  ? 

Bonaparte  prolonged  the  review  for  some  time,  passed 
down  all  the  ranks,  and  addressed  the  commanders  of 
corps  in  terms  of  approbation  and  praise.  He  then  took 
his  station  at  the  gate  of  the  Tuileries,  with  Murat  on  his 
right,  and  Lannes  on  his  left,  and  behind  him  a  numer- 
ous staff  of  young  warriors,  whose  complexions  had  been 
browned  by  the  sun  of  Egypt  and  Italy,  and  who  had 


1800.      TALLEYRAND'S  ACCEPTABLE  ADVICE.         371 


been  engaged  in  more  battles  than  they  numbered  yeara 
When  the  colours  of  the  96th,  43d,  and  30th  demi- 
brigades,  or  rather  their  flagstaffs,  surmounted  by  some 
shreds,  riddled  by  balls  and  blackened  by  powder,  passed 
before  him,  he  raised  his  hat  and  inclined  his  head  in 
token  of  respect.  Every  homage  thus  paid  by  a  great 
captain  to  standards  which  had  been  mutilated  on  the 
field  of  battle  was  saluted  by  a  thousand  acclamations. 
When  the  troops  had  finished  defiling  before  him  the 
First  Consul,  with  a  firm  step,  ascended  the  stairs  of  the 
Tuileries. 

The  General's  part  being  finished  for  the  day,  that  of 
the  Chief  of  the  State  began  ;  and  indeed  it  might  already 
be  said  that  the  First  Consul  was  the  whole  Consulate. 
At  the  risk  of  interrupting  my  narrative  of  what  occurred 
on  our  arrival  at  the  Tuileries  by  a  digression  which  may 
be  thought  out  of  place,  I  will  relate  a  fact  which  had  no 
little  weight  in  hastening  Bonaparte's  determination  to 
assume  a  superiority  over  his  colleagues.  It  may  be  re- 
membered that  when  Roger  Ducos  and  Sieyes  bore  the  title 
of  Consuls  the  three  members  of  the  Consular  commission 
were  equal,  if  not  in  fact  at  least  in  right.  But  when 
Cambaceres  and  Lebrun  took  their  places,  Talleyrand, 
who  had  at  the  same  time  been  appointed  to  succeed  M. 
Keinhart  as  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  obtained  a  private 
audience  of  the  First  Consul  in  his  cabinet,  to  which  I 
was  admitted.  The  observations  of  Talleyrand  on  this 
occasion  were  highly  agreeable  to  Bonaparte,  and  they 
made  too  deep  an  impression  on  my  mind  to  allow  me  to 
forget  them. 

"Citizen  Consul,"  said  he  to  him,  "you  have  confided 
to  me  the  office  of  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  I  will 
justify  your  confidence  ;  but  I  must  declare  to  you  that 
from  this  moment  I  will  not  transact  business  with  any 
but  yourself.  This  determination  does  not  proceed  from 
any  vain  pride  on  my  part,  but  is  induced  by  a  desire  to 


374         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

serve  France.  In  order  that  France  may  be  well  gov- 
erned, in  order  that  there  may  be  a  unity  of  action  in  the 
government,  you  must  be  First  Consul,  and  the  First 
Consul  must  have  the  control  over  all  that  relates  directly 
to  politics  ;  tbat  is  to  say,  over  the  Ministry  of  the  Inte- 
rior, and  the  Ministry  of  Police,  for  Internal  Affairs,  and 
over  my  department,  for  Foreign  Affairs  ;  and,  lastly,  over 
the  two  great  means  of  execution,  the  military  and  naval 
forces.  It  will  therefore  be  most  convenient  that  the 
Ministers  of  those  five  departments  should  transact  busi- 
ness with  you.  The  Administration  of  Justice  and  the 
ordering  of  the  Finances  are  objects  certainly  connected 
with  State  politics  by  numerous  links,  which,  however, 
are  not  of  so  intimate  a  nature  as  those  of  the  other  de- 
partments. If  you  will  allow  me,  General,  I  should  ad- 
vise that  the  control  over  the  Administration  of  Justice 
be  given  to  the  Second  Consul,  who  is  well  versed  in  ju- 
risprudence ;  and  to  the  Third  Consul,  who  is  equally  well 
acquainted  with  Finance,  the  control  over  that  depart- 
ment.1 That  will  occupy  and  amuse  them,  and  you,  Gen- 
eral, having  at  your  disposal  all  the  vital  parts  of  the  gov- 
ernment, will  be  able  to  reach  the  end  you  aim  at,  the 
regeneration  of  France." 

Bonaparte  did  not  hear  these  remarkable  words  with 
indifference.  They  were  too  much  in  accordance  with  his 
own  secret  wishes  to  be  listened  to  without  pleasure  ;  and 
he  said  to  me  as  soon  as  Talleyrand  had  taken  leave, 
"  Do  you  know,  Bourrienne,  I  think  Talleyrand  gives  good 
advice.  He  is  a  man  of  great  understanding." — "  Such  is 
the  opinion,"  I  replied,  "  of  all  who  know  him." — "  He  is 
perfectly  right."  Afterwards  he  added,  smiling,  "  Talley- 
rand is  evidently  a  shrewd  man.  He  has  penetrated  my 
designs.  What  he  advises  you  know  I  am  anxious  to  do. 
But  again  I  say,  he  is  right ;  one  gets  on  quicker  by  one- 

1  Here  may  be  recognised  the  first  germ  of  the  Arch-Chancellorship  and  Arch- 
ttreasurership  of  the  Empire. — Bourrienne. 


1800.   GETTING  RID  OF  THE  GAPS  OF  LIBERTY.      375 

self.  Lebrun  is  a  worthy  man,  but  he  has  no  policy  in  hia 
head  ;  he  is  a  book-maker.  Cambac6res  carries  with  him 
too  many  traditions  of  the  Revolution.  My  government 
must  be  an  entirely  new  one." 

Talleyrand's  advice  had  been  so  punctually  followed  that 
even  on  the  occasion  of  the  installation  of  the  Consular 
Government,  while  Bonaparte  was  receiving  all  the  great 
civil  and  military  officers  of  the  State  in  the  hall  of  pres- 
entation, Carnbaceres  and  Lebrun  stood  by  more  like 
spectators  of  the  scene  than  two  colleagues  of  the  First 
Consul.  The  Minister  of  the  Interior  presented  the  civil 
authorities  of  Paris  ;  the  Minister  of  War,  the  staff  of  the 
17th  military  division  ;  the  Minister  of  Marine,  several  naval 
officers  ;  and  the  staff  of  the  Consular  Guard  was  presented 
by  Murat.  As  our  Consular  republicans  were  not  exactly 
Spartans,  the  ceremony  of  the  presentations  was  followed 
by  grand  dinner-parties.  The  First  Consul  entertained  at 
his  table,  the  two  other  Consuls,  the  Ministers,  and  the 
Presidents  of  the  great  bodies  of  the  State.  Murat  treated 
the  heads  of  the  army  ;  and  the  members  of  the  Council  of 
State,  being  again  seated  in  their  hackney-coaches  with 
covered  numbers,  drove  off  to  dine  with  Lucien. 

Before  taking  possession  of  the  Tuileries  we  had  fre- 
quently gone  there  to  see  that  the  repairs,  or  rather  the 
whitewashing,  which  Bonaparte  had  directed  to  be  done, 
was  executed.  On  our  first  visit,  seeing  a  number  of  red 
caps  of  liberty  painted  on  the  walls,  he  said  to  M.  Le- 
comte,  at  that  time  the  architect  in  charge,  "Get  rid  of  all 
these  things  ;  I  do  not  like  to  see  such  rubbish." 

The  First  Consul  gave  directions  himself  for  what  little 
alterations  he  wanted  in  his  own  apartments.  A  state 
bed — not  that  of  Louis  XVI. — was  placed  in  the  chamber 
next  his  cabinet,  on  the  south  side,  towards  the  grand 
staircase  of  the  Pavilion  of  Flora.  I  may  as  well  mention 
here  that  he  very  seldom  occupied  that  bed,  for  Bonaparte 
was  very  simple  in  his  manner  of  living  in  private,  and  was 


376         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

not  fond  of  state,  except  as  a  means  of  imposing  on  man- 
kind. At  the  Luxembourg,  at  Malmaison,  and  during  the 
first  period  that  he  occupied  the  Tuileries,  Bonaparte,  if  I 
may  speak  in  the  language  of  common  life,  always  slept 
with  his  wife.1  He  went  every  evening  down  to  Josephine 
by  a  small  staircase  leading  from  a  wardrobe  attached  to 
his  cabinet,  and  which  had  formerly  been  the  chapel  of 
Maria  de  Medici.  I  never  went  to  Bonaparte's  bedcham- 
ber but  by  this  staircase  ;  and  when  he  came  to  our  cabinet 
it  was  always  by  the  wardrobe  which  I  have  mentioned. 
The  door  opened  opposite  the  only  window  of  our  room, 
and  it  commanded  a  view  of  the  garden. 

As  for  our  cabinet,  where  so  many  great,  and  also  small 
events  were  prepared,  and  where  I  passed  so  many  hours 
of  my  life,  I  can,  even  now,  give  the  most  minute  descrip- 
tion of  it  to  those  who  like  such  details.2 

There  were  two  tables.  The  best,  which  was  the  First 
Consul's,  stood  in  the  middle  of  the  room,  and  his  arm- 

1  See  the  conversation  with  Madame  de  RSmusat  on  this  subject  (Hemusat,  tome 
1.  p.  213). 

2  With  this  description  may  be  compared  that  given  by  Bourrienne's  successor, 
Meneval,  of  the  cabinet  in  1802  :— 

"  The  room  of  which  he  had  made  his  cabinet  was  not  very  large.  It  was  lighted 
by  a  single  window  cut  in  a  corner,  and  which  looked  out  on  the  garden.  The  chief 
piece  of  furniture  was  a  magnificent  bureau,  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  room, 
ornamented  with  gilt  bronze  and  supported  by  griffins.  Its  top  formed  a  sort  of 
square  box  with  a  cover  sliding  into  a  recess,  so  that  it  could  be  shut  without  dis- 
turbing the  papers.  The  chair  was  of  antique  shape,  and  its  back  was  covered  with 
green  kerseymere,  the  folds  being  tied  with  silk  cords.  Ita  arms  ended  in  griffins' 
heads.  The  First  Consul  generally  only  sat  at  his  desk  to  sign  papers.  More  often 
he  placed  himself  on  a  sofa  covered  with  green  taffeta.  Near  this  was  a  small  tray 
which  received  the  day's  correspondence.  It  was  only  taken  away  to  make  room  for 
that  of  the  next  day,  and  to  be  placed  on  his  bureau.  A  screen  with  several  leaves 
guarded  him  from  the  heat  of  the  fire.  At  the  back  of  the  cabinet  were  two  large 
bookcases,  placed  in  the  corners  at  right  angles  to  one  another,  and  between  these 
was  a  large  clock  of  the  sort  called  regulators.  A  long  cupboard  with  glass  windows, 
breast  high,  and  with  a  marble  base,  held  some  papers.  There  was  a  bronze  eques- 
trian statue  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  Frederick  II.  Some  chairs  furnished  the  room. 
Such,  with  the  exception  of  the  bureau  bought  at  the  Exhibition  of  the  Products  of 
Industry,  as  the  masterpiece  of  the  skilful  workman  Biennais,  was  the  modest  fur- 
niture of  the  Consular  cabinet.  In  it,  as  in  everything  that  had  to  do  with  the 
person  of  Napoleon,  was  shown  the  simplicity  of  his  tastes  "  (Meneval,  tome  i.  pp. 
79,  80). 


1800.  THE  CONSULAR  CABINET.  377 

chair  was  turned  with  its  back  to  the  fireplace,  having  the 
window  on  the  right.  To  the  right  of  this  again  was  a 
little  closet  where  Duroc  sat,  through  which  we  could 
communicate  with  the  clerk  of  the  office  and  the  grand 
apartments  of  the  Court  When  the  First  Consul  was 
seated  at  his  table  in  his  chair  (the  arms  of  which  he  so 
frequently  mutilated  with  his  penknife)  he  had  a  large 
bookcase  opposite  to  him.  A  little  to  the  right,  on  one 
side  of  the  bookcase,  was  another  door,  opening  into  the 
cabinet  which  led  directly  to  the  state  bedchamber  which 
I  have  mentioned.  Thence  we  passed  into  the  grand  Pres- 
entation Saloon,  on  the  ceiling  of  which  Lebrun  had 
painted  a  likeness  of  Louis  XIV.  A  tri-coloured  cockade 
placed  on  the  forehead  of  the  great  King  still  bore  witness 
of  the  imbecile  turpitude  of  the  Convention.  Lastly  came 
the  hall  of  the  Guards,  in  front  of  the  grand  staircase  of 
the  Pavilion  of  Flora, 

My  writing-table,  which  was  extremely  plain,  stood  near 
the  window,  and  in  summer  I  had  a  view  of  the  thick 
foliage  of  the  chestnut-trees  ;  but  in  order  to  see  the 
promenaders  in  the  garden  I  was  obliged  to  raise  myself 
from  my  seat.  My  back  was  turned  to  the  General's  side, 
so  that  it  required  only  a  slight  movement  of  the  head  to 
speak  to  each  other.  Duroc  was  seldom  in  his  little  cab- 
inet, and  that  was  the  place  where  I  gave  some  audiences. 
The  Consular  cabinet,  which  afterwards  became  the  Im- 
perial, has  left  many  impressions  on  my  mind  ;  and  I 
hope  the  reader,  in  going  through  these  volumes,  will  not 
think  that  they  have  been  of  too  slight  a  description. 


378  1800. 


CHAPTER  XXXIH 

1800. 

The  Tuileries — Royalty  in  perspective — Remarkable  observation — Pres- 
entations— Assumption  of  the  prerogative  of  mercy — M.  Defeu — M. 
de  Frotte — Georges  Cadoudal's  audience  of  Bonaparte — Rapp's  pre- 
caution and  Bonaparte's  confidence — The  dignity  of  France — Napper 
Tandy  and  Blackwell  delivered  up  by  the  Senate  of  Hamburg — Con- 
tribution in  the  Egyptian  style — Valueless  bill — Fifteen  thousand 
francs  in  the  drawer  of  a  secretaire — Josephine's  debts — Evening 
walks  with  Bonaparte. 

THE  morning  after  that  ardently  wished-for  day  on  which 
we  took  possession  of  the  Palace  of  the  Kings  of  France  I 
observed  to  Bonaparte  on  entering  his  chamber,  "  Well, 
General,  you  have  got  here  without  much  difficulty,  and 
with  the  applause  of  the  people  !  Do  you  remember  what 
you  said  to  me  in  the  Eue  St.  Anne  nearly  two  years 
ago  ?  " — "  Ay,  true  enough,  I  recollect.  You  see  what  it  is 
to  have  the  mind  set  on  a  thing.  Only  two  years  have  gone 
by!  Don't  you  think  we  have  not  worked  badly  since 
that  time  ?  Upon  the  whole  I  am  very  well  content.  Yes- 
terday passed  off  well.  Do  you  imagine  that  all  those  who 
came  to  flatter  me  were  sincere  ?  No,  certainly  not :  but 
the  joy  of  the  people  was  real.  They  know  what  is  right. 
Besides,  consult  the  grand  thermometer  of  opinion,  the 
price  of  the  funds  :  on  the  17th  Brumaire  at  11  francs, 
on  the  20th  at  16  and  to-day  at  21.  In  such  a  state  of 
things  I  may  let  the  Jacobins  prate  as  they  like.  But  let 
them  not  talk  too  loudly  either  !  " 

As  soon  as  he  was  dressed  we  went  to  look  through  the 
Gallery  of  Diana  and  examine  the  statues  which  had  been 
placed  there  by  his  orders.  We  ended  our  morning's 


1800.  PRESENTATIONS  TO  JOSEPHINE.  379 

work  by  taking  complete  possession  of  our  new  residence. 
I  recollect  Bonaparte  saying  to  me,  among  other  things, 
"  To  be  at  the  Tuileries,  Bourrienne,  is  not  alL  We  must 
stay  here.  Who,  in  Heaven's  name,  has  not  already  in- 
habited this  palace?  Kuffians,  conventionalists!  But 
hold  !  there  is  your  brother's  house  !  Was  it  not  from 
those  windows  I  saw  the  Tuileries  besieged,  and  the  good 
Louis  XVI.  carried  off?  But  be  assured  they  will  not 
come  here  again  ! " 

The  Ambassadors  and  other  foreign  Ministers  then  in 
Paris  were  presented  to  the  First  Consul  at  a  solemn 
audience.  On  this  occasion  all  the  ancient  ceremonials 
belonging  to  the  French  Court  were  raked  up,  and  in 
place  of  chamberlains  and  a  grand  master  of  ceremonies  a 
Counsellor  of  State,  M.  Benezech,  who  was  once  Minister 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  officiated. 

When  the  Ambassadors  had  all  arrived  M.  Benezech 
conducted  them  into  the  cabinet,  in  which  were  the  three 
Consuls,  the  Ministers,  and  the  Council  of  State.  The 
Ambassadors  presented  their  credentials  to  the  First 
Consul,  who  handed  them  to  the  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs.  These  presentations  were  followed  by  others ; 
for  example,  the  Tribunal  of  Cassation,  over  which  the 
old  advocate,  Target,  who  refused  to  defend  Louis  XVI., 
then  presided.  All  this  passed  in  view  of  the  three  Con- 
suls ;  but  the  circumstance  which  distinguished  the  First 
Consul  from  his  colleagues  was,  that  the  official  person- 
ages, on  leaving  the  audience-chamber,  were  conducted  to 
Madame  Bonaparte's  apartments,  in  imitation  of  the  old 
practice  of  waiting  on  the  Queen  after  presentation  to  the 
King.1 

1  The  details  of  this  scene,  as  described  by  Constant,  are  curious  :— 
"  At  eight  in  the  evening  the  apartments  of  Madame  Bonaparte,  which  were 
situated  on  the  ground-floor,  overlooking  the  gardens,  were  crowded  with  company. 
There  was  a  dazzling  display  of  splendid  dresses,  feathers,  diamonds,  etc.      So 
numerous  was  the  throng  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  throw  open  Madame  Bona- 
parte's bedchamber,  the  two  drawing-rooms  being  very  small. 
"When,  after  considerable  embarrassment  and  trouble,  the  company  were  ac- 


380         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

Thus  old  customs  of  royalty  crept  by  degrees  into  the 
former  abodes  of  royalty.  Amongst  the  rights  attached 
to  the  Crown,  and  which  the  Constitution  of  the  year 
VIII.  did  not  give  to  the  First  Consul,  was  one  which  he 
much  desired  to  possess,  and  which,  by  the  most  happy 
of  all  usurpations,  he  arrogated  to  himself.1  This  was  the 
right  of  granting  pardon.  Bonaparte  felt  a  real  pleasure 
in  saving  men  under  the  sentence  of  the  law;  and  whenever 
the  imperious  necessity  of  his  policy,  to  which,  in  truth, 
he  sacrificed  everything,  permitted  it,  he  rejoiced  in  the 
exercise  of  mercy.  It  would  seem  as  if  he  were  thankful 
to  the  persons  to  whom  he  rendered  such  service  merely 
because  he  had  given  them  occasion  to  be  thankful  to 
him.  Such  was  the  First  Consul :  I  do  not  speak  of  the 
Emperor.  Bonaparte,  the  First  Consul,  was  accessible  to 
the  solicitations  of  friendship  in  favour  of  persons  placed 
under  proscription.  The  following  circumstance,  which 
interested  me  much,  affords  an  incontestable  proof  of 
what  I  state  : — 

Whilst  we  were  still  at  the  Luxembourg  M.  Defeu,  a 
French  emigrant,  was  taken  in  the  Tyrol  with  arms  in  his 

ranged  as  well  as  possible,  Madame  Bonaparte  was  announced,  and  she  entered, 
conducted  by  M.  de  Talleyrand.  She  wore  a  dress  of  white  muslin,  with  short 
sleeves,  a  pearl  necklace,  and  her  hair  was  simply  braided,  and  confined  by  a  tor- 
toiseshell  comb.  The  buzz  of  admiration  which  greeted  her  on  her  entrance  must 
have  been  exceedingly  gratifying  to  her.  She  never,  I  think,  looked  more  graceful 
or  elegant. 

"M.  de  Talleyrand,  still  holding  Madame  Bonaparte  by  the  hand,  presented  her 
to  the  members  of  the  corps  diplomatique,  one  atter  another,  not  introducing  them 
by  name,  but  designating  them  by  the  Courts  they  represented.  He  then  conducted 
her  round  the  two  drawing-rooms.  They  had  not  gone  above  half  round  the  second 
room  when  the  First  Consul  entered  without  being  announced.  He  was  dressed  in 
a  very  plain  uniform  coat,  white  cassimir  pantaloons,  and  top-boots.  Round  his 
waist  he  wore  a  tri-coloured  silk  scarf,  with  a  fringe  to  correspond  ;  and  he  carried 
his  hat  in  his  hand.  Amidst  the  embroidered  coats,  cordons,  and  jewels  of  the 
Ambassadors  and  foreign  dignitaries,  Bonaparte's  costume  appeared  no  less  singular 
than  the  contrast  presented  by  the  simple  elegance  of  Josephine's  dress  compared 
with  the  splendour  of  the  ladies  around  her  "  (Mimoires  de  Constant). 

1  For  a  previous  instance  of  Napoleon,  while  simply  general,  taking  on  himself 
the  right  of  pardon  see  p.  137.  Lnnfrey  says  on  this,  "  How  happy  and  blessed 
would  have  been  his  memory  if  he  had  never  broken  the  laws  of  his  country  except 
by  similar  acts  "  (Lanfrey,  tome  i.  p.  365). 


1800.  PREROGATIVE  OF  MERCY.  381 

hand  by  the  troops  of  the  Eepublic.  He  was  carried  to 
Grenoble,  and  thrown  into  the  military  prison  of  that  town. 
In  the  course  of  January  General  Ferino,  then  command- 
ing at  Grenoble,  received  orders  to  put  the  young  emi- 
grant on  his  trial.  The  laws  against  emigrants  taken  in 
arms  were  terrible,  and  the  judges  dared  not  be  indul- 
gent. To  be  tried  in  the  morning,  condemned  in  the 
course  of  the  day,  and  shot  in  the  evening,  was  the  usual 
course  of  those  implacable  proceedings.  One  of  my 
cousins,  the  daughter  of  M.  Poitrincourt,  came  from  Sens 
to  Paris  to  inform  me  of  the  dreadful  situation  of  M. 
Defeu.  She  told  me  that  he  was  related  to  the  most  re- 
spectable families  of  the  town  of  Sens,  and  that  everybody 
felt  the  greatest  interest  in  his  fate. 

I  had  escaped  for  a  few  moments  to  keep  the  appoint- 
ment made  with  Mademoiselle  Poitrincourt.  On  my  re- 
turn I  perceived  the  First  Consul  surprised  at  finding 
himself  alone  in  the  cabinet,  which  I  was  not  in  the  habit 
of  quitting  without  his  knowledge.  "  Where  have  you 
been  ?  "  said  he.  "  I  have  been  to  see  one  of  my  relations, 
who  solicits  a  favour  of  you." — "What  is  it  ?  "  I  then  in- 
formed him  of  the  unfortunate  situation  of  M.  Defeu.  His 
first  answer  was  dreadful.  "  No  pity !  no  pity  for  emi- 
grants !  Whoever  fights  against  his  country  is  a  child 
who  tries  to  kill  his  mother!"  This  first  burst  of 
anger  being  over,  I  returned  to  the  charge.  I  urged  the 
youth  of  M.  Defeu,  and  the  good  effect  which  clemency 
would  produce.  "  Well,"  said  he,  "  write — 

"  "Ihe  First  Consul  orders  the  judgment  on  M.  Defeu  to  be 
suspended.' " 

He  signed  this  laconic  order,  which  I  instantly  de- 
spatched to  General  Ferino.  I  acquainted  my  cousin  with 
what  had  passed,  and  remained  at  ease  as  to  the  result  of 
the  affair. 

Scarcely  had  I  entered  the  chamber  of  the  First  Consul 
the  next  morning  when  he  said  to  me,  "Well,  Bourrienne, 


382         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

you  say  nothing  about  your  M.  Defeu.  Are  you  satisfied  ?  " 
—  "  General,  I  cannot  find  terms  to  express  my  gratitude." 
— "  Ah,  bah  !  But  I  do  not  like  to  do  things  by  halves. 
Write  to  Ferino  that  I  wish  M.  Defeu  to  be  instantly  set 
at  liberty.  Perhaps  I  am  serving  one  who  will  prove  un- 
grateful. Well,  so  much  the  worse  for  him.  As  to  these 
matters,  Bourrienne,  always  ask  them  from  me.  When  I 
refuse,  it  is  because  I  cannot  help  it." 

I  despatched  at  my  own  expense  an  extraordinary 
courier,  who  arrived  in  time  to  save  M.  Defeu's  life.  His 
mother,  whose  only  son  he  was,  and  M.  Blanchet,  his  uncle, 
came  purposely  from  Sens  to  Paris  to  express  their  grati- 
tude to  me.  I  saw  tears  of  joy  fall  from  the  eyes  of  a 
mother  who  had  appeared  to  be  destined  to  shed  bitter 
drops,  and  I  said  to  her  as  I  felt,  "  that  I  was  amply  rec- 
ompensed by  the  success  which  had  attended  my  efforts."  * 

Emboldened  by  this  success,  and  by  the  benevolent 
language  of  the  First  Consul,  I  ventured  to  request  the 
pardon  of  M.  de  Frott6,  who  was  strongly  recommended  to 
me  by  most  honourable  persons.  Comte  Louis  de  Frotte 
had  at  first  opposed  all  negotiation  for  the  pacification  of 
La  Vendee.  At  length,  by  a  series  of  unfortunate  com- 
bats, he  was,  towards  the  end  of  January,  reduced  to  the 
necessity  of  making  himself  the  advances  which  he  had 
rejected  when  made  by  others.  At  this  period  he  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  General  Guidal,  in  which  he  offered 
pacificatory  proposals.  A  protection  to  enable  him  to 
repair  to  Alen9on  was  transmitted  to  him.  Unfortunately 
for  M.  de  Frotte,  he  did  not  confine  himself  to  writing 
to  General  Guidal,  for  whilst  the  safe-conduct  which  he 
had  asked  was  on  the  way  to  him,  he  wrote  to  his 
lieutenants,  advising  them  not  to  submit  or  consent 
to  be  disarmed.  This  letter  was  intercepted.  It  gave 
all  the  appearance  of  a  fraudulent  stratagem  to  his 

1  M.  Defeu,  thus  snatched  from  death,  was  afterwards  the  father  of  three  chil- 
dren, and  lived  for  many  years  in  tranquillity  at  Sens. — Bourrienne. 


1800.  A    VEND&AN  CHIEF.  383 

proposal  to  treat  for  peace.  Besides,  this  opinion  ap- 
peared to  be  confirmed  by  a  manifesto  of  M.  de  Frotte, 
anterior,  it  is  true,  to  the  offers  of  pacification,  but  in 
which  he  announced  to  all  his  partisans  the  approaching 
end  of  Bonaparte's  "  criminal  enterprise." 

I  had  more  trouble  than  in  M.  Defeu's  case  to  induce 
the  First  Consul  to  exercise  his  clemency.  However,  I 
pressed  him  so  much,  I  laboured  so  hard  to  convince  him 
of  the  happy  effect  of  such  indulgence,  that  at  length  I 
obtained  an  order  to  suspend  the  judgment.  What  a  les- 
son I  then  experienced  of  the  evil  which  may  result  from 
the  loss  of  time  !  Not  supposing  that  matters  were  so  far 
advanced  as  they  were,  I  did  not  immediately  send  off 
the  courier  with  the  order  for  the  suspension  of  the  judg- 
ment. Besides,  the  Minister  of  Police  had  marked  his 
victim,  and  he  never  lost  time  when  evil  was  to  be  done. 
Having,  therefore,  I  know  not  for  what  motive,  resolved  on 
the  destruction  of  M.  de  Frotte,  he  sent  an  order  to  hasten 
his  trial. 

Comte  Louis  de  Frotte  was  brought  to  trial  on  the  28th 
Pluviose,  condemned  the  same  day,  and  executed  the  next 
morning,  the  day  before  we  entered  the  Tuileries.  The 
cruel  precipitation  of  the  Minister  rendered  the  result  of 
my  solicitations  abortive.  I  had  reason  to  think  that  after 
the  day  on  which  the  First  Consul  granted  me  the  order 
for  delay  he  had  received  some  new  accusation  against  M. 
de  Frotte,  for  when  he  heard  of  his  death  he  appeared  to 
me  very  indifferent  about  the  tardy  arrival  of  the  order 
for  suspending  judgment.  He  merely  said  to  me,  with 
unusual  insensibility,  "  You  should  take  your  measures 
better.  You  see  it  is  not  my  fault." 

Though  Bonaparte  put  no  faith  in  the  virtue  of  men,  he 
had  confidence  in  their  honour.  I  had  proof  of  this  in  a 
matter  which  deserves  to  be  recorded  in  history.  When, 
during  the  first  period  of  our  abode  at  the  Tuileries,  he 
had  summoned  the  principal  chiefs  of  La  Vendee  to  en- 


384        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

deavour  to  bring  about  tbe  pacification  of  tbat  unhappy 
country,  be  received  Georges  Cadoudal  in  a  private  audi- 
ence. The  disposition  in  which  I  bebeld  bim  tbe  evening 
before  the  day  appointed  for  this  audience  inspired  me 
with  tbe  most  flattering  hopes.  Rapp  introduced  Georges 
into  the  grand  salon  looking  into  tbe  garden.  Rapp  left 
bim  alone  with  tbe  First  Consul,  but  on  returning  to  tbe 
cabinet  where  I  was  be  did  not  close  either  of  the  two 
doors  of  the  state  bedchamber  which  separated  the  cabinet 
from  tbe  salon.  "We  saw  the  First  Consul  and  Georges 
walk  from  the  window  to  the  bottom  of  the  salon — then  re- 
turn— then  go  back  again.  This  lasted  for  a  long  time. 
Tbe  conversation  appeared  very  animated,  and  we  beard  sev- 
eral things,  but  without  any  connection.  There  was  occa- 
sionally a  good  deal  of  ill-humour  displayed  in  their  tone 
and  gestures.  The  interview  ended  in  nothing.  The  First 
Consul,  perceiving  tbat  Georges  entertained  some  appre- 
hensions for  his  personal  safety,  gave  him  assurances  of 
security  in  the  most  noble  manner,  saying,  "You  take  a 
•wrong  view  of  things,  and  are  wrong  in  not  coming  to 
some  understanding  ;  but  if  you  persist  in  wishing  to  re- 
turn to  your  country  you  shall  depart  as  freely  as  you 
came  to  Paris."  When  Bonaparte  returned  to  bis  cabinet 
be  said  to  Rapp,  "Tell  me,  Rapp,  why  you  left  these  doors 
open,  and  stopped  with  Bourrienne  ?  "  Rapp  replied,  "  If 
you  bad  closed  the  doors  I  would  have  opened  them  again. 
Do  you  think  I  would  have  left  you  alone  with  a  man  like 
that?  There  would  have  been  danger  in  it." — "No, 
Rapp,"  said  Bonaparte,  "you  cannot  think  so."  When 
we  were  alone  the  First  Consul  appeared  pleased  with 
Rapp's  attachment,  but  very  vexed  at  Georges'  refusal. 
He  said,  "  He  does  not  take  a  correct  view  of  things  ;  but 
the  extravagance  of  bis  principles  has  its  source  in  noble 
sentiments,  wbicb  must  give  bim  great  influence  over  his 
countrymen.  It  is  necessary,  however,  to  bring  this  busi- 
ness soon  to  an  end." 


1800.  IRISH  STATE  PRISONERS.  885 

Of  all  the  actions  of  Louis  XIV.,  that  which  Bonaparte 
most  admired  was  his  having  made  the  Doge  of  Genoa  send 
ambassadors  to  Paris  to  apologise  to  him.  The  slightest 
insult  offered  in  a  foreign  country  to  the  rights  and  dig- 
nity of  France  put  Napoleon  beside  himself.  This  anxiety 
to  have  the  French  Government  respected  exhibited  itself 
in  an  affair  which  made  much  noise  at  the  period,  but 
which  was  amicably  arranged  by  the  soothing  influence  of 
gold. 

Two  Irishmen,  Napper  Tandy  and  Blackwell,  who  had 
been  educated  in  France,  and  whose  names  and  rank  as 
officers  appeared  in  the  French  army  list,  had  retired  to 
Hamburg.  The  British  Government  claimed  them  as 
traitors  to  their  country,  and  they  were  given  up  ;  *  but, 
as  the  French  Government  held  them  to  be  subjects  of 
France,  the  transaction  gave  rise  to  bitter  complaints 
against  the  Senate  of  Hamburg. 

Blackwell  had  been  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  united 
Irishmen.  He  had  procured  his  naturalisation  in  France, 
and  had  attained  the  rank  of  chef  d'escadron.  Being  sent 
on  a  secret  mission  to  Norway,  the  ship  in  which  he  was 
embarked  was  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  that  kingdom.  He 
then  repaired  to  Hamburg,  where  the  Senate  placed  him 
under  arrest  on  the  demand  of  Mr.  Crawford,  the  English 
Ministei'.  After  being  detained  in  prison  a  whole  year  he 
was  conveyed  to  England  to  be  tried.  The  French  Gov- 
ernment interfered,  and  preserved,  if  not  his  liberty,  at 
least  his  life. 

Napper  Tandy  was  also  an  Irishman.  To  escape  the 
search  made  after  him,  on  account  of  the  sentiments  of 
independence  which  had  induced  him  to  engage  in  the 
con  test  for  the  liberty  of  his  country,  he  got  on  board  a 
French  brig,  intending  to  land  at  Hamburg  and  pass  into 
Sweden.  Being  exempted  from  the  amnesty  by  the  Irish 

1  The  Russian  and  Austrian  Governments  seconded  the  demand  of  England  for 
their  surrender. 

VOL.  L— 35 


386         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE       1800. 

Parliament,  he  was  claimed  by  the  British  Government, 
and  the  Senators  of  Hamburg  forgot  honour  and  humanity 
in  their  alarm  at  the  danger  which  at  that  moment  men- 
aced their  little  republic  both  from  England  and  France. 
The  Senate  delivered  up  Napper  Tandy  ;  he  was  carried  to 
Ireland,  and  condemned  to  death,  but  owed  the  suspension 
of  his  execution  to  the  interference  of  France.  He  re- 
mained two  years  in  prison,  when  M.  Otto,  who  negotiated 
with  Lord  Hawkesbury  the  preliminaries  of  peace,  obtained 
the  release  of  Napper  Tandy,  who  was  sent  back  to 
France. 

The  First  Consul  spoke  at  first  of  signal  vengeance  ;  but 
the  Senate  of  Hamburg  sent  him  a  memorial,  justificatory 
of  its  conduct,  and  backed  the  apology  with  a  sum  of  four 
millions  and  a  half,  which  mollified  him  considerably.1 
This  was  in  some  sort  a  recollection  of  Egypt — one  of 
those  little  contributions  with  which  the  General  had 
familiarised  the  pashas ;  with  this  difference,  that  on  the 
present  occasion  not  a  single  sous  went  into  the  national 
treasury.  The  sum  was  paid  to  the  First  Consul  through 
the  hands  of  M.  Chapeau  Rouge. 

I  kept  the  four  millions  and  a  half  in  Dutch  bonds  in  a 
secretaire  for  a  week.  Bonaparte  then  determined  to  dis- 
tribute them ;  after  paying  Josephine's  debts,  and  the 
whole  of  the  great  expenses  incurred  at  Malmaison,  he 
dictated  to  me  a  list  of  persons  to  whom  he  wished  to 
make  presents.  My  name  did  not  escape  his  lips,  and 
consequently  I  had  not  the  trouble  to  transcribe  it ;  but 
some  time  after  he  said  to  me,  with  the  most  engaging 
kindness,  "Bourrienne,  I  have  given  you  none  of  the 
money  which  came  from  Hamburg,  but  I  will  make  you 
amends  for  it."  He  took  from  his  drawer  a  large  and 
broad  sheet  of  printed  paper,  with  blanks  filled  up  in  his 

1  A  solemn  deputation  from  the  Senate  arrived  at  the  Tuileries  to  make  public 
apologies  to  Napoleon.  He  again  testified  his  indignation  :  and  when  the  envoys 
urged  their  weakness  he  said  to  them.  "Welll  and  had  you  not  the  resource  of 
weak  states  ?  was  it  not  in  your  power  to  let  them  escape  ':  "  (Napoleon's  Memoirs), 


1800.  A  VALUELESS  BILL.  38? 

own  handwriting,  and  said  to  me,  "Here  is  a  bill  for 
300,000  Italian  livres  on  the  Cisalpine  Republic,  for  the 
price  of  cannon  furnished.  It  is  endorsed  Haller  and 
Collot — I  give  it  you."  To  make  this  understood,  I 
ought  to  state  that  cannon  had  been  sold  to  the  Cisalpine 
Republic,  for  the  value  of  which  the  Administrator- 
general  of  the  Italian  finances  drew  on  the  Republic,  and 
the  bills  were  paid  over  to  M.  Collot,  a  provision  con- 
tractor, and  other  persons.  M.  Collot  had  given  one  of 
these  bills  for  300,000  livres  to  Bonaparte  in  quittance  of 
a  debt,  but  the  latter  had  allowed  the  bill  to  run  out  with- 
out troubling  himself  about  it.  The  Cisalpine  Republic 
kept  the  cannons  and  the  money,  and  the  First  Consul  kept 
his  bill.  When  I  had  examined  it  I  said,  "  General,  it  has 
been  due  for  a  long  time  ;  why  have  you  not  got  it  paid  ? 
The  endorsers  are  no  longer  liable." — "  France  is  bound 
to  discharge  debts  of  this  kind,"  said  he  ;  "  send  the  paper 
to  de  Fermont:  he  will  discount  it  for  three  per  cent. 
You  will  not  have  in  ready  money  more  than  about  9000 
francs  of  rentes,  because  the  Italian  livre  is  not  equal  to 
the  franc."  I  thanked  him,  and  sent  the  bill  to  M.  de 
Fermont.  He  replied  that  the  claim  was  bad,  and  that 
the  bill  would  not  be  liquidated  because  it  did  not  come 
within  the  classifications  made  by  the  laws  passed  in  the 
months  the  names  of  which  terminated  in  aire,  ose,  al,  and 
or. 

I  showed  M.  de  Fermont's  answer  to  the  First  Consul, 
who  said,  "  Ah,  bah  !  He  understands  nothing  about  it — 
he  is  wrong  :  write."  He  then  dictated  a  letter,  which 
promised  very  favourably  for  the  discounting  of  the  bill ; 
but  the  answer  was  a  fresh  refusal.  I  said,  "  General,  M. 
de  Fermont  does  not  attend  to  you  any  more  than  to  myself." 
Bonaparte  took  the  letter,  read  it,  and  said,  in  the  tone  of 
a  man  who  knew  beforehand  what  he  was  about  to  be  in- 
formed of,  "  Well,  what  the  devil  would  you  have  me  do, 
since  the  laws  are  opposed  to  it  ?  Persevere  ;  follow  tlia 


388      MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE,    isoo, 

usual  modes  of  liquidation,  and  something  will  come  of 
it !  "  What  finally  happened  was,  that  by  a  regular  decree 
this  bill  was  cancelled,  torn,  and  deposited  in  the  archives. 
These  300,000  livres  formed  part  of  the  money  which 
Bonaparte  brought  from  Italy.  If  the  bill  was  useless  to 
me  it  was  also  useless  to  him.  This  scrap  of  paper 
merely  proves  that  he  brought  more  than  25,000  francs 
from  Italy. 

I  never  had,  from  the  General-in-Chief  of  the  army  of 
Italy,  nor  from  the  General  in-Chief  of  the  army  of  Egypt, 
nor  from  the  First  Consul  for  ten  years,  nor  from  the 
Consul  for  life,  any  fixed  salary.  I  took  from  his  drawer 
what  was  necessary  for  my  expenses  as  well  as  his  own. 
He  never  asked  me  for  any  account.  After  the  transaction 
of  the  bill  on  the  insolvent  Cisalpine  Republic  he  said  to 
me,  at  the  beginning  of  the  winter  of  1800,  "Bourrienne, 
the  weather  is  becoming  very  bad  ;  I  will  go  but  seldom  to 
Malmaison.  Whilst  I  am  at  council  get  my  papers  and 
little  articles  from  Malmaison  ;  here  is  the  key  of  my 
secretaire,  take  out  everything  that  is  there."  I  got  into 
the  carriage  at  two  o'clock  and  returned  at  six.  When  he 
had  dined  I  placed  upon  the  table  of  his  cabinet  the  various 
articles  which  I  had  found  in  his  secretaire  including  15,000 
francs  (somewhere  about  £600  of  English  money)  in  bank- 
notes which  were  in  the  corner  of  a  little  drawer.  When 
he  looked  at  them  he  said,  "  Here  is  money — what  is  the 
meaning  of  this  ?  "  I  replied,  "  I  know  nothing  about  it, 
except  that  it  was  in  your  secretaire."  "  Oh  yes  ;  I  had 
forgotten  it.  It  was  for  my  trifling  expenses.  Here,  take 
it."  I  remembered  well  that  one  summer  morning  he  had 
given  me  his  key  to  bring  him  two  notes  of  1000  francs  for 
some  incidental  expense,  but  I  had  no  idea  that  he  had 
not  drawn  further  on  his  little  treasure. 

I  have  stated  the  appropriation  of  the  four  millions  and 
a  half,  the  result  of  the  extortion  inflicted  on  the  Senate 
of  Hamburg,  in  the  affair  of  Napper  Tandy  and  BlackwelL 


1800.  THE  COST  OF  MALMAISON.  389 

The  whole,  however,  was  not  disposed  of  in  presents.  A 
considerable  portion  was  reserved  for  paying  Josephine's 
debts,  and  this  business  appears  to  me  to  deserve  some 
remarks. 

The  estate  of  Malmaison  had  cost  160,000  francs.  Jose- 
phine had  purchased  it  of  M.  Lecouteulx  while  we  were  in 
Egypt.  Many  embellishments,  and  some  new  buildings, 
had  been  made  there ;  and  a  park  had  been  added,  which 
had  now  become  beautiful.  All  this  could  not  be  done 
for  nothing,  and  besides,  it  was  very  necessary  that  what 
was  due  for  the  original  purchase  should  be  entirely  dis- 
charged ;  and  this  considerable  item  was  not  the  only  debt 
of  Josephine.  The  creditors  murmured,  which  had  a  bad 
effect  in  Paris  ;  and  I  confess  I  was  so  well  convinced  that 
the  First  Consul  would  be  extremely  displeased  that  I 
constantly  delayed  the  moment  of  speaking  to  him  on  the 
subject.  It  was  therefore  with  extreme  satisfaction  I 
learned  that  M.  de  Talleyrand  had  anticipated  me.  No 
person  was  more  capable  than  himself  of  gilding  the  pill, 
as  one  may  say,  for  Bonaparte.  Endowed  with  as  much 
independence  of  character  as  of  mind,  he  did  him  the 
service,  at  the  risk  of  offending  him,  to  tell  him  that  a 
great  number  of  creditors  expressed  their  discontent  in 
bitter  complaints  respecting  the  debts  contracted  by 
Madame  Bonaparte  during  his  expedition  to  the  East. 
Bonaparte  felt  that  his  situation  required  him  promptly  to 
remove  the  cause  of  such  complaints.  It  was  one  night 
about  half-past  eleven  o'clock  that  M.  Talleyrand  intro- 
duced this  delicate  subject.  As  soon  as  he  was  gone  I 
entered  the  little  cabinet ;  Bonaparte  said  to  me,  "  Bour- 
rienne,  Talleyrand  has  been  speaking  to  me  about  the 
debts  of  my  wife.  I  have  the  money  from  Hamburg — 
ask  her  the  exact  amount  of  her  debts  :  let  her  confess  all. 
I  wish  to  finish,  and  not  begin  again.  But  do  not  pay 
without  showing  me  the  bills  of  those  rascals :  they  are  a 
gang  of  robbers." 


390         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800, 

Hitherto  the  apprehension  of  an  unpleasant  scene,  the 
very  idea  of  which  made  Josephine  tremble,  had  always 
prevented  me  from  broaching  this  subject  to  the  First 
Consul ;  but,  well  pleased  that  Talleyrand  had  first  touched 
upon  it,  I  resolved  to  do  all  in  my  power  to  put  an  end  to 
the  disagreeable  affair. 

The  next  morning  I  saw  Josephine.  She  was  at  first 
delighted  with  her  husband's  intentions  ;  but  this  feeling 
did  not  last  long.  When  I  asked  her  for  an  exact  account 
of  what  she  owed  she  entreated  me  not  to  press  it,  but 
content  myself  with  what  she  should  confess.  I  said  to 
her,  "Madame,  I  cannot  deceive  you  respecting  the  dis- 
position of  the  First  Consul.  He  believes  that  you  owe  a 
considerable  sum,  and  is  willing  to  discharge  it.  You  will, 
I  doubt  not,  have  to  endure  some  bitter  reproaches,  and 
a  violent  scene  ;  but  the  scene  will  be  just  the  same  for  the 
whole  as  for  a  part.  If  you  conceal  a  large  proportion  of 
your  debts  at  the  end  of  some  time  murmurs  will  recom- 
mence, they  will  reach  the  ears  of  the  First  Consul,  and 
his  anger  will  display  itself  still  more  strikingly.  Trust  to 
me — state  all ;  the  result  will  be  the  same  ;  you  will  hear 
but  once  the  disagreeable  things  he  will  say  to  you ;  by 
reservations  you  will  renew  them  incessantly."  Josephine 
said,  "I  can  never  tell  all;  it  is  impossible.  Do  me  the 
service  to  keep  secret  what  I  say  to  you.  I  owe,  I  believe, 
about  1,200,000  francs,  but  I  wish  to  confess  only  600,000  : 
I  will  contract  no  more  debts,  and  will  pay  the  rest  little 
by  little  out  of  my  savings." — "  Here,  Madame,  my  first 
observations  recur.  As  I  do  not  believe  he  estimates  your 
debts  at  so  high  a  sum  as  600,000  francs,  I  can  warrant 
that  you  will  not  experience  more  displeasure  for  ac- 
knowledging to  1,200,000  than  to  600,000 ;  and  by  going  so 
far  you  will  get  rid  of  them  for  ever." — "I  can  never  do  it, 
Bourrienne  ;  I  know  him ;  I  can  never  support  his  violence." 
After  a  quarter  of  an  hour's  further  discussion  on  the  sub- 
ject I  was  obliged  to  yield  to  her  earnest  solicitation,  and 


1800.  EXTRAVAGANCE  OF  JOSEPHINE.  391 

promise  to  mention  only  the  600,000  francs  to  the  First 
Consul. 

The  anger  and  ill-humour  of  Bonaparte  may  be 
imagined.  He  strongly  suspected  that  his  wife  was  dis- 
sembling in  some  respect ;  but  he  said,  "  Well,  take  600,- 
000  francs,  but  liquidate  the  debts  for  that  sum,  and  let 
me  hear  nothing  more  on  the  subject.  I  authorise  you  to 
threaten  these  tradesmen  with  paying  nothing  if  they  do 
not  reduce  their  enormous  charges.  They  ought  to  be 
taught  not  to  be  so  ready  in  giving  credit"  Madame 
Bonaparte  gave  me  all  her  bills.  The  extent  to  which  the 
articles  had  been  overcharged,  owing  to  the  fear  of  not 
being  paid  for  a  long  period,  and  of  deductions  being 
made  from  the  amount,  was  inconceivable.  It  appeared 
to  me,  also,  that  there  must  be  some  exaggeration  in  the 
number  of  articles  supplied.  I  observed  in  the  milliner's 
bill  thirty-eight  new  hats,  of  great  price,  in  one  month. 
There  was  likewise  a  charge  of  1800  francs  for  heron 
plumes,  and  800  francs  for  perfumes.  I  asked  Josephine 
whether  she  wore  out  two  hats  in  one  day  ?  She  objected 
to  this  charge  for  the  hats,  which  she  merely  called  a  mis- 
take. The  impositions  which  the  saddler  attempted,  both 
in  the  extravagance  of  his  prices  and  in  charging  for 
articles  which  he  had  not  furnished,  were  astonishing.  I 
need  say  nothing  of  the  other  tradesmen, — it  was  the 
same  system  of  plunder  throughout. 

I  availed  myself  fully  of  the  First  Consul's  permission, 
and  spared  neither  reproaches  nor  menaces.  I  am 
ashamed  to  say  that  the  greater  part  of  the  tradesmen 
were  contented  with  the  half  of  what  they  demanded.  One 
of  them  received  35,000  francs  for  a  bill  of  80,000 ;  and 
he  had  the  impudence  to  tell  me  that  he  made  a  good  pro- 
fit nevertheless.  Finally,  I  was  fortunate  enough,  after  the 
most  vehement  disputes,  to  settle  everything  for  600,000 
francs.  Madame  Bonaparte,  however,  soon  fell  again  into 
the  same  excesses,  but  fortunately  money  became  more 


392         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

plentiful.  This  inconceivable  mania  of  spending  money 
•was  almost  the  sole  cause  of  her  unhappiness.  Her 
thoughtless  profusion  occasioned  permanent  disorder  in 
her  household  until  the  period  of  Bonaparte's  second 
marriage,  when,  I  am  informed,  she  became  regular  in 
her  expenditure.  I  could  not  say  so  of  her  when  she  was 
Empress  in  1804 ' 

The  amiable  Josephine  had  not  less  ambition  in  little 
things  than  her  husband  had  in  great.  She  felt  pleasure 
in  acquiring  and  not  in  possessing.  Who  would  suppose 
it  ?  She  grew  tired  of  the  beauty  of  the  park  of  Mal- 
maison,  and  was  always  asking  me  to  take  her  out  on  the 
high  road,  either  in  the  direction  of  Nanterre,  or  on  that 
of  Marly,  in  the  midst  of  the  dust  occasioned  by  the  pass- 
ing of  carriages.  The  noise  of  the  high  road  appeared 
to  her  preferable  to  the  calm  silence  of  the  beautiful 
avenues  of  the  park,  and  in  this  respect  Hortense  had  the 
same  taste  as  her  mother.  This  whimsical  fancy  astonished 
Bonaparte,  and  he  was  sometimes  vexed  at  it.  My  inter- 
course with  Josephine  was  delightful,  for  I  never  saw  a 
woman  who  so  constantly  entered  society  with  such  an 
equable  disposition,  or  with  so  much  of  the  spirit  of  kind- 
ness, which  is  the  first  principle  of  amiability.  She  was 
so  obligingly  attentive  as  to  cause  a  pretty  suite  of  apart- 
ments to  be  prepared  at  Malmaison  for  me  and  my  family. 

1  Notwithstanding  her  husband's  wish,  she  could  never  bring  her  establishment 
into  any  order  or  rule.  He  wished  that  no  tradesmen  fhonld  ever  reach  her,  but 
he  was  forced  to  yield  on  this  point.  The  small  inner  rooms  were  filled  with  them, 
as  with  artists  of  all  sorts.  She  had  a  mania  for  having  herself  painted,  and  gave 
her  portraits  to  whoever  wished  for  one, — relations,  femmes  de  cfiambre,  even  to 
tradesmen.  They  never  ceased  bringing  her  diamonds,  jewels,  shawls,  muterials 
for  dresses,  and  trinkets  of  all  kinds ;  she  bought  everything  without  ever  asking  the 
price ;  and  generally  forgot  what  she  had  purchased.  .  .  All  the  morning  she  had 
on  a  shawl  which  she  draped  on  her  shoulders  with  a  grace  I  have  seen  in  no  one 
else.  Bonaparte,  who  thought  her  shawls  covered  her  too  much,  tore  them  off,  and 
sometimes  threw  them  into  the  fire  ;  then  she  sent  for  another  (Jlhnusat,  tome  ii.  pp. 
343-5545).  After  the  divorce  her  income,  large  as  it  was,  was  insufficient,  but  the  Em- 
peror was  more  compassionate  then,  and  when  sending  the  Comte  Mollien  to  settle 
her  affairs  gave  him  strict  orders  "  not  to  make  her  weep"  (JMeiieval,  tome  iii.  j> 
837). 


1800.  THE  FIRST  CONSUL  IN  DISQU18K  898 

She  pressed  me  earnestly,  and  with  all  her  known  grace, 
to  accept  it ;  but  almost  as  much  a  captive  at  Paris  as  a 
prisoner  of  state,  I  wished  to  have  to  myself  in  the  coun- 
try the  moments  of  liberty  I  was  permitted  to  enjoy.  Yet 
what  was  this  liberty  ?  I  had  bought  a  little  house  at 
Ruel,  which  I  kept  during  two  years  and  a  half.  When  I 
saw  my  friends  there,  it  had  to  be  at  midnight,  or  at  five 
o'clock  in  the  morning ;  and  the  First  Consul  would  often 
send  for  me  in  the  night  when  couriers  arrived.  It  was 
for  this  sort  of  liberty  I  refused  Josephine's  kind  offer. 
Bonaparte  came  once  to  see  me  in  my  retreat  at  Ruel,  but 
Josephine  and  Hortense  came  often.  It  was  a  favourite 
walk  with  these  ladies. 

At  Paris  I  was  less  frequently  absent  from  Bonaparte 
than  at  Malmaison.  We  sometimes  in  the  evening  walked 
together  in  the  garden  of  the  Tuileries  after  the  gates  were 
closed.  In  these  evening  walks  he  always  wore  a  gray 
greatcoat,  and  a  round  hat.  I  was  directed  to  answer, 
"The  First  Consul,"  to  the  sentinel's  challenge  of,  "Who 
goes  there?"  These  promenades,  which  were  of  much 
benefit  to  Bonaparte,  and  me  also,  as  a  relaxation  from  our 
labours,  resembled  those  which  we  had  at  Malmaison.  As 
to  our  promenades  in  the  city,  they  were  often  very 
amusing. 

At  the  period  of  our  first  inhabiting  the  Tuileries,  when 
I  saw  Bonaparte  enter  the  cabinet  at  eight  o'clock  in  the 
evening  in  his  gray  coat,  I  knew  he  would  say,  "Bour- 
rienne,  come  and  take  a  turn."  Sometimes,  then,  instead 
of  going  out  by  the  garden  arcade,  we  would  take  the 
little  gate  which  leads  from  the  court  to  the  apartments  of 
the  Due  d'Angouleme.  He  would  take  my  arm,  and  we 
would  go  to  buy  articles  of  trifling  value  in  the  shops  of 
the  Rue  St.  Honore ;  but  we  did  not  extend  our  excursions 
farther  than  Rue  de  1'Arbre  Sec.  Whilst  I  made  the  shop- 
keeper exhibit  before  us  the  articles  which  I  appeared 
anxious  to  buy  he  played  his  part  in  asking  questions, 


394         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

Nothing  was  more  amusing  than  to  see  him  endeavouring 
to  imitate  the  careless  and  jocular  tone  of  the  young  men 
of  fashion.  How  awkward  was  he  in  the  attempt  to  put 
on  dandy  airs  when  pulling  up  the  corners  of  his  cravat 
he  would  say,  "Well,  Madame,  is  there  anything  new 
to-day?  Citizen,  what  say  they  of  Bonaparte?  Your 
shop  appears  to  be  well  supplied.  You  surely  have  a  great 
deal  of  custom.  What  do  people  say  of  that  buffoon, 
Bonaparte?"  He  was  made  quite  happy  one  day  when 
we  were  obliged  to  retire  hastily  from  a  shop  to  avoid  the 
attacks  drawn  upon  us  by  the  irreverent  tone  in  which 
Bonaparte  spoke  of  the  First  Consul 


1800.  395 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

1800. 

War  and  monuments — Influence  of  the  recollections  of  Egypt — First 
improvements  in  Paris — Malmaison  too  little — St.  Cloud  taken — Th« 
Pont  des  Arts — Business  prescribed  for  me  by  Bonaparte — Pecuniary 
remuneration — The  First  Consul's  visit  to  the  Pritanee — His  exami- 
nation of  the  pupils — Consular  pensions — Tragical  death  of  Miack- 
zinski — Introduction  of  vaccination — Recall  of  the  members  of  the 
Constituent  Assembly — The  "  canary  "  volunteers — Tronchet  and 
Target — Liberation  of  the  Austrian  prisoners — Longchamps  and 
sacred  music — ANNEX. 

THE  destruction  of  men  and  the  construction  of  monu- 
ments were  two  things  perfectly  in  unison  in  the  mind 
of  Bonaparte.  It  may  be  said  that  his  passion  for  monu- 
ments amlost  equalled  his  passion  for  war  ; 1  but  as  in  all 
things  he  disliked  what  was  little  and  mean,  so  he  liked  vast 
constructions  and  great  battles.  The  sight  of  the  colossal 
ruins  of  the  monuments  of  Egypt  had  not  a  little  contrib- 
uted to  augment  his  natural  taste  for  great  structures. 
It  was  not  so  much  the  monuments  themselves  that  he 
admired,  but  the  historical  recollections  they  perpetuate, 
the  great  names  they  consecrate,  the  important  events 
they  attest.  What  should  he  have  cared  for  the  column 
which  we  beheld  on  our  arrival  in  Alexandria  had  it  not 
been  Pompey's  pillar  ?  It  is  for  artists  to  admire  or  cen- 

1  Take  pleasure,  if  you  can,  in  reading  your  returns.  The  good  condition  of  my 
armies  is  owing  to  my  devoting  to  them  one  or  two  hours  in  every  day.  When  the 
monthly  returns  of  my  armies  and  of  my  fleets,  which,  form  twenty  thick  volumes, 
are  sent  to  me,  I  give  up  every  other  occupation  in  order  to  read  them  in  detail  and 
to  observe  the  difference  between  one  monthly  return  and  another.  No  young  girt 
enjoys  her  novel  BO  much  as  I  do  these  returns  1  (Napoleon  to  Joseph,  20th  Air 
gut  1806.— Dv  Ca*»€,  tome  ill.  p.  145). 


396         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.        1800. 

sure  its  proportions  and  ornaments,  for  men  of  learning 
to  explain  its  inscriptions  ;  but  the  name  of  Pompey  ren^ 
ders  it  an  object  of  interest  to  all. 

When  endeavouring  to  sketch  the  character  of  Bona- 
parte I  ought  to  have  noticed  his  taste  for  monuments, 
for  without  this  characteristic  trait  something  essential  is 
wanting  to  the  completion  of  the  portrait.  This  taste,  or, 
as  it  may  more  properly  be  called,  this  passion  for  monu- 
ments, exercised  no  small  influence  on  his  thoughts  and 
projects  of  glory  ;  yet  it  did  not  deter  him  from  directing 
attention  to  public  improvements  of  a  less  ostentatious 
kind.  He  wished  for  great  monuments  to  perpetuate  the 
recollection  of  his  glory  ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  knew 
how  to  appreciate  all  that  was  truly  useful.  He  could 
very  rarely  be  reproached  for  rejecting  any  plan  without 
examination  ;  and  this  examination  was  a  speedy  affair, 
for  his  natural  tact  enabled  him  immediately  to  see  things 
in  their  proper  light. 

Though  most  of  the  monuments  and  embellishments 
of  Paris  are  executed  from  the  plans  of  men  of  talent,  yet 
some  owe  their  origin  to  circumstances  merely  accidental. 
Of  this  I  can  mention  an  example. 

I  was  standing  at  the  window  of  Bonaparte's  cabinet, 
which  looked  into  the  garden  of  the  Tuileries.  He  had 
gone  out,  and  I  took  advantage  of  his  absence  to  rise  from 
my  chair,  for  I  was  tired  of  sitting.  He  had  scarcely  been 
gone  a  minute  when  he  unexpectedly  returned  to  ask  me 
for  a  paper.  "  What  are  you  doing  there,  Bourrienne  ? 
I'll  wager  anything  you  are  admiring  the  ladies  walking 
on  the  terrace." — "Why,  I  must  confess  I  do  sometimes 
amuse  myself  in  that  way,"  replied  I ;  "but  I  assure  you, 
General,  I  was  now  thinking  of  something  else.  I  was 
looking  at  that  villainous  left  bank  of  the  Seine,  which 
always  annoys  me  with  the  gaps  in  its  dirty  quay,  and  the 
floodings  which  almost  every  winter  prevent  communica- 
tion with  the  Faubourg  St.  Germain,  and  I  was  thinking 


1800.        ST.  CLOUD  FOR  THE  FIKST  CONSUL.          397 

I  would  speak  to  you  on  the  subject."  He  approached 
the  window,  and,  looking  out,  said,  "You  are  right,  it  is 
very  ugly ;  and  very  offensive  to  see  dirty  linen  washed 
before  our  windows.  Here,  write  immediately  :  '  The  quay 
of  the  iZcole  de  Natation  is  to  be  finished  during  next 
campaign.'  Send  that  order  to  the  Minister  of  the  Inte- 
rior." The  quay  was  finished  the  year  following. 

As  an  instance  of  the  enormous  difference  which  fre- 
quently appears  between  the  original  estimates  of  archi- 
tects and  their  subsequent  accounts  I  may  mention  what 
occurred  in  relation  to  the  Palace  of  St.  Cloud.  But  I 
must  first  say  a  word  about  the  manner  in  which  Bona- 
parte originally  refused  and  afterwards  took  possession  of 
the  Queen's  pleasure-house.  Malmaison  was  a  suitable 
country  residence  for  Bonaparte  as  long  as  he  remained 
content  with  his  town  apartments  in  the  little  Luxem- 
bourg ;  but  that  Consular  bagatelle  was  too  confined  in 
comparison  with  the  spacious  apartments  in  the  Tuileries. 
The  inhabitants  of  St.  Cloud,  well-advised,  addressed  a 
petition  to  the  Legislative  Body,  praying  that  their  de- 
serted chateau  might  be  made  the  summer  residence  of  the 
First  Consul.  The  petition  was  referred  to  the  Govern- 
ment ;  but  Bonaparte,  who  was  not  yet  Consul  for  life, 
proudly  declared  that  so  long  as  he  was  at  the  head  of 
affairs,  and,  indeed,  for  a  year  afterwards,  he  would  accept 
no  national  recompense.  Some  time  after  we  went  to  visit 
the  palace  of  the  18th  Brumaire.  Bonaparte  liked  it  ex- 
ceedingly, but  all  was  in  a  state  of  complete  dilapidation. 
It  bore  evident  marks  of  the  Kevolution.  The  First  Con- 
sul did  not  wish,  as  yet,  to  burden  the  budget  of  the  State 
with  his  personal  expenses,  and  he  was  alarmed  at  the 
enormous  sum  required  to  render  St.  Cloud  habitable. 
Flattery  had  not  yet  arrived  at  the  degree  of  proficiency 
which  it  subsequently  attained ;  but  even  then  his  flatter- 
ers boldly  assured  him  he  might  take  possession  of  Si 
Cloud  for  25,000  francs.  I  told  the  First  Consul  that, 


398        MEMOIRS  Of  NAPOLEOtf  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

considering  the  ruinous  state  of  the  place,  I  could  venture 
to  say  that  the  expense  would  amount  to  more  than 
1,200,000  francs.  Bonaparte  determined  to  have  a  regular 
estimate  of  the  expense,  and  it  amounted  to  nearly 
3,000,000.  He  thought  it  a  great  sum ;  but  as  he  had  re- 
solved to  make  St.  Cloud  his  residence  he  gave  orders  for 
commencing  the  repairs,  the  expense  of  which,  indepen- 
dently of  the  furniture,  amounted  to  6,000,000.  So  much 
for  the  3,000,000  of  the  architect  and  the  25,000  francs  of 
the  flatterers. 

When  the  First  Consul  contemplated  the  building  of 
the  Pont  des  Arts  we  had  a  long  conversation  on  the  sub- 
ject. I  observed  that  it  would  be  much  better  to  build 
the  bridge  of  stone.  "  The  first  object  of  monuments  of 
this  kind,"  said  I,  "is  public  utility.  They  require  solid- 
ity of  appearance,  and  their  principal  merit  is  duration. 
I  cannot  conceive,  General,  why,  in  a  country  where  there 
is  abundance  of  fine  stone  of  every  quality,  the  use  of  iron 
should  be  preferred." — "Write,"  said  Bonaparte,  "to 
Fontaine  and  Percier,  the  architects,  and  ask  what  they 
think  of  it."  I  wrote  and  they  stated  in  their  answer  that 
"bridges  were  intended  for  public  utility  and  the  em- 
bellishment of  cities.  The  projected  bridge  between  the 
Louvre  and  the  Quatre -Nations  would  unquestionably  ful- 
fil the  first  of  these  objects,  as  was  proved  by  the  great 
number  of  persons  who  daily  crossed  the  Seine  at  that 
point  in  boats  ;  that  the  site  fixed  upon  between  the  Pont 
Neuf  and  the  Tuileries  appeared  to  be  the  best  that  could 
be  chosen  for  the  purpose  ;  and  that  on  the  score  of  orna- 
ment Paris  would  gain  little  by  the  construction  of  an 
iron  bridge,  which  would  be  very  narrow,  and  which,  from 
its  light  form,  would  not  correspond  with  the  grandeur  of 
the  two  bridges  between  which  it  would  be  placed." 

When  we  had  received  the  answer  of  MM.  Percier  and 
Fontaine,  we  again  had  a  conversation  on  the  subject  of 
the  bridge.  I  told  the  First  Consul  that  I  perfectly  con- 


1800.  AN  IMPERIAL  STREET.  899 

curred  in  the  opinion  of  MM.  Fontaine  and  Percier ;  how- 
ever, he  would  have  his  own  way,  and  thus  was  authorised 
the  construction  of  the  toy  which  formed  a  communication 
between  the  Louvre  and  the  Institute.  But  no  sooner 
was  the  Pont  des  Arts  finished  than  Bonaparte  pronounced 
it  to  be  mean  and  out  of  keeping  with  the  other  bridges 
above  and  below  it.  One  day  when  visiting  the  Louvre 
he  stopped  at  one  of  the  windows  looking  towards  the 
Pont  des  Arts  and  said,  "There  is  no  solidity,  no  grandeur 
about  that  bridge.  In  England,  where  stone  is  scarce,  it 
is  very  natural  that  iron  should  be  used  for  arches  of  large 
dimensions.  But  the  case  is  different  in  France,  where 
the  requisite  material  is  abundant." 

The  infernal  machine  of  the  3d  Nivose,  of  which  I  shall 
presently  speak  more  at  length,  was  the  signal  for  vast 
changes  in  the  quarter  of  the  Tuileries.  That  horrible 
attempt  was  at  least  so  far  attended  by  happy  results  that 
it  contributed  to  the  embellishment  of  Paris.  It  was 
thought  more  advisable  for  the  Government  to  buy  and 
pull  down  the  houses  which  had  been  injured  by  the 
machine  than  to  let  them  be  put  under  repair.  As  an  ex- 
ample of  Bonaparte's  grand  schemes  in  building  I  may 
mention  that,  being  one  day  at  the  Louvre,  he  pointed 
towards  St.  Germain  1'Auxerrois  and  said  to  me,  "  That  is 
where  I  will  build  an  imperial  street.  It  shall  run  from 
here  to  the  Barriere  du  Trone.  It  shall  be  a  hundred 
feet  broad,  and  have  arcades  and  plantations.  This  street 
shall  be  the  finest  in  the  world." 

The  palace  of  the  King  of  Rome,  which  was  to  face  the 
Pont  de  Jena  and  the  Champ  de  Mars,  would  have  been 
in  some  measure  isolated  from  Paris,  with  which,  how- 
ever, it  was  to  be  connected  by  a  line  of  palaces.  These 
were  to  extend  along  the  quay,  and  were  destined  as 
splendid  residences  for  the  Ambassadors  of  foreign  sover- 
eigns, at  least  as  long  as  there  should  be  any  sovereigns 
in  Europe  except  Napoleon.  The  Temple  of  Glory,  too, 


400        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

which  was  to  occupy  the  site  of  the  Church  of  la  Made- 
leine, was  never  finished.  If  the  plan  of  this  monument 
proved  the  necessity  which  Bonaparte  felt  of  constantly 
holding  out  stimulants  to  his  soldiers,  its  relinquishment 
was  at  least  a  proof  of  his  wisdom.  He  who  had  re- 
established religious  worship  in  France,  and  had  restored 
to  its  destination  the  church  of  the  Invalides,  which  was 
for  a  time  metamorphosed  into  the  Temple  of  Mars,  fore- 
saw that  a  Temple  of  Glory  would  give  birth  to  a  sort  of 
paganism  incompatible  with  the  ideas  of  the  age. 

The  recollection  of  the  magnificent  Necropolis  of  Cairo 
frequently  recurred  to  Bonaparte's  mind.  He  had  ad- 
mired that  city  of  the  dead,  which  he  had  partly  contrib- 
uted to  people  ;  and  his  design  was  to  make,  at  the  four 
cardinal  points  of  Paris,  four  vast  cemeteries  on  the  plan  of 
that  at  Cairo. 

Bonaparte  determined  that  all  the  new  streets  of  Paris 
should  be  40  feet  wide,  and  be  provided  with  foot-pave- 
ments ;  in  short,  he  thought  nothing  too  grand  for  the 
embellishment  of  the  capital  of  a  country  which  he  wished 
to  make  the  first  in  the  world.  Next  to  war,  he  regarded 
the  embellishment  of  Paris  as  the  source  of  his  glory  ;  and 
he  never  considered  a  victory  fully  achieved  until  he  had 
raised  a  monument  to  transmit  its  memory  to  posterity. 
He  wanted  glory,  uninterrupted  glory,  for  France  as  well 
as  for  himself.  How  often,  when  talking  over  his  schemes, 
has  he  not  said,  8<  Bourrienne,  it  is  for  France  I  am  doing 
all  this  !  All  I  wish,  all  I  desire,  the  end  of  all  my  labours 
is,  that  my  name  should  be  indissolubly  connected  with 
that  of  France ! " 

Paris  is  not  the  only  city,  nor  is  France  the  only  king- 
dom, which  bears  traces  of  Napoleon's  passion  for  great 
and  useful  monuments.  In  Belgium,  in  Holland,  in  Pied- 
mont, in  all  Italy,  he  executed  great  improvements.  At 
Turin  a  splendid  bridge  was  built  over  the  Po,  in  lieu  of 
an  old  bridge  which  was  falling  in  ruins. 


1800.  REMOVAL  0&  OBSTACLES.  461 

How  many  things  were  undertaken  and  executed  in 
Napoleon's  short  and  eventful  reign  !  To  obviate  the  dif- 
ficulty of  communication  between  Metz  and  Mayence  a 
magnificent  road  was  made,  as  if  by  magic,  across  imprac- 
ticable marshes  and  vast  forests :  mountains  were  cut 
through  and  ravines  filled  up.  He  would  not  allow  nature 
more  than  man  to  resist  him.  One  day  when  he  was  pro- 
ceeding to  Belgium  by  the  way  of  Givet,  he  was  detained 
for  a  short  time  at  Little  Givet,  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Meuse,  in  consequence  of  an  accident  which  happened  to 
the  ferry-boat.  He  was  within  a  gunshot  of  the  fortress 
of  Charlemont,  on  the  left  bank,  and  in  the  vexation  which 
the  delay  occasioned  he  dictated  the  following  decree  :  "A 
bridge  shall  be  built  over  the  Meuse  to  join  Little  Givet 
to  Great  Givet.  It  shall  be  terminated  during  the  ensuing 
campaign."  It  was  completed  within  the  prescribed  time. 

In  the  great  work  of  bridges  and  highways  Bonaparte's 
chief  object  was  to  remove  the  obstacles  and  barriers  which 
nature  had  raised  up  as  the  limits  of  old  France  so  as  to 
form  a  junction  with  the  provinces  which  he  successively 
annexed  to  the  Empire.  Thus  in  Savoy  a  road,  smooth 
as  a  garden-walk,  superseded  the  dangerous  ascents  and 
descents  of  the  wood  of  Bramant ;  thus  was  the  passage 
of  Mont  Cenis  a  pleasant  promenade  at  almost  every 
season  of  the  year ;  thus  did  the  Simplon  bow  his  head, 
and  Bonaparte  might  have  said,  "There  are  now  no  Alps," 
with  more  reason  than  Louis  XIV.  said,  "There  are  now 
no  Pyrenees."  * 

Such  was  the  implicit  confidence  which  Bonaparte  re- 
posed in  me  that  I  was  often  alarmed  at  the  responsibility 
it  obliged  me  to  incur.1  Official  business  was  not  the  only 

1  Metternich  (tome  iv.  p.  187)  says  on  this  subject,  "  If  yon  look  closely  at  th« 
course  of  human  affairs  you  will  make  strange  discoveries.  For  instance,  that  the 
Simplon  Pass  has  contributed  a*  surely  to  Napoleon's  Immortality  as  the  numer- 
ous works  done  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Francis  will  fail  to  add  to  his." 

1  Of  this  confidence  the  following  instructions  for  me,  which  he  dictated  to  Duroc, 
afford  sufficient  proof : — 

"  1st.    Citizen  Bonrrienne  shall  open  all  the  letters  addressed  to  the  First  Consul, 

VOL.  I.— 26 


402        MEMOIRS  Of  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      18001 

labour  that  devolved  upon  me.  I  had  to  write  to  the  dic- 
tation of  the  First  Consul  during  a  great  part  of  the  day, 
or  to  decipher  his  writing,  which  was  always  the  most 
laborious  part  of  my  duty.1  I  was  so  closely  employed 
that  I  scarcely  ever  went  out ;  and  when  by  chance  I  dined 
in  town,  I  could  not  arrive  until  the  very  moment  of  din- 
ner, and  I  was  obliged  to  run  away  immediately  after  it. 
Once  a  month,  at  most,  I  went  without  Bonaparte  to  the 
Comedie  Francaise,  but  I  was  obliged  to  return  at  nine 
o'clock,  that  being  the  hour  at  which  we  resumed  business. 
Corvisart,  with  whom  I  was  intimately  acquainted,  con- 
stantly expressed  his  apprehensions  about  my  health  ;  but 
my  zeal  carried  me  through  every  difficulty,  and  during 
our  stay  at  the  Tuileries  I  cannot  express  how  happy  I  was 
in  enjoying  the  unreserved  confidence  of  the  man  on  whom 
the  eyes  of  all  Europe  were  fixed.  So  perfect  was  this 

and  present  them  to  him  three  times  a  day,  or  of  tenor  in  case  of  urgent  business. 
The  letters  shall  be  deposited  in  the  cabinet  when  they  are  opened.  Bourrienne  is  to 
analyse  all  those  which  are  of  secondary  interest,  and  write  the  First  Consul's  deci- 
•ion  on  each  letter.  The  hours  for  presenting  the  letters  shall  be,  first,  when  the 
Consul  rises ;  second,  a  quarter  of  an  hour  before  dinner  ;  and  third,  at  eleven  at 
night. 

"  2d.  He  is  to  have  the  superintendence  of  the  Topographical  office,  and  of  an 
office  of  Translation,  in  which  there  shall  be  a  German  and  an  English  clerk. 
Every  day  he  shall  present  to  the  First  Consul,  at  the  hours  above  mentioned,  the 
German  and  English  journals,  together  with  a  translation.  With  respect  to  the  Ital- 
ian journals,  it  will  only  be  necessary  to  mark  what  the  First  Consul  is  to  read. 

"3d.  He  shall  keep  a  register  of  appointments  to  offices  under  Government ;  a 
second,  for  appointments  to  judicial  posts;  a  third,  for  appointments  to  places 
abroad  ;  and  a  fourth,  for  the  situations  of  receivers  and  great  financial  posts,  where 
he  is  to  inscribe  the  names  of  all  the  individuals  whom  the  First  Consul  may  refer  to 
him.  These  registers  must  be  written  by  his  own  hand,  and  must  be  kept  entirely 
private. 

"4th.  Secret  correspondence,  and  the  different  reports  of  surveillance,  are  to  be 
addressed  directly  to  Bourrienne,  and  transmitted  by  him  to  the  hand  of  the  First 
Consul,  by  whom  they  will  be  returned  without  the  intervention  of  any  third  party. 

"  6th.  There  shall  be  a  register  for  all  that  relates  to  secret  extraordinary  expen- 
diture. Bourrienne  shall  write  the  whole  with  his  own  hand,  in  order  that  the  busi- 
ness may  be  kept  from  the  knowledge  of  any  one. 

"6th.  He  shall  despatch  all  the  business  which  maybe  referred  to  him,  either 
from  Citizen  Duroc,  or  from  the  cabinet  of  the  First  Consul,  taking  care  to  arrange 
everything  so  as  to  secure  secrecy. 

(Signed)    "  BoNArABtx,  Firtt  Consul. 

"Paris,  13th  Germinal,  year  VIII. 
"(3d.  April  1800.)" 

*  Sea  Annex  to  this  Chapter. 


1800.    SOtfAFARTtt  A3  INSPECTOR  Of  SCBOOtS.      403 

confidence  that  Bonaparte,  neither  as  General,  Consul,  nor 
Emperor,  ever  gave  me  any  fixed  salary.  In  money  mat- 
ters we  were  still  comrades :  I  took  from  his  funds  what 
was  necessary  to  defray  my  expenses,  and  of  this  Bona- 
parte never  once  asked  me  for  any  account. 

He  often  mentioned  his  wish  to  regenerate  public  edu- 
cation, which  he  thought  was  ill  managed.  The  central 
schools  did  not  please  him  ;  but  he  could  not  withhold  his 
admiration  from  the  Polytechnic  School,  the  finest  estab- 
lishment of  education  that  was  ever  founded,  but  which 
he  afterwards  spoiled  by  giving  it  a  military  organisation. 
In  only  one  college  of  Paris  the  old  system  of  study  was 
preserved :  this  was  the  Louis-le-Grand,  which  had  received 
the  name  of  Pritanee.  The  First  Consul  directed  the 
Minister  of  the  Interior  to  draw  up  a  report  on  that  estab- 
lishment ;  and  he  himself  went  to  pay  an  unexpected  visit 
to  the  Pritanee,  accompanied  by  M.  Lebrun  and  Duroc. 
He  remained  there  upwards  of  an  hour,  and  in  the  evening 
he  spoke  to  me  with  much  interest  on  the  subject  of  his 
visit.  "  Do  you  know,  Bourrienne,"  said  he,  "  that  I  have 
been  performing  the  duties  of  professor?" — "You,  Gen- 
eral!"— "Yes!  and  I  did  not  acquit  myself  badly.  I 
examined  the  pupils  in  the  mathematical  class ;  and  I 
recollected  enough  of  my  Bezout  to  make  some  demon- 
strations before  them.  I  went  everywhere,  into  the  bed- 
rooms and  the  dining-room.  I  tasted  the  soup,  which  is 
better  than  we  used  to  have  at  Brienne.  I  must  devote 
serious  attention  to  public  education  and  the  management 
of  the  colleges.  The  pupils  must  have  a  uniform.  I 
observed  some  well  and  others  ill  dressed.  That  will  not 
do.  At  college,  above  all  places,  there  should  be  equality. 
But  I  was  much  pleased  with  the  pupils  of  the  Pritan6e. 
I  wish  to  know  the  names  of  those  I  examined,  and  I  have 
desired  Duroc  to  report  them  to  me.  I  will  give  them 
rewards  ;  that  stimulates  young  people.  I  will  provide 
for  some  of  them." 


404        MEMOIH8  Of1  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

On  this  subject  Bonaparte  did  not  confine  himself  to 
an  empty  scheme.  After  consulting  with  the  headmaster 
of  the  Pritanee,  he  granted  pensions  of  200  francs  to 
seven  or  eight  of  the  most  distinguished  pupils  of  the  es- 
tablishment, and  he  placed  three  of  them  in  the  depart- 
ment of  Foreign  Affairs,  under  the  title  of  diplomatic  pu- 
pils.1 

What  I  have  just  said  respecting  the  First  Consul's 
visit  to  the  Pritanee  reminds  me  of  a  very  extraordinary 
circumstance  which  arose  out  of  it.  Among  the  pupils  at 
the  Pritanee  there  was  a  son  of  General  Miackzinski,  who 
died  fighting  under  the  banners  of  the  Republic.  Young 
Miackzinski  was  then  sixteen  or  seventeen  years  of  age. 
He  soon  quitted  the  college,  entered  the  army  as  a  volun- 
teer, and  was  one  of  a  corps  reviewed  by  Bonaparte  in  the 
plain  of  Sablons.  He  was  pointed  out  to  the  First  Con- 
sul, who  said  to  him,  "  I  knew  your  father.  Follow  his 
example,  and  in  six  months  you  shall  be  an  officer."  Six 
months  elapsed,  and  Miackzinski  wrote  to  the  First  Con- 
sul, reminding  him  of  his  promise.  No  answer  was  re- 
turned, and  the  young  man  then  wrote  a  second  letter  as 
follows  : — 

You  desired  me  to  prove  myself  worthy  of  my  father ;  I  have 
done  so.  You  promised  that  I  should  be  an  officer  in  six  months  ; 
seven  have  elapsed  since  that  promise  was  made.  When  you  re- 
ceive this  letter  I  shall  be  no  more.  I  cannot  live  under  a  Govern- 
ment the  head  of  which  breaks  his  word. 

Poor  Miackzinski  kept  his  word  but  too  faithfully. 
After  writing  the  above  letter  to  the  First  Consul  he  re- 
tired to  his  chamber  and  blew  out  his  brains  with  a  pis- 
tol. A  few  days  after  this  tragical  event  Miackzin  ski's 
commission  was  transmitted  to  his  corps,  for  Bonaparte 
had  not  forgotten  him.  A  delay  in  the  War  Office  had 

1  This  institution  of  diplomatic  pupils  was  originally  suggested  by  M.  da  Talley- 
rand. 


1800.          INTRODUCTION  OF   VACCINATION.  405 

caused  the  death  of  this  promising  young  man.  Bona- 
parte was  much  affected  at  the  circumstance,  and  he  said 
to  me,  "  These  Poles  have  such  refined  notions  of  honour. 
.  .  .  Poor  Sulkowski,  I  am  sure,  would  have  done  the 
same." 

At  the  commencement  of  the  Consulate  it  was  gratify- 
ing to  see  how  actively  Bonaparte  was  seconded  in  the 
execution  of  plans  for  the  social  regeneration  of  France  : 
all  seemed  animated  with  new  life,  and  every  one  strove 
to  do  good  as  if  it  were  a  matter  of  competition.  Every 
circumstance  concurred  to  favour  the  good  intentions  of 
the  First  Consul.  Vaccination,  which,  perhaps,  has  saved 
as  many  lives  as  war  has  sacrificed,  was  introduced  into 
France  by  M.  de  Liancourt ;  and  Bonaparte,  immediately 
appreciating  the  value  of  such  a  discovery,  gave  it  his  de- 
cided approbation.  At  the  same  time  a  council  of  Prizes 
was  established,  and  the  old  members  of  the  Constituent 
Assembly  were  invited  to  return  to  France.  It  was  for 
their  sake  and  that  of  the  Royalists  that  the  First  Consul 
recalled  them,  but  it  was  to  please  the  Jacobins,  whom 
he  was  endeavouring  to  conciliate,  that  their  return  was 
subject  to  restrictions.  At  first  the  invitation  to  return 
to  France  extended  only  to  those  who  could  prove  that 
they  had  voted  in  favour  of  the  abolition  of  nobility.  The 
lists  of  emigrants  were  closed,  and  committees  were  ap- 
pointed to  investigate  their  claims  to  the  privilege  of  re- 
turning. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  month  of  Germinal  the 
reorganisation  of  the  army  of  Italy  had  proceeded  with 
renewed  activity.  The  presence  in  Paris  of  the  fine  corps 
of  the  Consular  Guard,  added  to  the  desire  of  showing 
themselves  off  in  gay  uniforms,  had  stimulated  the  mili- 
tary ardour  of  many  respectable  young  men  of  the  capitaL 
Taking  advantage  of  this  circumstance  the  First  Consul 
created  a  corps  of  volunteers  destined  for  the  army  of  re- 
serve, which  was  to  remain  at  Dijon.  He  saw  the  advan- 


106         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

tage  of  connecting  a  great  number  of  families  with  hia 
cause,  and  imbuing  them  with  the  spirit  of  the  army. 
This  volunteer  corps  wore  a  yellow  uniform  which,  in 
some  of  the  salons  of  Paris  where  it  was  still  the  custom 
to  ridicule  everything,  obtained  for  them  the  nickname  of 
"  canaries."  Bonaparte,  who  did  not  always  relish  a  joke, 
took  this  in  very  ill  part,  and  often  expressed  to  me  his 
vexation  at  it.  However,  he  was  gratified  to  observe  in 
the  composition  of  this  corps  a  first  specimen  of  privileged 
soldiers  ;  an  idea  which  he  acted  upon  when  he  created 
the  orderly  gendarmes  in  the  campaign  of  Jena,  and  when 
he  organised  the  guards  of  honour  after  the  disasters  of 
Moscow. 

In  every  action  of  his  life  Bonaparte  had  some  particular 
object  in  view.  I  recollect  his  saying  to  me  one  day, 
"Bourrienne,  I  cannot  yet  venture  to  do  anything  against 
the  regicides  ;  but  I  will  let  them  see  what  I  think  of  them. 
To-morrow  I  shall  have  some  business  with  Abrial  respect- 
ing the  organisation  of  the  court  of  Cassation.  Target, 
who  is  the  president  of  that  court,  would  not  defend  Louis 
XVI.  Well,  whom  do  you  think  I  mean  to  appoint  in  his 
place?  .  .  .  Tronchet,  who  did  defend  the  king.  They 
may  say  what  they  please ;  /  care  not." '  Tronchet  was 
appointed. 

Nearly  about  the  same  time  the  First  Consul,  being  in- 
formed of  the  escape  of  General  Mack,  said  to  me,  "  Mack 
may  go  where  he  pleases ;  I  am  not  afraid  of  him.  But  I 
will  tell  you  what  I  have  been  thinking.  There  are  some 
other  Austrian  officers  who  were  prisoners  with  Mack  ; 
among  the  number  is  a  Count  Dietrichstein,  who  belongs 
to  a  great  family  in  Vienna.  I  will  liberate  them  all.  At 
the  moment  of  opening  a  campaign  this  will  have  a  good 
effect.  They  will  see  that  I  fear  nothing  ;  and  who  knows 
but  this  may  procure  me  some  admirers  in  Austria."  The 

1  On  this,  as  on  many  other  occasions,  the  cynicism  of  Bonaparte's  language  does 
cot  admit  of  a  literal  translation. 


1800.  CHARACTER  IN  HANDWRITING.  409 

of  the  thinker.  M.  Michon  has  seen  many  mysterious  hands ;  but 
the  true  Sphinx  appears  in  Napoleon's  alone,  from  the  day  when  his 
comprehensive  glance  showed  him  the  mastery  of  Europe  and  he 
began  to  combine  those  plans  which  astonished  the  world.  Fine 
"  gladiolate "  strokes,  which  sometimes  terminate  almost  every 
word,  indicate  that  marked  finesse  which,  allied  to  his  powers  of 
concealment,  made  the  complete  diplomatist  who  shows  himself  in 
the  tortuous,  horribly  serpentine,  almost  spiral  lines  of  his  writing, 
which  Talleyrand,  the  king  of  negotiators,  never  surpassed.  These 
accusing  undulations  betray  his  Italian  nature,  and  recall  the  sinu- 
ous gliding  of  a  snake  through  the  grass,  or  trace  darkly  the  under- 
ground, moleish,  diplomatic  ways.  Sometimes  they  are  so  sudden 
as  to  resemble  the  doublings  of  a  hare. 

Napoleon's  passionate  nature,  to  which  his  microscopic  historian 
attributes  many  of  his  gigantic  mistakes,  always  acted  on  first  im- 
pressions when  it  broke  through  the  habitual  firm  calm  to  which 
he  ever  tried  to  school  himself.  It  is  true  it  gave  him  tenfold 
force ;  but  had  his  marvellous  head  always  governed,  he  would 
have  taken  the  logical  course  of  the  situation  and  become  the 
Waghington  of  France.  This  mighty  struggle  of  the  head  with  the 
heart  shaped  the  whole  of  his  fateful  history,  and  is  shown  to  this 
student  of  his  writing  by  the  constant  mixture  of  upright  with 
sloping  letters.  In  intimate  connection  with  this  sign  is  the  ex- 
treme variability  of  the  height  of  the  letters,  which  indicates  great 
mobility  of  impressions.  "  This  soul  of  fire  was  volatile  as  a  flame." 
The  faculty  of  thought  was  in  continual  fermentation.  The  im- 
agination soars  with  the  long  stroke  of  a  d. 

But  the  volcanic  portion  of  his  character  would  have  been  con- 
trolled had  it  not  been  for  a  partial  organic  lesion  of  the  brain, 
which  is  the  true  key  to  the  great  dissonance  of  his  acts.  He  him- 
self said  (but  it  was  at  St.  Helena),  "  he  goes  mad  who  sleeps  in  a 
bed  of  kings  ; "  and  it  was  this  cerebral  aberration  which,  com- 
bining with  his  headstrong  passion,  led  him  constantly  to  declare 
war  within  twenty -four  hours  against  the  first  comer ;  to  divorce  a 
wife  he  loved  ;  to  propose  a  kingdom  of  Hayti  to  Louis  XVIII. ;  or 
to  take  a  million  of  men  into  the  steppes  of  Russia.  Chateaubriand 
said  of  the  Napoleonic  ideas,  ' '  systeme  d'  un  f ou  ou  d'un  enfant ;  " 
but  the  mental  derangement  was  made  plainer  to  the  Aob6  by  the 
apparently  unconscious  leaps  and  bounds  of  the  imperial  pen,  and 
especially  by  the  strange  abnormal  form  and  excessive  development 
of  the  letter  p  in  Napoleon's  writing.  The  historian  maintains  that 
the  writing  of  all  the  partially  deranged  which  he  has  examined 
exhibits  some  similar  terrible  sign,  which  he  calls  "la  petite  bfite." 


410         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

This  ' '  sign "  generally  consists  of  a  nervous,  disordered,  unusual 
stroke,  which  falls  fatally  and  spontaneously  from  the  pen.  Pascal, 
whose  imagination  was  so  out  of  gear  that  he  always  saw  an  abyss 
yawning  at  his  side,  and  whose  writing  in  his  later  years  Napoleon's 
most  resembles,  used  an  extravagant  and  accusing  g. 

The  clear-headedness  and  precision  of  the  General,  whose  whole 
art  of  war  culminated  in  being  the  strongest  at  a  particular  point ' 
is  shown  by  his  often  using  a  fresh  paragraph  for  a  fresh  idea,  and 
in  the  profusion  of  space  and  light  between  the  lines,  the  words, 
and  often  between  the  letters  of  his  earlier  handwriting.  But  the 
intuition,  the  eagle  eye  which  enabled  him  always  to  seize  this 
point  of  concentration,  is  manifested  by  the  frequent  separation  of 
the  letters  in  his  words.  Like  Mazarin,  too,  he  runs  several  words 
together :  a  mark  of  the  deductive  logician,  of  the  positive,  practical 
man  who  tends  rapidly  and  directly  towards  the  realization  of  his 
aims.  His  strong  will,  his  masterful  and  despotic  nature,  are  de- 
noted by  the  forcible  manner  in  which  he  crosses  his  t  high  up. 
Wonderful  tenacity  is  shown  by  the  "harpoons,"  or  horizontal 
pot-hooks  which  terminate  the  last  stroke  of  many  words :  they 
are,  as  it  were,  the  claws  of  the  eagle.  A  profusion  of  club-likft 
strokes  shows  indomitable  resolution  and  obstinacy,  which  may 
be  seen  to  have  been  intractable  by  the  implacable  hardness  and 
angular  rigidity  of  the  whole  writing.  The  dash  of  meanness 
which  was  always  present  in  the  man  who  gave  a  name  to  "  capo- 
ral "  tobacco  is  shown  in  the  little  crooks  which  sometimes  com- 
mence or  terminate  the  letter  m,  and  in  his  signature,  which  was 
not  royal  like  that  of  Louis  XIV.  Until  he  became  Emperor  he 

1  Almost  all  generals  wish  to  be  strong  upon  one,  and  that  the  decisive,  point. 
Where  good  and  bad  generals  usually  differ  is  in  selecting  that  point.  Thus  at  the 
beginning  of  the  1800  campaign  both  Melas  and  Kapoleon  wished  to  be  strong  on 
the  decisive  point,  but  Melas  believed  that  point  to  be  in  front  of  him,  while  Napo- 
leon placed  that  point  behind  Melas,  cutting  him  off  from  his  base.  At  Marengo 
Napoleon  nearly  ruined  himself  by  being  doubtful  where  the  decisive  point  was, 
and  so  sending  off  Desaix,  while  Melas ;  wisely  rushed  at  him.  Putting  the  decisive 
point  at  Marengo,  and,  with  most  generals,  Melas  would  have  won.  Desaix1  sens* 
in  returning  before  ordered  saved  the  day.  Many  instances  could  be  given,  but 
this  is  a  common  /tiistake,  as  if  any  general  wished  to  be  weak.  Wellington  was 
not  certain  ..'bout  the  decisive  point  at  Waterloo,  and  so  kept  pert  of  his  force  use- 
less at  Hal,  while  no  man  wished  more  to  be  strong  on  one,  and  that  the  decisive, 
point.  Generals  often  make  themselves  weak  everywhere  by  posting  troops  every- 
where, in  order  they  may  concentrate  in  time  to  be  strong  on  any  point,  but  this  is 
an  error  of  calculation  not  of  intention.  The  true  selection  of  the  decisive  point  is 
the  mark  of  a  good  general,  and  if  Napoleon  had  a  specialty,  it  wag  rather  a  ten- 
dency to  risk  much  and  grasp  at  everything,  than  any  special  wish  to  be  strong  on 
one  point.  See  Kamley,  p.  143,  for  an  example. 


1806.  CHARACTER  IN  HANDWRITING.  411 

always  wrote  his  name  Buona-  or  BonaParte,  or  abbreviated  it  BP. 
Afterwards  he  wrote  NaPoleon  or  NP. 

The  numerous  facsimiles  of  signatures,  monograms,  and  speci- 
mens of  writing  attach  a  special  value  to  M.  Michon's  book,  and 
they  are  accompanied  not  alone  by  his  own  views  but  by  those  of 
the  German  "graphologist"  Henze.  One,  from  the  Memorial, 
looks,  the  Abbe  says,  as  if  the  hand  felt  the  grip  of  Hudson  Lowe  ; 
and  there  is  much  that  is  melancholy  in  another — the  profoundly 
discouraged,  utterly  beaten,  misspelt  and  indecipherable  rough 
scrawl  of  his  submission  to  the  Prince  Regent,  written  in  the  island 
of  Aix  on  the  14th  of  July  1815.  The  next  day  he  surrendered 
himself  at  Rochefort  to  Captain  Maitland  of  the  Bellerophon.1 

1  A  facsimile  of  the  abdication  of  Bonaparte  in  1814  will  be  found  in  the  third 
volume  of  this  work,  and,  like  the  note  of  his  submission  mentioned  above,  betrays 
manifest  traces  of  the  disagreeable  nature  of  the  task. 

We  may,  at  the  risk  of  irrelevance,  perhaps  quote  a  contrary  Instance  in  the  case 
of  one  of  Bonaparte's  biographers :— Mr.  Rnskin  was  on  one  occasion  showing  to  a 
friend  the  original  manuscripts  of  several  of  Scott's  novels.  "  I  think,"  he  said, 
taking  down  one  of  them,  "  that  the  most  precious  of  all  is  this.  It  is  Woodstock. 
Scott  was  writing  this  book  when  the  news  of  his  ruin  came  upon  him.  Do  you  see 
the  beautiful  handwriting?  Novr  look,  as  I  turn  towards  the  end.  Is  the  writing 
one  jot  lens  beautiful?  Or  are  tVere  more  erasures  than  before?  That  shows  how 
»  man  can,  and  should  bear  adversity. " 


413  isoa 


CHAPTER    XXXV. 

1800. 

The  Memorial  of  St.  Selena — Louis  XVIII. 's  first  letter  to  Bonaparte- 
Josephine,  Hortense,  and  the  Faubourg  St.  Germain — Madame  Bona- 
parte and  the  fortune-teller — Louis  XVIIL  's  second  letter—  Bona- 
parte's answer — Conversation  respecting  the  recall  of  Louis  XVIIL — 
Peace  and  war — A  battle  fought  with  pins — Genoa  and  Melas — Real- 
isation of  Bonaparte's  military  plans — Ironical  letter  to  Berthier — De- 
parture from  Paris — Instructions  to  Lucein  and  Cambaceres — Joseph 
Bonaparte  appointed  Councillor  of  State — Travelling  conversation — 
Alexander  and  Caesar  judged  by  Bonaparte, 

IT  sometimes  happens  that  an  event  which  passes  away 
unnoticed  at  the  time  of  its  occurrence  acquires  impor- 
tance from  events  which  subsequently  ensue.  This  re- 
flection naturally  occurs  to  my  mind  now  that  I  am  about 
to  notice  the  correspondence  which  passed  between  Louis 
XVITL  and  the  First  Consul.  This  is  certainly  not  one 
of  the  least  interesting  passages  in  the  life  of  Bonaparte. 

But  I  must  first  beg  leave  to  make  an  observation  on 
the  Memorial  of  St.  Helena.  That  publication  relates  what 
Bonaparte  said  respecting  the  negotiations  between  Louis 
XVHL  and  himself ;  and  I  find  it  necessary  to  quote  a 
few  lines  on  the  subject,  in  order  to  show  how  far  the 
statements  contained  in  the  Memorial  differ  from  the  auto- 
graph letters  in  my  possession. 

At  St.  Helena  Napoleon  said  that  he  never  thought  of 
the  princes  of  the  House  of  Bourbon.  This  is  true  to  a 
certain  point.  He  did  not  think  of  the  princes  of  the 
House  of  Bourbon  with  the  view  of  restoring  them  to 
their  throne j  but  it  has  been  shown,  in  several  parts  of 


1800.  LETTER  FROM  LOUIS  XVIII.  413 

these  Memoirs,  that  he  thought  of  them  very  often,  and 
on  more  than  one  occasion  their  very  names  alarmed  him.1 
The  substance  of  the  two  letters  given  in  the  Memorial  of 
St.  Helena  is  correct.  The  ideas  are  nearly  the  same  as 
those  of  the  original  letters.  But  it  is  not  surprising  that, 
after  the  lapse  of  so  long  an  interval,  Napoleon's  memory 
should  somewhat  have  failed  him.  However,  it  will  not,  I 
presume,  be  deemed  unimportant  if  I  present  to  the  read- 
er literal  copies  of  this  correspondence,  together  with  the 
explanation  of  some  curious  circumstances  connected 
with  it 

The  following  is  Louis  XVHL's  letter  : — 

February  20,  1800. 

SIR — Whatever  may  be  their  apparent  conduct,  men  like  you 
never  inspire  alarm.  You  have  accepted  an  eminent  station,  and  I 
thank  you  for  having  done  so.  You  know  better  than  any  one  how 
much  strength  and  power  are  requisite  to  secure  the  happiness  of  a 
great  nation.  Save  France  from  her  own  violence,  and  you  will 
fulfil  the  first  wish  of  my  heart.  Restore  her  King  to  her,  and 
future  generations  will  bless  your  memory.  You  will  always  be  too 
necessary  to  the  State  for  me  ever  to  be  able  to  discharge,  by  im- 
portant appointments,  the  debt  of  my  family  and  myself. 

(Signed)  Louis. 

The  First  Consul  was  much  agitated  on  the  reception  of 
this  letter.  Though  he  every  day  declared  his  determina- 
tion to  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  Princes,  yet  he  hesitated 
whether  or  no  he  should  reply  to  this  overture.  The 

1  The  Memorial  states  that  "  A  letter  was  delivered  to  the  First  Consul  by  Le- 
brun,  who  received  it  from  the  Abbe  de  Montesquieu,  the  secret  agent  of  the  Bour- 
bons in  Paris."  This  letter  which  was  very  cautiously  written,  said  ; — 

"  You  are  long  delaying  the  restoration  of  my  throne.  It  is  to  be  feared  you  are 
Buffering  favourable  moments  to  escape.  You  cannot  secure  the  happiness  of  France 
without  me,  and  I  can  do  nothing  for  France  without  you.  Hasten,  then,  to  name 
the  offices  which  you  would  choose  for  your  friends." 

The  answer,  Napoleon  said,  was  as  follows  : — 

"  I  have  received  your  royal  highness''  letter.  I  have  always  taken  a  lively  Inter- 
est in  your  misfortunes,  and  those  of  your  family.  You  must  not  think  of  nppear- 
iiijf  in  France  ;  you  could  only  return  here  by  trampling  over  a  hundred  thousand 
dead  bodies.  I  shall  always  be  happy  to  do  anything  that  can  alleviate  your  fate 
«tid  help  to  banish  the  recollection  of  yuur  misfortunes." — Jiourrienne. 


414         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

numerous  affairs  which  then  occupied  his  mind  favoured 
this  hesitation.  Josephine  and  Hortense  conjured  him  to 
hold  out  hope  to  the  King,  as  by  so  doing  he  would  in  no 
way  pledge  himself,  and  would  gain  time  to  ascertain 
whether  he  could  not  ultimately  play  a  far  greater  part 
than  that  of  Monk.  Their  entreaties  became  so  urgent 
that  he  said  to  me,  "  These  devils  of  women  are  mad ! 
The  Faubourg  St.  Germain  has  turned  their  heads  !  They 
make  the  Faubourg  the  giiardian  angel  of  the  royalists  ; 
but  I  care  not ;  I  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  them." 

Madame  Bonaparte  said  she  was  anxious  he  should  adopt 
the  step  she  proposed  in  order  to  banish  from  his  mind  all 
thought  of  making  himself  King.  This  idea  always  gave 
rise  to  a  painful  foreboding  which  she  could  never  over- 
come. ' 

In  the  First  Consul's  numerous  conversations  with  me 
ae  discussed  with  admirable  sagacity  Louis  XVHL  's  pro- 
position and  its  consequences.  "  The  partisans  of  the 
Bourbons,"  said  he,  "  are  deceived  if  they  suppose  I  am 
the  man  to  play  Monk's  part."  Here  the  matter  rested, 
and  the  King's  letter  remained  on  the  table.  In  the  in- 
terim Louis  XY1U.  wrote  a  second  letter,  without  any  date. 
It  was  as  follows : — 

You  must  have  long  since  been  convinced,  General,  that  you  pos- 
sess my  esteem.  If  you  doubt  my  gratitude,  fix  your  reward  and 
mark  out  the  fortune  of  your  friends.  As  to  my  principles,  I  am  a 
Frenchman,  merciful  by  character,  and  also  by  the  dictates  of 
reason. 

No,  the  victor  of  Lodi,  Castiglione,  and  Arcola,  the  conqueror  of 
Italy  and  Egypt,  cannot  prefer  vain  celebrity  to  real  glory.  But 
you  are  losing  precious  time.  We  may  ensure  the  glory  of  France. 

1  A  strong  impression  of  the  fate  that  awaited  her  had  been  made  on  her  mind 
during  Bonaparte's  absence  in  Egypt.  She,  like  many  other  ladies  of  Paris,  went  at 
that  time  to  consult  a  celebrated  fortune-teller,  a  Madame  Villeneuve,  who  lived  ia 
the  Rue  de  Lancry.  This  woman  had  revealed  her  destiny  as  follows  :  "  You  are," 
said  she,  "  the  wife  of  a  great  General,  who  will  become  still  greater.  He  will  cross 
the  seas  which  separate  him  from  you,  and  you  will  occupy  the  first  station  m 
France ;  but  it  will  be  only  for  a  short  time." — Jiuwrienne. 


1800.  BONAPARTE1 8  ANSWER.  415 

I  say  ire,  because  I  require  the  aid  of  Bonaparte,  and  he  can  do 
nothing  without  me. 

General,  Europe  observes  you.  Gl»ry  awaita  you,  and  I  am  im- 
patient to  restore  peace  to  my  people.  (Signed)  Louis. 

This  dignified  letter  the  First  Consul  suffered  to  remain 
unanswered  for  several  weeks  ;  at  length  he  proposed  to 
dictate  an  answer  to  me.  I  observed,  that  as  the  King's 
letters  were  autographs,  it  would  be  more  proper  that  he 
should  write  himself.  He  then  wrote  with  his  own  hand 
the  following  : — 

SIR — I  have  received  your  letter,  and  I  thank  you  for  the  com- 
pliments you  address  to  me. 

You  must  not  seek  to  return  to  France.  To  do  so  you  must 
trample  over  a  hundred  thousand  dead  bodies. 

Sacrifice  your  interest  to  the  repose  and  happiness  of  France,  and 
history  will  render  you  justice. 

I  am  not  insensible  to  the  misfortunes  of  your  family.  I  shall 
learn  with  pleasure,  and  shall  willingly  contribute  to  ensure,  the 
tranquillity  of  your  retirement.  (Signed)  BONAPARTE. 

He  showed  me  this  letter,  saying,  "  What  do  you  think 
of  it  ?  is  it  not  good  ?  "  He  was  never  offended  when  I 
pointed  out  to  him  an  error  of  grammar  or  style,  and  I 
therefore  replied,  "  As  to  the  substance,  if  such  be  your 
resolution,  I  have  nothing  to  say  against  it ;  but,"  added  I, 
"  I  must  make  one  observation  on  the  style.  You  cannot 
say  that  you  shall  learn  with  pleasure  to  ensure,  etc."  On 
reading  the  passage  over  again  he  thought  he  had  pledged 
himself  too  far  in  saying  that  he  would  willingly  contribute, 
etc.  He  therefore  scored  out  the  last  sentence,  and  inter- 
lined, "  I  shall  contribute  with  pleasure  to  the  happiness  and 
tranquillity  of  your  retirement." 

The  answer  thus  scored  and  interlined  could  not  be  sent 
off,  and  it  lay  on  the  table  with  Bonaparte's  signature 
affixed  to  it. 

Some  time  after  he  wrote  another  answer,  the  three  first 
paragraphs  of  which  were  exactly  alike  that  first  quoted  • 


416         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

but  for  the  last  paragraph  he  substituted  the  following  : 
"lam  not  insensible  to  the  misfortunes  of  your  family ;  and 
I  shall  learn  with  pleasure  that  you  are  surrounded  with  all 
that  can  contribute  to  the  tranquillity  of  your  retirement." 
By  this  means  he  did  not  pledge  himself  in  any  way,  not 
even  in  words,  for  he  himself  made  no  offer  of  contrib- 
uting to  the  tranquillity  of  the  retirement.  Every  day 
which  augumented  his  power  and  consolidated  his  posi- 
tion diminished,  he  thought,  the  chances  of  the  Bourbons  ; 
and  seven  months  were  suffered  to  intervene  between  the 
date  of  the  King's  first  letter  and  the  answer  of  the  First 
Consul,  which  was  written  on  the  2d  Vend6miaire,  year 
IX.  (24th  September  1800)  just  when  the  Congress  of 
Luneville  was  on  the  point  of  opening. 

Some  days  after  the  receipt  of  Louis  XVUL's  letter  we 
were  walking  in  the  gardens  of  Malmaison  ;  he  was  in 
good  humour,  for  everything  was  going  on  to  his  mind. 
"  Has  my  wife  been  saying  anything  more  to  you  about 
the  Bourbons?"  said  he. — "No,  General" — "But  when 
you  converse  with  her  you  concur  a  little  in  her  opinions. 
Tell  me  why  you  wish  the  Bourbons  back  ?  You  have  no 
interest  in  their  return,  nothing  to  expect  from  them. 
Your  family  rank  is  not  high  enough  to  enable  you  to 
obtain  any  great  post.  You  would  be  nothing  under  them. 
Through  the  patronage  of  M.  de  Charnbonas  you  got  the 
appointment  of  Secretary  of  Legation  at  Stuttgart ;  but  had 
it  not  been  for  the  change  you  would  have  remained  all  your 
life  in  that  or  some  inferior  post.  Did  you  ever  know  men 
rise  by  their  own  merit  under  kings?  Everything  de- 
pends on  birth,  connection,  fortune,  and  intrigue.  Judge 
things  more  accurately  ;  reflect  more  maturely  on  the 
future." — "General,"  replied  I,  "I  am  quite  of  your 
opinion  on  one  point.  I  never  received  gift,  place,  or 
favour  from  the  Bourbons  ;  and  I  have  not  the  vanity  to 
believe  that  I  should  ever  have  attained  any  important 
appointment  But  you  must  not  forget  that  my  nomina- 


1800.      THE  BOURBONS  NOT  TO  BE  TRUSTED.         417 

tion  as  Secretary  of  Legation  at  Stuttgart  preceded  the 
overthrow  of  the  throne  only  by  a  few  days  ;  and  I  cannot 
infer,  from  what  took  place  under  circumstances  unfort- 
unately too  certain,  what  might  have  happened  in  the 
reverse  case.  Besides,  I  am  not  actuated  by  personal 
feelings ;  I  consider  not  my  own  interests,  but  those  of 
France.  I  wish  you  to  hold  the  reins  of  government  as 
long  as  you  live  ;  but  you  have  no  children,  and  it  is 
tolerably  certain  that  you  will  have  none  by  Josephine. 
What  will  become  of  us  when  you  are  gone  ?  You  talk 
of  the  future  ;  but  what  will  be  the  future  fate  of  France  ? 

I  have  often  heard  you  say  that  your  brothers  are  not " 

— "You  are  right,"  said  he,  abruptly  interrupting  me. 
"  If  I  do  not  live  thirty  years  to  complete  my  work  you 
will  have  a  long  series  of  civil  wars  after  my  death.  My 
brothers  will  not  suit  France  ;  you  know  what  they  are. 
A  violent  conflict  will  therefore  arise  among  the  most  dis- 
tinguished generals,  each  of  whom  will  think  himself  en- 
titled to  succeed  me." — "Well,  General,  why  not  take 
means  to  obviate  the  mischief  you  foresee?" — "Do  you 
imagine  I  do  not  think  of  it  ?  But  look  at  the  difficulties 
that  stand  in  my  way.  How  are  so  many  acquired  rights 
and  material  results  to  be  secured  against  the  efforts  of  a 
family  restored  to  power,  and  returning  with  80,000  emi- 
grants and  the  influence  of  fanaticism  ?  What  would  be- 
come of  those  who  voted  for  the  death  of  the  King — the 
men  who  acted  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  Revolution — the 
national  domains,  and  a  multitude  of  things  that  have 
been  done  during  twelve  years  ?  Can  you  see  how  far 
reaction  would  extend  ?  " — "  General,  need  I  remind  you 
that  Louis,  in  his  letter,  guarantees  the  contrary  of  all  you 
apprehend  ?  I  know  what  will  be  your  answer  ;  but  are 
you  not  able  to  impose  whatever  conditions  you  may  think 
fit  ?  Grant  what  is  asked  of  you  only  at  that  price.  Take 
three  or  four  years  ;  in  that  time  you  may  ensure  the 
happiness  of  France  by  institutions  conformable  to  her 
VOL.  I.— 27 


418         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

wants.  Custom  and  habit  would  give  them  a  power  which 
it  would  not  be  easy  to  destroy  ;  and  even  supposing  such 
a  design  were  entertained,  it  could  not  be  accomplished. 
I  have  heard  you  say  it  is  wished  you  should  act  the  part 
of  Monk;  but  you  well  know  the  difference  between  a 
general  opposing  the  usurper  of  a  crown,  and  one  whom 
victory  and  peace  have  raised  above  the  ruins  of  a  sub- 
verted throne,  and  who  restores  it  voluntarily  to  those 
who  have  long  occupied  it.  You  are  well  aware  what  you 

call  ideology  will  not  again  be  revived  ;  and " — "I 

know  what  you  are  going  to  say ;  but  it  all  amounts  to 
nothing.  Depend  upon  it,  the  Bourbons  will  think  they 
have  reconquered  their  inheritance,  and  will  dispose  of  it 
as  they  please.  The  most  sacred  pledges,  the  most  posi- 
tive promises,  will  be  violated.  None  but  fools  will  trust 
them.  My  resolution  is  formed  ;  therefore  let  us  say  no 
more  on  the  subject  But  I  know  how  these  women 
torment  you.  Let  them  mind  their  knitting,  and  leave  me 
to  do  what  I  think  right." 

Every  one  knows  the  adage,  Si  vis  pacem  para  bellum. 
Had  Bonaparte  been  a  Latin  scholar  he  would  probably 
have  reversed  it  and  said,  Si  vis  bellum  para  pacem. 
While  seeking  to  establish  pacific  relations  with  the 
powers  of  Europe  the  First  Consul  was  preparing  to  strike 
a  great  blow  in  Italy.  As  long  as  Genoa  held  out,  and 
Massena  continued  there,  Bonaparte  did  not  despair  of 
meeting  the  Austrians  in  those  fields  which  not  four  years 
before  had  been  the  scenes  of  his  success.  He  resolved 
to  assemble  an  army  of  reserve  at  Dijon.  Where  there 
was  previously  nothing  he  created  everything.  At  that 
period  of  his  life  the  fertility  of  his  imagination  and  the 
vigour  of  his  genius  must  have  commanded  the  admira- 
tion of  even  his  bitterest  enemies.  I  was  astonished  at 
the  details  into  which  he  entered.  While  every  moment 
was  engrossed  by  the  most  important  occupations  he  sent 
24,000  francs  to  the  hospital  of  Mont  St.  Bernard.  When 


1800.  A  BATTLE  FOUGHT  WITH  PINS.  419 

he  saw  that  his  army  of  reserve  was  forming,  and  every- 
thing was  going  on  to  his  liking,  he  said  to  me,  "  I  hope 
to  fall  on  the  rear  of  Melas  before  he  is  aware  I  am  in 
Italy  .  .  .  that  is  to  say,  provided  Genoa  holds  out. 
But  MASS£NA  is  defending  it." 

On  the  17th  of  March,  in  a  moment  of  gaiety  and  good 
humour,  he  desired  me  to  unroll  Chauchard's  great  map 
of  Italy.  He  lay  down  upon  it,  and  desired  me  to  do 
likewise.  He  then  stuck  into  it  pins,  the  heads  of  which 
were  tipped  with  wax,  some  red  and  some  black.  I 
silently  observed  him,  and  awaited  with  no  little  curiosity 
the  result  of  this  plan  of  campaign.  When  he  had 
stationed  the  enemy's  corps,  and  drawn  up  the  pins  with 
red  heads  on  the  points  where  he  hoped  to  bring  his  own 
troops,  he  said  to  me,  "  Where  do  you  think  I  shall  beat 
Melas?"— "How  the  devil  should  I  know?"— "Why, 
look  here,  you  fool !  Melas  is  at  Alessandria  with  his 
headquarters.  There  he  will  remain  until  Genoa  sur- 
renders. He  has  in  Alessandria  his  magazines,  his  hos- 
pitals, his  artillery,  and  his  reserves.  Crossing  the  Alps 
here  (pointing  to  the  Great  Mont  St.  Bernard)  I  shall  fall 
upon  Melas,  cut  off  his  communications  with  Austria,  and 
meet  him  here  in  the  plains  of  Scrivia  "  (placing  a  red  pin 
at  San  Giuliano).  Finding  that  I  looked  on  this  manoeuvre 
of  pins  as  mere  pastime,  he  addressed  to  me  some  of  his 
usual  compliments,  such  as  fool,  ninny,  etc.,  and  then  pro- 
ceeded to  demonstrate  his  plans  more  clearly  on  the  map. 
At  the  expiration  of  a  quarter  of  an  hour  we  rose  ;  I  folded 
up  the  map,  and  thought  no  more  of  the  matter. 

Four  months  after  this,  when  I  was  at  San  Giuliano 
with  Bonaparte's  portfolio  and  despatches,  which  I  had 
saved  from  the  rout  which  had  taken  place  during  the  day, 
and  when  that  very  evening  I  was  writing  at  Torre  di 
Galifolo  the  bulletin  of  the  battle  to  Napoleon's  dictation, 
I  frankly  avowed  my  admiration  of  his  military  plans. 
He  himself  smiled  at  the  accuracy  of  his  own  foresight. 


420         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1800. 

The  First  Consul  was  not  satisfied  with  General  Ber- 
thier  as  War  Minister,  and  he  superseded  him  by  Carnot,1 
who  had  given  great  proofs  of  firmness  and  integrity,  but 
who,  nevertheless,  was  no  favourite  of  Bonaparte,  on  ac- 
count of  his  decided  republican  principles.  Berthier  was 
too  slow  in  carrying  out  the  measures  ordered,  and  too 
slow  in  carrying  out  the  measures  ordered,  and  too  lenient 
in  the  payment  of  past  charges  and  in  new  contracts. 
Carnot's  appointment  took  place  on  the  2d  of  April  1800 ; 
and  to  console  Berthier,  who,  he  knew,  was  more  at  home 
in  the  camp  than  in  the  office,  he  dictated  to  me  the  fol- 
lowing letter  for  him  : — 

PAKIS,  Zd  April  1800. 

CITIZEN-GENERAL — The  military  talents  of  which  you  have  given 
so  many  proofs,  and  the  confidence  of  the  Government,  call  you  to 
the  command  of  an  army.  During  the  winter  you  have  reorganised 
the  War  Department,  and  you  have  provided,  as  far  as  circum- 
stances would  permit,  for  the  wants  of  our  armies.  During  the 
spring  and  summer  it  must  be  your  task  to  lead  our  troops  to  vic- 
tory, which  is  the  effectual  means  of  obtaining  peace  and  consolidat- 
ing the  Republic. 

Bonaparte  laughed  heartily  while  he  dictated  this  epistle, 
especially  when  he  uttered  the  word  which  I  have  marked 
in  italics.  Berthier  set  out  for  Dijon,  where  he  com- 
menced the  formation  of  the  army  of  reserve. 

The  Consular  Constitution  did  not  empower  the  First 
Consul  to  command  an  army  out  of  the  territory  of 
France.  Bonaparte  therefore  wished  to  keep  secret  his 
long-projected  plan  of  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
army  of  Italy,  which  he  then  for  the  first  time  called  the 
grand  army.  I  observed  that  by  his  choice  of  Berthier 

1  There  were  special  reasons  for  the  appointment  of  Carnot.  Berthier  was  re- 
quired with  his  master  in  Italy,  while  Carnot,  who  had  so  long  ruled  the  armies  of 
the  Republic,  was  better  fitted  to  influence  Moreau,  at  this  time  advancing  into  Ger- 
many. Carnot  probably  fulfilled  the  main  object  of  his  appointment  when  he  was 
gent  to  Moreau,  and  succeeded  in  getting  that  general,  with  natural  reluctance,  to 
damage  his  own  campaign  by  detaching  a  large  body  of  troops  into  Italy.  Berthier 
was  reappointed  to  the  Ministry  on  the  8th  of  October  1800,  —a  very  speedy  return  if 
be  had  really  been  disgraced. 


1800.  CAESAR  AND  ALEXANDER.  421 

nobody  could  be  deceived,  because  it  must  be  evident  that 
he  would  have  made  another  selection  had  he  not  intended 
to  command  in  person.  He  laughed  at  my  observation. 

Our  departure  from  Paris  was  fixed  for  the  6th  of  May, 
or,  according  to  the  republican  calendar,  the  16th  FloreaL 
Bonaparte  had  made  all  his  arrangements  and  issued  all 
his  orders  ;  but  still  he  did  not  wish  it  to  be  known  that 
he  was  going  to  take  the  command  of  the  army.  On  the 
eve  of  our  departure,  being  in  conference  with  the  two 
other  Consuls  and  the  Ministers,  he  said  to  Lucien,  "Pre- 
pare, to-morrow  morning,  a  circular  to  the  prefects,  and 
you,  Fouche,  will  publish  it  in  the  journals.  Say  I  am 
gone  to  Dijon  to  inspect  the  army  of  reserve.  You  may 
add  that  I  shall  perhaps  go  as  far  as  Geneva ;  but  you 
must  affirm  positively  that  I  shall  not  be  absent  longer  than 
a  fortnight.  You,  Cambaceres,  will  preside  to-morrow  at 
the  Council  of  State.  In  my  absence  you  are  the  Head  of 
the  Government  State  that  my  absence  will  be  but  of 
short  duration,  but  specify  nothing.  Express  my  approba- 
tion of  the  Council  of  State ;  it  has  already  rendered  great 
services,  and  I  shall  be  happy  to  see  it  continue  in  the 
course  it  has  hitherto  pursued.  Oh !  I  had  nearly  for- 
gotten— you  will  at  the  same  time  announce  that  I  have 
appointed  Joseph  a  Councillor  of  State.  Should  anything 
happen  I  shall  be  back  again  like  a  thunderbolt.  I  re- 
commend to  you  all  the  great  interests  of  France,  and  I 
trust  that  I  shall  shortly  be  talked  of  in  Vienna  and  in 
London." 

We  set  out  at  two  in  the  morning,  taking  the  Burgundy 
road,  which  we  had  already  so  often  travelled  under  very 
different  circumstances. 

On  the  journey  Bonaparte  conversed  about  the  warriors 
of  antiquity,  especially  Alexander,  Csesar,  Scipio,  and  Han- 
nibal. I  asked  him  which  he  preferred,  Alexander  or 
Csesar.  "I  place  Alexander  in  the  first  rank,"  said  he, 
"  yet  I  admire  Csesar's  tine  campaign  in  Africa,  But  the 


422         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1800. 

ground  of  my  preference  for  the  King  of  Macedonia  is  the 
plan,  and  above  all  the  execution,  of  his  campaign  in  Asia. 
Only  those  who  are  utterly  ignorant  of  war  can  blame 
Alexander  for  having  spent  seven  months  at  the  siege  of 
Tyre.  For  my  part,  I  would  have  stayed  there  seven  years 
had  it  been  necessary.  This  is  a  great  subject  of  dispute ; 
but  I  look  upon  the  siege  of  Tyre,  the  conquest  of  Egypt, 
and  the  journey  to  the  Oasis  of  Ammon  as  a  decided  proof 
of  the  genius  of  that  great  captain.  His  object  was  to  give 
the  King  of  Pei'sia  (of  whose  force  he  had  only  beaten  a 
feeble  advance-guard  at  the  Granicus  and  Issus)  time  to 
reassemble  his  troops,  so  that  he  might  overthrow  at  a 
blow  the  colossus  which  he  had  as  yet  only  shaken.  By 
pursuing  Darius  into  his  states  Alexander  would  have 
separated  himself  from  his  reinforcements,  and  would  have 
met  only  scattered  parties  of  troops  who  would  have  drawn 
him  into  deserts  where  his  army  would  have  been  sacri- 
ficed. By  persevering  in  the  taking  of  Tyre  he  secured 
his  communications  with  Greece,  the  country  he  loved  as 
dearly  as  I  love  France,  and  in  whose  glory  he  placed  his 
own.  By  taking  possession  of  the  rich  province  of  Egypt 
he  forced  Darius  to  come  to  defend  or  deliver  it,  and  in 
so  doing  to  march  half-way  to  meet  him.  By  represent- 
ing himself  as  the  son  of  Jupiter  he  worked  upon  the 
ardent  feelings  of  the  Orientals  in  a  way  that  powerfully 
seconded  his  designs.  Though  he  died  at  thirty-three 
what  a  name  he  has  left  behind  him  !  " 

Though  an  utter  stranger  to  the  noble  profession  of 
arms,  yet  I  could  admire  Bonaparte's  clever  military  plans 
and  his  shrewd  remarks  on  the  great  captains  of  ancient 
and  modern  times.  I  could  not  refrain  from  saying, 
"  General,  you  often  reproach  me  for  being  no  flatterer, 
but  now  I  tell  you  plainly  I  admire  you."  And  certainly 
I  really  spoke  the  true  sentiments  of  my  mind. 

END  or  VOL.  i. 


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